The “Sahel Trio” in Turkey’s Foreign Policy: Discourses, Instruments and Prospects

The article analyzes the multidimensional nature of Turkey’s foreign policy and its relations with Russia in the 2010s and the early 2020s through the prism of strategic hedging concept. Since the late 2010s, Turkey has systematically positioned itself as a power aspiring for significant strategic autonomy in international affairs. Due to a complex of international and domestic reasons, Turkey has been trying to combine different types of balancing and hedging. This strategy enables Turkey to enhance its strategic autonomy in international relations. Russia has become an important source of Turkey’s strategic autonomy while the crisis in Ukraine, with all its negative impact on Turkey, has opened up new opportunities.

The given article is dedicated to scrutinising the role of nuclear factor in the U.S. policy in the Asia Pacific region lately. The work is written based on the analysis of the official doctrinal documents defining U.S. foreign policy. The aim of the paper is defining the significance of the nuclear dimension in Washington’s Indo-Pacific strategy and trends in its evolution in late 2010s and early 2020s. The author dwells upon the features of conceptualising the term “Indo-Pacific” in the U.S. foreign policy strategy taking into account its transition from the expert discourse to the official one. Three layers of analysis are singled out: doctrinal, operational and institutional. Special attention is paid to the relations between the U.S. and its allies in the macroregion, including parties to the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (i.e. India, Japan and Australia), as well as other countries, such as South Korea. The influence of China’s growing power and its claims for regional and global leadership on the shift in Washington’s foreign policy is also unveiled. The author discovers a direct correlation between the role of the maritime constituent in the “Indo-Pacific security” and the intention of the U.S. to develop the sea and air components in its nuclear triad. Various directions of the U.S. advancing its nuclear forces in the Asia Pacific are shown, as well as the role of adjacent projects in the field of security (such as “Global ABM”). Apart from this, the article demonstrates the factors that might have an impact on the U.S. nuclear policy in the region during J. Biden’s presidency. An attempt is made to predict possible scenarios in the near future.

Мельникова Ю.Ю. Секьюритизация КНР в дискурсе НАТО… for the alliance, renders meaningless any further attempts to securitize China, which continue still more by inertia.

This article aims to discuss to determine the nature of foreign direct investment (FDI) flows in the late 2010s and early 2020s. International externalities affecting the FDI pattern at the global and regional levels. The research method is mainly qualitative through Document analysis. From theoretical and empirical evidence, this study shows that under the influence of international externalities, investors' motives change leading to a change in their investment strategy and thus a change in the direction of FDI inflows. Research results support the view that COVID-19 is not the only factor that changes the FDI pattern. Several key externalities have been identified such as the Sustainable Development Goals initiated by the United Nations, the New Industrial Revolution, the Policy towards Economic Nationalism, and the Coronavirus Prevention Policy as well as the post-pandemic economic recovery policies. Countries need to have strategies to attract external forces that are both consistent with the current pattern of FDI and coordinated with internal resources to develop the country. This study has contributed to the theory of FDI in modern times. Today, motivations such as exploiting factors of production, seeking strategic assets (tangible assets), and seeking efficiency in distant markets (offshoring) have gradually weakened. They are gradually being superseded by seeking efficiency in the near market (onshoring, nearshoring), and investments in service industries that will complement the autonomous motive.

The article is devoted to the problem of forming the image of the future in Russia in the late 2010s – early 2020s. The above problem is considered from two perspectives: from the point of view of factors influencing the crystallization of Russians’ perceptions of the collective future, and in the context of the state policy of constructing the image of the future. It is stated that the fragmentation of the image of the future in modern Russia is due to such factors as the complex nature of Russian society and its generational specifics, the intensive digital transformation of the socio-political environment, the lack of horizontal and vertical social trust, the eclecticism of political values and hypertrophied retrospective orientations of mass consciousness. It is pointed out that the state policy of constructing a national image of the future in today’s Russia is characterized by an insufficient level of institutionalization and elaboration. At the same time, in the semantic sense, at the turn of the 2010–2020s it was consistently aimed at actualizing such mass political values as paternalism, social justice and improving the quality of life. It is emphasized that the political events of the early 2020s were a stress factor for the Russian society and had a serious impact on Russians’ perceptions of the country’s future. Therefore, the role of the state policy of constructing the image of the future as a key tool for the value-semantic consolidation of Russian society is significantly increasing.

Until very recently, the idea that the relationship between S. Rachmaninoff and R. Pugno was not very close dominated musical and cultural studies. The situation changed in the late 2010s – early 2020s when some researchers put forward a hypothesis about Rachmaninoff’s “involvement” in the tragic death of Pugno, which occurred in Moscow during a tour in 1913. They stated that Rachmaninoff allegedly refused to help a seriously ill French colleague who asked to replace him in the announced concert program. This situation caused financial difficulties for Pugno and maybe even his sudden death (from a heart attack). The article analyzes the limited and incomplete source base underlying such statements and highlights the obviously biased interpretation of the few archival materials supporting this hypothesis. It makes an alternative assumption regarding the possible source of the allegations against Rachmaninoff, which requires further verification based on archival research.

The article deals with demographic development of the Republic of Korea, which has experienced a rapid decline in birth rate in recent decades. Late 2010s – early 2020s is a period of anti-records for the country in a decrease in population (since 2020), in one of the lowest marriage and birth rates in the world. The article presents stages of demographic transition in the Republic of Korea in the 20th–21st centuries. The stages differ by nature and conditions of demographic processes. The article highlights fertility transition stages from the 1960s due to economic reforms and Government policy of population control by means of family planning programs. National features of the Korean demographic crisis are outlined, including: “excessive effectiveness” of the population control, transformation of Koreans’ attitude to family and childbearing, high costs for raising and educating children. There is a conclusion about negative impact of the demographic crisis on the country’s future.

The purpose of the article is to reveal the essence of the «cultural diplomacy» concept at the current stage and trace the transformations of its definition in the context of the world community development during the 20th and first decades of the 21st century. Research methodology. The method of terminological analysis, the method of interpretation and operationalisation of concepts have been applied to ensure the understanding of the content essence of the «cultural diplomacy» concept. The method of historical and cultural analysis has enabled considering the definitional transformations that took place during the 1930s – early 2020s in the context of the development of the world community and international relations, as well as the method of systemic analysis to identify the specifics of the phenomenon of «cultural diplomacy» at the current stage. Scientific novelty. The definition of the «cultural diplomacy» concept has been studied in historical retrospect and at the present stage; considered and analysed the development and transformation of the concept in the context of the specifics of the evolution of the world community; a proper definition of the concept of «cultural diplomacy» is proposed. Conclusions. Cultural diplomacy is directly related to the use of culture as an object and means of achieving the fundamental goals of the state's foreign policy, creating a favorable image of the country, popularising culture and language. At the current stage, in the conditions of globalisation processes of an interdependent world, in which the spread of information and communication technologies facilitates communication between people from different countries, cultural diplomacy is an extremely important aspect for ensuring international peace and stability. In the context of the specifics of the current state and development trends of international relations, cultural diplomacy is considered as a direction of foreign policy carried out by national states in cooperation with state and/or private entities with the aim of spreading the culture of this country abroad, as well as the development of international cultural policy with the aim of cultural exchange and cooperation between various international subjects – states, international organisations, and individuals. Key words: cultural diplomacy, international relations, world community, transformation of the concept.

This paper looks at the United Kingdom’s governing of the Channel during the late 2010s, early 2020s – exposing how relationships of capital and race have been configured in this particular conjuncture through the policing of “small boats”. Using the analytic of moral panics (Hall et al. 2013), I investigate how concerns of maritime safety, hard immigration, and crackdowns on “smuggling” gangs convene in the policing of “entry” via sea, yet obfuscate a set of socio-economic conditions prevailing in post-2008 racial capitalism. Drawing on Stuart Hall’s analysis of “mugging” in 1970s Britain (Hall et al. 2013), and Ida Danewid’s conjunctural work on the European border regime (2022), the paper situates “small boats” in a longer arc of racialised panics in which various crises of accumulation and racial hegemony have been rendered onto migrants and vessels (via policing, mediatisation, courts and policy). In particular, I focus on Eastern and Southeastern European migrants as an important part of the Channel’s political economy. Foregrounding the historic interaction of enclosure of Britain’s imperial space and Europe’s peripheries, and ongoing securitisation of Channel crossers (as facilitators, criminals, bogus asylum seekers, and surplus labour), I argue for a closer understanding of how the racialisation of Black, Brown and “not quite white” articulate.

The Sahel region faces many complex and interconnected challenges including food crisis, poverty, and political instability as well as recurring epidemics. Recently, the region has been affected by outbreaks of Ebola (Mali), Rift Valley Fever (Mauritania/Niger), Dengue (Burkina Faso/Mali), and Hepatitis E (Chad/Niger). In addition, the region is threatened by terrorism, including the potential risk of bioterrorism. In order to mitigate natural and intentional biological threats in the region, the development of a G5 Sahel biosecurity network seemed essential. In 2014, as part of the response to the Ebola outbreak, Germany had provided a mobile laboratory and trained a local team in Mali. This mobile laboratory, hosted by the Charles Mérieux Infectiology Center (CICM), now belongs to the Malian Ministry of Health. Since mid-2016, Germany has extended its initiative to the other G5 Sahel (G5S) countries. In November 2017, a biosafety network was established between G5S public health institutions, which is currently chaired by CICM Mali. It aims to strengthen cooperation between the G5S countries in the area of biosafety and biosecurity by capacity building for the diagnosis of dangerous pathogens. Methodology: Network activities include: (i) workshops between heads of institutions; (ii) theoretical and practical training of biologists and use of the mobile laboratory; (iii) internships in Germany and (iv) mobile laboratory field exercises. Results: Up to now, more than ten biologists from all G5S countries participated in trainings and field exercises, including the identification of hemorrhagic fever viruses and other infectious viral and bacterial agents. An initial response capability for outbreaks of dangerous pathogens is now available within the Sahel region. Conclusion: Maintaining skills in the G5S Mobile Lab Network is critical and procedures for deploying and tools for its cross-border functionality need to be developed. The official recognition of the Network by the G5S Permanent Secretariat is expected.

The Sahel region has suffered multiple security threats that have posed multiple challenges to the security of the entire region and other parts of the world. Following a buildup of security threats in the region since 2012, the US and EU have partnered to provide troops to bolster security and forestall the spread of radicalization into terrorism. This paper focuses on the role of technological innovations on security control and crime management, provides background to the study, with focus on the rise of technology on security control and crime management. The paper also discusses the history of the crisis in the Sahel, focusing on the G5 Sahel, and provides key recommendations on the use of technology as a panacea for security control and crime management in the G5 Sahel. The study was based on securitization theory and was carried out using case-study research design based on three objectives: to assess the current technological innovation infrastructure in use in the G5 Sahel region, evaluate the impact of technological innovations in crime management and security control in the G5 Sahel region and to assess the potential of emerging technological innovations in addressing crime and security management in the G5 Sahel and the broader Sub-Saharan Africa. Technological innovations are critical components of addressing cross border challenges. However, technology can also lead to insecurity challenges, where insurgents use them to perpetrate crimes, including using UAVs to strike at civilian targets. The researchers find that the use of technology has become consequential in the fight against crime and insecurity. They also find that technology has helped address emergent needs in crime and security management in the G5 Sahel. They recommend that there is need to re-imagine the G5 Sahel to increase coordination among member states. They also call for further studies on the impacts of “false flags” on social media, which could be used to negatively profile otherwise harmless civilians. They also call for greater and meaningful public participation to ensure the deployment of new technologies is supported by the public.

The article is devoted to the problem of the colonial past in Algerian-French relations. In the early 2020s, it gained particular urgency for three reasons. Firstly, in the context of the transformation of the global world order and the deep social cleavages that have engulfed both many Eastern and Western societies, issues of historical memory, external and internal decolonization began to come to the fore both in public discussions within individual states and in international relations. Secondly, the coming to power in France of E. Macron marked an attempt at a serious transformation of the country’s foreign policy, strengthening its position in the world as a whole, and in the region of the Middle East and North Africa, in particular. Related to this were the (mostly unsuccessful) initiatives of E. Macron on the Palestinian-Israeli and Libyan settlements, the Lebanese crisis, and the resolution of accumulated contradictions with Algeria. Thirdly, A. Tebboune’s coming to power in Algeria in 2019 also gave impetus to the country’s foreign policy and created the conditions for revising relations with France. In these circumstances, the idea arose of preparing reports by the two sides on the possibilities of overcoming the negative colonial legacy in bilateral relations. The Algerian side did not submit the report, and the French text was prepared by B. Stora by January 2021 and caused wide response. The purpose of this article is to determine, based on the analysis of this text and the materials of the discussions that followed it, the French vision of the problem of reconciliation with Algeria. The article was written using the method of “slow reading” of the source - its main part is a detailed analysis of the report by B. Stor, followed by a review of the discussion he caused. The result of this approach is the identification of not only the widely discussed contradictions in matters of historical memory (both between Algeria and France, and within French society), but also the identification of some non-obvious problems of the French perception of this problem.

Османи на трьох континентах, пер. з турецьк. О. Кульчинського

The article analyzes the influence of the foreign policy activities of Algerian and Tunisian leaders on the system of regional relations in the Maghreb. In the first part of the article, the authors consider the key characteristics of the Maghreb subsystem of international relations. They define it as deeply integrated with other regional subsystems, on the one hand, and as peripheral, on the other. They describe the transformation of this system in the 2010s, the influence of Western Sahara and Libyan factors on it, as well as relations between the southern and northern Mediterranean. It is further noted that in the early 2020s, key changes at the regional level were associated with the coming to power of Abdelmadjid Tebboune in Algeria and Kais Saied in Tunisia. The second part of the article characterizes the foreign policy innovations of Kais Saied, who, within the framework of the conservative revolution, began to actively use the rhetoric of Arab nationalism in the foreign policy discourse. The third part of the article analyzes Algeria's foreign policy. The key principles of this policy are shown, the activities of the APDR in the Sahel, Palestinian and Maghrebian directions are briefly described. The main conclusion of the article is that the changes in the foreign policy of Tunisia and Algeria are mainly rhetorical in nature and do not change the essence of the Maghreb system of international relations, although they create a new design for it.

The article discloses the essence and features of the Eurasian component in the foreign policy of the Republic of Belarus. The scientific novelty of the article lies in revealing the role and place of the Eurasian component in the foreign policy strategy of the Belarusian state at two levels - the Eurasian space as a whole and individual states belonging to this space. Using the tools of neoclassical realism, linking the implementation of the foreign policy process with the state of development of the state, and the theory of foreign policy analysis, the author comes to the conclusion about the increasing importance of the Eurasian component in the foreign policy of Belarus in the second half of the 1990s and the first two decades of the 21st century. According to the author, the course for the development of cooperation between the Republic of Belarus and the Eurasian states was predetermined by its economic interests, although a certain role in its implementation was played by political guidelines of the Belarusian leadership (maintaining stability in the Belarusian state, reinforcing the thesis of the effectiveness of a multi-vector foreign policy, expanding the range of communication in the world arena). A specific feature of the Belarusian Eurasian policy was the absence of a fundamental conceptualization of actions in this direction and the prevalence of situational solutions in building relations with individual Eurasian states. Until the early 2020s, the Eurasian region was considered by the Belarusian authorities and experts mainly in functional and geographical terms, without being perceived as a distinctive civilizational association. At the current stage of development of the Belarusian state, its key partners in Eurasia are Russia, relations with which are being built within the framework of integration associations (the Union State, the EAEU, the CSTO), and China, which is promoting the Belt and Road initiative. However, conceptually, the issue of Belarus geostrategic positioning in Eurasia still needs to be finalized.