The Royal Navy in the Cold War Years, 1966–1990: Retreat and revival

This article discusses India’s perceived Sphere of Influence and examines New Delhi’s strategy in the Bay of Bengal (BoB) region during the Cold War (1947–1991) years. Then, this paper discusses how India had largely managed to keep the foreign powers away from the BoB region to maintain its influence and shape a favourable regional architecture. Finally, this paper briefly examines the changed strategic and political situation in the BoB region in present times.

Journal Article Institutions, Culture, and America's ‘Cold War Years’: The Making of Greenberg's ‘Modernist Painting’ Get access Francis Francina Francis Francina Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Oxford Art Journal, Volume 26, Issue 1, 2003, Pages 69–97, https://doi.org/10.1093/oxartj/26.1.69 Published: 01 March 2003

Research Article| January 01 1981 FBI Surveillance during the Cold War Years: A Constitutional Crisis Athan G. Theoharis Athan G. Theoharis Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar The Public Historian (1981) 3 (1): 4–14. https://doi.org/10.2307/3377157 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Athan G. Theoharis; FBI Surveillance during the Cold War Years: A Constitutional Crisis. The Public Historian 1 January 1981; 3 (1): 4–14. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/3377157 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentThe Public Historian Search This content is only available via PDF. Copyright 1981 The Regents of the University of California Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Between Mao and McCarthy: Chinese American Politics in the Cold War Years, by Charlotte Brooks. Chicago & London, The University of Chicago Press, 2015. xvi, 321 pp. $45.00 US (cloth). One of the most compelling aspects of American history is the long, heroic struggle of minority groups--African Americans, women, and Latinos, among others--for the basic rights outlined by Thomas Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence. The Asian American experience was long characterized by similar forms of discrimination suffered by other disaffected groups, yet it still remains largely overshadowed in the grander American historical narrative. With Between Mao and McCarthy, Charlotte Brooks focuses on the travails of Chinese Americans at a fascinating juncture, the early Cold War years, when they began to win their civil rights just as the communist victory in mainland led many Americans to question the loyalty of this supposedly foreign element in their midst. Charlotte Brooks is a history professor and chair of the Program in Asian and Asian American Studies at Baruch College, City University of New York. Her previous monograph, Alien Neighbors, Foreign Friends (Chicago, 2009) explored white attitudes toward Asian Americans in California during the first half of the twentieth century, and she has written several other articles on Chinese and Japanese Americans during the World War II and early Cold War era. Between Mao and McCarthy appropriately focuses mostly on developments in New York and San Francisco, which then and now are home to the two largest Chinese populations in the United States. As a result, these two capitals of Chinese had the most sophisticated political, economic, and social networks anywhere in the country. In 1950, Asians and Pacific Islanders made up only 0.2 percent of the American population, but the Chinese accounted for roughly one third of the 321,000 Asians in the United States. The Chinese fled poverty and political unrest at home beginning in the early nineteenth century and came to America seeking hard work and a better standard of living, but they were subjected to severe persecution from the very beginning. This came in the form of a federal Chinese Exclusion Act, California laws restricting land ownership, enacting pogroms, lynchings, and property destruction in numerous American cities, followed by a 1924 Immigration Act that effectively barred Chinese immigration entirely. Yet the Chinese endured. The Cold War created opportunities for Chinese Americans--racially exclusive laws were dismantled in large part because they were a propaganda nightmare in Washington's global battle for hearts and minds--coupled with suspicions that they were surrogates for [the Peoples' Republic of] China, or even citizens of that nation (1). Mao Zedong's 1949 victory over the American-backed Nationalist regime under Jiang Jieshi prompted intense gnashing of teeth over the loss of China and the People's Republic of China's entry in the Korean War against an American-led United Nations force the following year raised fears of a Yellow Red Peril to epic proportions. …

Chapter 3 traces the domestic and international political conditions that galvanized novel thinking about American affluence and world poverty in the years of the early Cold War. Following the career of John Kenneth Galbraith, a foremost Keynesian economist and a leading voice of postwar liberalism, this chapter charts the emergence of the empire of affluence as a political idea by exploring the ways in which Galbraith and others articulated the United States’ new global responsibility to solve world poverty. Introducing readers to figures including Arthur Schlesinger Jr. and Reinhold Niebuhr, this chapter charts the emergence of a community of poverty-fighting liberals who sought to influence the policies of the Democratic Party in the early years of the Cold War.

Institutions, culture, and America's 'Cold War Years': the making of Greenberg's Modernist Painting

During the Cold War years, both the Chinese regimes in Beijing (PRC) and Taipei (ROC) claimed to be the sole representative of the Chinese nation, thus giving rise to a battle over which regime should be recognized by the international sporting community. The issue of recognition, however, was not the only source of contention among supporters of the two regimes during the Cold War years. This paper documents how pro-PRC forces and members of the British expat community in Hong Kong, despite their different political allegiances, formed an alliance to stop Hong Kong football players from representing the ROC in the 1966 Asian Games. This attempt was not successful, partly because of the role played by then-FIFA President Stanley Rous, and the saga eventually offered the pro-ROC forces in Hong Kong the opportunity to strengthen the identification of the Chinese population in Hong Kong with the regime.

The issue of human rights is an area that is experienced in practice and should have maximum knowledge by each individual. For this reason, the issue of ‘Human Rights’ remains one of the most important areas of social sciences that should be discussed and researched to increase social and individual awareness. This study aims to contribute to the studies on the development of ‘Human Rights since the Cold War years. This article examines the principles and policies of ‘Human Rights’ along with historical background in the scope of International Relations and investigates how human rights policies have been influenced since the Cold War years. In the post-Cold War period, the study of Human Rights policies has been discussed with the chosen theory of normative theory and the historical background for the integrity of subject for the reader's holistic evaluation.

This essay underscores how Chinese residence in the suburbs crucially shaped the fluctuating image of the suburbs as a place inclusive of racial and ethnic minorities and one that excluded racialized populations with its whites-only restriction. During the early cold war years from 1946 to 1965, the onslaught of Soviet propaganda against U.S. racism made incorporating racial and ethnic minorities within society's institutions imperative to establishing the credibility of American democracy over communism. As the suburbs came to signify the U.S. national identity, the contradictory meanings of suburbanization translated into competing visions of Americanness. Suburbanization as Americanization thus alternately denoted a process of forging whiteness as the marker of legitimate citizenry and of assimilating and recognizing all racial and ethnic minorities as Americans. While many sociological studies focused on Chinese residence in the suburbs as a way to attest to the success of Cold War democracy in creating a socially equitable society, other studies drew attention to the Chinese only to construct the "failure" of blacks to assimilate properly within U.S. society, thus justifying their social and spatial separation from whites. The Chinese significantly functioned in these studies to speak to the leveling of racial stratifications and to explaining the persistence of a white/black divide in early cold war America. This essay also explores the values and terms which shaped the Chinese into assimilable subjects and in particular, how cold war domesticity and its promotion of the ideal of middle-class heterosexual nuclear families influenced the constructed image of the Chinese. It highlights how sociological and historiographical studies along with newspapers and magazine articles published during the early cold war years focused on the growing presence of Chinese women in order to fashion the Chinese in conformity with the domestic ideal. This emphasis helped to transform the "segregated immobility" of bachelors into heterosexual nuclear families, fit for desegregated mobility. The presence of Chinese women thus crucially mediated the terms of cultural membership in the nation. The concluding examination of the Sing Sheng case where a Chinese family battled to reside in a whites-only neighborhood in South San Francisco develops the themes introduced in this essay. It demonstrates how popular newspapers narrated the contradiction over the meaning of Americanness into a contestation over who counts as an American. It also calls attention to the ways newspapers stressed Sheng's role as father, husband, and head of a heterosexual nuclear family, in order to construct him a desirable candidate for residence in the suburbs.

ABSTRACTThis romantic novel has been studied primarily in terms of the portrait of its female protagonist. Unmentioned by prior scholarly studies is the fact that throughout the novel, Vargas Llosa discreetly yet consistently dates plot developments, allowing the reader to deduce that the female protagonist dies in July 1989, the date of the author’s final experience of Europe during the Cold War. Drawing on this structure, the present article argues that the post-1989 historical events and social trends that appear in the text are not authorial chronological errors, but rather represent a deliberate effort on Vargas Llosa’s part to subsume the post-1989 world into the ethos of the Cold War years, when, as he argues in La civilización del espectáculo (2012), an essay collection written in part concurrently with Travesuras de la niña mala, books and ideas mattered more than is the case in the 1990s or the twenty-first century. In order to achieve this absorption of the post-Cold-War world by the pre-1989 period, this article maintains, Vargas Llosa depoliticizes the Cold War years, portraying them not in terms of East-West ideological struggle, but rather as an era of the flourishing of literary culture centred in Paris.

The study is based on long term reveal of Bulgarian postwar archives and discuss for the first time many still unknown episodes of the Bulgarian relations with Latin American countries in the Cold War era. The establishment and further development of the diplomatic and political relations between a small Balkan state like Bulgaria with Latin America is seen as a case study for Soviet Bloc policy in general toward the Western Hemisphere within the bipolar confrontation IR model. The study is composed in four chronological paragraphs following the most significant social and political events in the Cold War years – Cuban Revolution, Chilean leftist government of Unidad Popular, and Sandinista Revolution in Nicaragua, which led to the armed confrontation in Central America in the last Cold War decade.

Political Science QuarterlyVolume 119, Issue 2 p. 271-290 Secrecy and Power: Unanticipated Problems in Researching FBI Files ATHAN G. THEOHARIS, ATHAN G. THEOHARIS ATHAN G. THEOHARIS is a professor of history at Marquette University whose research focuses on the history of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. His most recent books are Chasing Spies: How the FBI Failed in Counterintelligence But Promoted the Politics of McCarthyism in the Cold War Years and the forthcoming The FBI and American Democracy: A Brief Critical History.Search for more papers by this author ATHAN G. THEOHARIS, ATHAN G. THEOHARIS ATHAN G. THEOHARIS is a professor of history at Marquette University whose research focuses on the history of the Federal Bureau of Investigation. His most recent books are Chasing Spies: How the FBI Failed in Counterintelligence But Promoted the Politics of McCarthyism in the Cold War Years and the forthcoming The FBI and American Democracy: A Brief Critical History.Search for more papers by this author First published: 15 February 2013 https://doi.org/10.2307/20202346Citations: 5 AboutPDF ToolsExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Citing Literature Volume119, Issue2Summer 2004Pages 271-290 RelatedInformation

The tension between ideology and pragmatism in the making of foreign policy exists to some degree in all nations, including Colombia. Some analysts would point to the fact that Colombia has largely adhered to a close relationship with the United States since World War I as evidence of a predominantly conservative ideological orientation in the nation’s foreign policy. That perspective would be further reinforced by the fact that during the Cold War years Colombian governments, without exception, adhered to the Western, anti-Communist position dominated by the United States. There were administrations during which that orientation was more pronounced than others, as for instance during the conservative-dominated 1950s, when Colombia was the only Latin American country to commit troops to the Korean War, and other administrations that adhered to a more multilateral position, such as the governments of Carlos Lieras Restrepo (1966–1970) or Alfonso Lopez Michelsen (1970–1974), which opened up trade relationships with Soviet bloc countries and took a moderate position on Cuba’s place in hemispheric affairs. However, overall there is little debate over the fact that Colombian governments in the Cold War years were intensely anti-Communist.KeywordsForeign PolicySecurity CouncilFree Trade AgreementForeign MinisterBush AdministrationThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

List of Illustrations European Cold War Culture(s)? An Introduction Annette Vowinckel, Marcus M. Payk, Thomas Lindenberger Part I: Mediating the Cold Radio, Film, Television, and Literature Chapter 1. East European Cold War Culture(s)? Alterities, Commonalities, and Reflections Marsha Siefert Chapter 2.We Started the Cold War: A Message behind Stalin's Attack on Anna Akhmatova Olga Yurievna Voronina Chapter 3. Radio Reform in the 1980s: RIAS and DT-64 Respond to Private Radio Edward Larkey Chapter 4. The Enemy Within. (De-)Dramatizing the Cold War in U.S. and West German Spy TV of the 1960s Marcus M. Payk Chapter 5. Cold War Television: Olga Korbut and the Munich Olympics of 1972 Annette Vowinckel Part II: Constructing Identities: Representations of the Self Chapter 6. Catholic Piety in the Early Cold War Years or: How the Virgin Mary Protected the West from Communism Monique Scheer Chapter 7. The Road to Socialism Paved With Good Intentions. Automobile Culture in the Soviet Union, the GDR and Romania During Detente. Luminita Gatejel Chapter 8. Advertising, Emotions, and Hidden Persuaders: The Making of Cold-War Consumer Culture in Britain from the 1940s to the 1960s Stefan Schwarzkopf Chapter 9. Survivalism in the Welfare Cocoon: The Culture of Civil Defense in Cold War Sweden Marie Cronqvist Part III: Crossing the Border: Interactions with the Other Chapter 10. The Peace and the War Camps. The Dichotomous Cold War Culture in Czechoslovakia: 1948-1960 Roman Krakovsky Chapter 11. Artistic Style, Canonization, and Identity Politics in Cold War Germany, 1947-1960 Joes Segal Chapter 12. What Does Democracy Look Like? (And Why Would Anyone Want to Buy It?): Third World Demands and West German Responses at 1960s World Youth Festivals Quinn Slobodian Chapter 13. Drawing the East-West Border: Narratives of Modernity and Identity in the Julian Region (1947-1954) Sabina Mihelj Part IV: The Legacies of the Cold Remembrance and Historiography Chapter 14. A fifties revival? Cold War culture in re-unified Germany Andrew Beattie Chapter 15. The Mikson Case: War Crimes Memory, Estonian Identity. Reconstructions and the Transnational Politics of Justice Valur Ingimundarson Chapter 16. The First Cold War Memorial in Berlin. A Short Inquiry into Europe, the Cold War, and Memory Cultures Petra Henzler Notes on Contributors Bibliography Index

The communist takeover in 1949 prompted many Chinese intellectuals to flee their motherland. Many of them were democratic socialists. They were in a position when two trends of thought radicalisation collided with each other in the 1950s. First, Chinese intellectuals had been attracted by different political schools of thought since the late Qing period, which ultimately led to the rise of communism and the establishment of the People’s Republic of China. Second, exiled intellectuals in Taiwan had long been opposed to Chiang Kai-shek’s dictatorship and found government intervention irritating. They began to turn to anti-utopianism that arrived from the West in the early Cold War years. The moderate socialists stood in between. They were anti-communist and unwilling to stay in China. They were also boycotted by the anti-utopian liberals who dominated the intellectual circle in Taiwan. Although some democratic socialists sojourned in Taiwan, many of them went to Hong Kong where they could voice their opinions freely. In the British colony, they published magazines and books to promote their political ideals. On the surface, these people were able to continue their political endeavour. However, I argue that the democratic socialists were victims of thought radicalisation in the Cold War era.