The Role of Turkish Airlines in Türkiye’s Relations with Djibouti, Burkina Faso, and Rwanda

Türkiye, a re-emerging non-Western power, has intensified its relationship with Africa by strategically integrating soft power elements into its foreign policy. Unlike other actors, Türkiye assigned a special role to its national carrier, Turkish Airlines, in this endeavour. This article assesses Turkish Airlines’ role as Türkiye’s soft power actor in Africa, primarily as a facilitator and connectivity agent. It explores Türkiye’s deployment of soft power tools and instruments to expand relations with Benin, Mauritania and Somalia, countries with recent significant increases in trade with Türkiye. We argue that Turkish Airlines’ involvement as a soft power actor and facilitator of connectivity in these countries has significantly enhanced the effectiveness of various actors, contributing to achieving Türkiye's regional goals. As such, it serves to confirm and enrich soft power theory.

Democracy promotion is undoubtedly one of Nigeria’s most important foreign policy objectives in Africa. Indeed, it has featured in the state’s foreign policy across successive administrations including military and civilian regimes. A fundamental question explored by this article is the dimension of power Nigeria deploys in its foreign policy objective of democracy promotion in Africa. Is it hard or soft, or a combination of the two (smart power)? Using three case studies – Sierra Leone, São Tomé and Príncipe and The Gambia – the article reveals that Nigeria has deployed all three dimensions of power. While this reflects the peculiar circumstances of these particular states in constitutional crisis, Nigeria’s domestic situation, including the type of political system (democratic or authoritarian) and the personality of the president at a given time, as well as trends in the global arena, are also germane. By its very nature, democracy promotion depends on a state’s soft power as the admirable domestic values of the soft power state attract other states to emulate its democratic practices. However, as the case study of Nigeria shows, a state can deploy soft, hard or smart power in its quest to promote democracy depending on the domestic circumstances of both the soft power and recipient states.

In the international system, state actors often employ soft power tools to achieve their state-oriented goals and further their national interest, branded in what is called foreign policy. Soft power is a theory which advocates for the use of non-coercive or military force to achieve state-oriented goals, rather than the use of ideology, innovations, institutions or culture toW attract other states. Qatar is no exception when it comes to the effective utilization of soft power for projecting the state’s international image. Qatar is a small Middle Eastern country situated in the Arabian Peninsula that seeks to gain international prominence and recognition in world politics by positively enhancing its international image, using the medium of soft power, particularly sports diplomacy, by hosting the 2022 FIFA World Cup. This study, therefore, analyses Qatar’s engagement in sports diplomacy as an oriented and effective tool in achieving its foreign policy objectives. The study adopted the globalization and soft power theory as the theoretical framework of analysis. This study, as part of a wider project, examines the magnitude and the quantifiable benefit derived by Qatar from hosting the 2022 FIFA World Cup in terms of an increment in Foreign Direct Investments by 30%. There is also an upsurge in the Qatar Tourism Sector, making Qatar the centre of tourism in the Middle East, improving diplomatic and foreign relations, exploration of Qatar’s rich sporting legacy, a chance to improve Qatar’s external reputation, dissuasion of global stereotypes and perception of Islamic culture, making Qatar the centrepiece of Middle Eastern Geopolitics, and regional hegemonic power in the Middle East, a growing sense of pride in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). Arab Countries are becoming the destination of global tourism, and other socioeconomic and political benefits are procured by Qatar in hosting the 2022 FIFA World Cup. This study examines how the soft power apparatus is reflected in Qatar’s foreign policy by hosting the 2022 FIFA World Cup in line with the doctrine of sports diplomacy. The study found that the 2022 FIFA World Cup, as an instrument of soft power and sports diplomacy, had a positive impact on Qatar’s external image. Other major findings of this study are that the 2022 FIFA World Cup improved Qatar’s Foreign Direct Investments. It also earned Qatar global recognition and prominence in world politics. The study recommends among the following: that small states like Qatar who relatively lack large population size and military might, could rely on soft power mechanisms in achieving their foreign policy goals, the study also recommends that soft power is not enough for a country like Qatar to secure itself in such a complex and competitive environment like the Middle East.

<p>Interdependence theory of liberalism with the core meaning that economic interdependence can foster peace had explained many case studies in the world. The purpose of this thesis is to prove that interdependence theory also explains best the Vietnam-US economic trade relations after the two countries normalized their diplomatic relations in 1995 with the meaning that the US-Vietnam's increased economic trade relations improve their political and diplomatic relation. After the Vietnam War ended, Vietnam-US relations were completely frozen. By 1995, the two countries normalized their diplomatic relations and they started to trade with each other. Up until now, the two countries achieved great trade development through both bilateral economic relations and international organizations. The strong development of US-Vietnam trade economic relations has improved their political and diplomatic relations. Based on interdependence theory of liberalism, this argument is proved by five main points: First, since 1995 the economic trade relations provided more valuable benefits than the wartime so that the two countries want to trade with each other and avoid conflicts. Second, the development and expansion of trade and economic relations have positive effects which spillover to other sectors, creating a favorable environment to promote military and diplomacy relations between the two countries. Third, increases in the trade and economic relations lead to enhance communication, cooperation, trust, dependency between the two countries thus reduce misunderstanding and the likelihood of conflicts. Then, when trade relations increase, common economic interests between the US and Vietnam also enhance, making the two countries closer to each other and likely to use negotiations and diplomacy to solve problems that do arise between the relations of the two countries. Finally, the economic trade relations of the two countries through international organizations provides forums for the US and Vietnam to communicate and solve problems that do arise between them. In future, it is predicted that the economic dependence between the two countries will develop further. Therefore, the US-Vietnamese political and diplomatic relations continue to be strengthened in the future.</p>

<p>Interdependence theory of liberalism with the core meaning that economic interdependence can foster peace had explained many case studies in the world. The purpose of this thesis is to prove that interdependence theory also explains best the Vietnam-US economic trade relations after the two countries normalized their diplomatic relations in 1995 with the meaning that the US-Vietnam's increased economic trade relations improve their political and diplomatic relation. After the Vietnam War ended, Vietnam-US relations were completely frozen. By 1995, the two countries normalized their diplomatic relations and they started to trade with each other. Up until now, the two countries achieved great trade development through both bilateral economic relations and international organizations. The strong development of US-Vietnam trade economic relations has improved their political and diplomatic relations. Based on interdependence theory of liberalism, this argument is proved by five main points: First, since 1995 the economic trade relations provided more valuable benefits than the wartime so that the two countries want to trade with each other and avoid conflicts. Second, the development and expansion of trade and economic relations have positive effects which spillover to other sectors, creating a favorable environment to promote military and diplomacy relations between the two countries. Third, increases in the trade and economic relations lead to enhance communication, cooperation, trust, dependency between the two countries thus reduce misunderstanding and the likelihood of conflicts. Then, when trade relations increase, common economic interests between the US and Vietnam also enhance, making the two countries closer to each other and likely to use negotiations and diplomacy to solve problems that do arise between the relations of the two countries. Finally, the economic trade relations of the two countries through international organizations provides forums for the US and Vietnam to communicate and solve problems that do arise between them. In future, it is predicted that the economic dependence between the two countries will develop further. Therefore, the US-Vietnamese political and diplomatic relations continue to be strengthened in the future.</p>

Through an investigation of citizens' perceptions of trade agreements, aid programs, and diplomatic relations, this study aims to determine the extent to which Tanzania has implemented its foreign policy. Based on the necessity of comprehending public opinions, the research adds new perspectives to the corpus of knowledge by using a citizen-centric methodology. The study uses quantitative data to show that citizens are generally not very satisfied with the efficacy of trade agreements, aid initiatives, and diplomatic relations. Results show that in order to promote economic growth and socioeconomic development, foreign policy objectives must be strategically adjusted to match public expectations. The study adds more nuance to the analysis by conducting key informant interviews, which provide professional viewpoints on the difficulties and achievements in Tanzania's foreign policy environment. The study promotes a fair strategy that protects national interests while acknowledging the opportunities and hazards that come with liberal ideals. The study emphasises how crucial it is for foreign policy to continuously adapt and solve issues in order to overcome persistent obstacles to trade and diplomacy. In order to strengthen diplomatic ties, trade agreements, and aid initiatives, recommendations stress the need for open communication, policy realignment, and cautious liberalisation. This will ensure Tanzania's foreign policy is implemented effectively in the ever-changing global environment. In addition to improving our knowledge of Tanzanian foreign policy, this study offers insightful information to help decision-makers facing comparable difficulties in the field of international relations

This article analyses the challenges that Nigeria is confronted with in regard to its potential and utilisation of soft power. The utilisation of soft power among state actors has become a dominant feature in international relations. The expensive nature of military actions, human loss, coupled with the fact that it does not always lead to compliance with international laws, has led to the popularity of soft power politics. For a developing country like Nigeria, which is the most populous country in Africa, the significance in annexing its soft power potential within and outside Africa cannot be overstated. The Twenty-First Century has witnessed massive investment from countries even with authoritarian government systems towards improving their soft power potential. How Nigeria utilizes its soft power potential will determine its level of development and influence in regional and global politics. The article outlines various challenges, such as corruption and insecurity that affect Nigeria's capacity to explore its soft power potential. Also, the article finds that Nigeria has massive soft power capacity and that there is a realistic potential to overcome the existing challenges in order to deploy its soft power. The article recommends, amongst others, that the “Nigeria-first” foreign policy should be skewed to attract foreign direct investments; also, it suggest that the departments of culture and tourism in the national and sub-national governments should formulate purposive courses of action that will usher a pragmatic development of Nigeria's soft power potential.

The article focuses on power and its ramifications which has always been the central point in all security studies in international relations. Power is a crucial element of international relations that influences world affairs. As a result, power plays a significant role in foreign policy formulation. Realism is the dominant theory of international relations, and it revolves around the concept of power. Power can come in a variety of forms and implies the capacity to influence others to do what one wants. There are two types of power: hard power and soft power. These two types of power influence international politics, security, economy, and foreign policy. Whereas hard power derives from a country’s military or economic might, soft power derives from the attractiveness of its culture, political ideals, and policies. In international relations, soft power is just as important as hard power. This paper argues that soft power is one dimension of power that refers to one’s ability to persuade others to do something. Different countries place a high value on soft power in today’s international politics. In international relations, the concept of soft power discourse emerged in the early 1990s. This article also argues that foreign policy of a country consists of self-interest strategies. It contains a general objective that guides the activities and relationship of one state in its interaction with other states. This paper intends to explain and analyze India’s foreign policy on the ideas of friendly relations, international cooperation, and peaceful coexistence among all nations, regardless of their political systems. Maintaining national security, advancing democracy, fostering world peace, providing aid, and establishing open trade are the main objectives of India’s foreign policy. The purpose of this paper is to theorize the dynamics of soft power in international relations and to analyze India’s soft power potential. In recent years soft power has become an important tool for governments to achieve their foreign policy goals. India, a country with rich sources of soft power, has made great efforts to use this capacity to achieve its foreign policy goals. Among Indian leaders Narendra Modi has paid considerable attention to the capacity of soft power in India’s foreign policy.

India's political aspirations are rising along with its economy, which is seeing phenomenal growth. By utilizing resources and soft power tools, the nation is attempting to strengthen its position in the world. India is relearning this art by referring to its ancient traditions and drawing on its vast cultural heritage. The state's armory also includes references to democracy and religious diversity. The state's foreign policy has also been refocused on fostering and preserving positive relationships with other nations in order to assist the state's economic growth. Soft power tools are becoming increasingly important, particularly when it comes to culture and values. When combined with Pacific policies, this has created an excellent opportunity to use soft power. In terms of how governments define and use their authority, the power dynamics of soft nation-states have significantly changed in the twenty-first century. Governments are forced to invest substantially in both their soft and hard power matrices because the political world of today is becoming more linked. Due to the status of global politics, India now has a stronger possibility than ever before of playing a significant role in international affairs. The election of Prime Minister Narendra Modi has altered public perceptions of the perils of religious militarism in India and throughout the world. Due to the rising popularity of Hindutva rights, these rights have grown in popularity. The capacity of a country to carry out its foreign policy goals and objectives without using force is referred to as "soft power." It remains a crucial component of foreign policy, with or without the application of "hard power," which can refer to techniques like the use of force or other very effective diplomatic measures. International and bilateral diplomacy can make use of hard power to tell a bigger story. This broad subject involves economic, social, and even civilizational factors in equal measure. Everything begins with messaging, which can be done through normal channels like news conferences and speeches or through the many media outlets that are available in today's hyper-connected society. The main focus of this article is the ascension of India to the position of a global soft power.

Purpose Economic statecraft is a critical aspect of China’s foreign policy and has played a vital role in China’s relations with its Asian neighbors. The Chinese economic ties with Asia are significant not only because China is the second largest economy in today’s world but also because it has an important impact on regional economic co‐operation and international supply chains. Relentless growth in military buildup and more assertive foreign policy led many pundits to focus almost exclusively on political and military aspects of the Chinese grand strategy in Asia. The purpose of this study is to re‐examine this picture by studying China’s economic statecraft in the region. Design/methodology/approach This paper will address following research questions: How does the Chinese foreign economic policy serve its political aspirations in East Asia? Why has China increasingly relied on a combination of economic pressures and incentives to achieve its foreign policy objectives? How effective is China’s economic diplomacy as a strategic weapon? What are the limitations of such policy? What challenges does Beijing face in exercising its economic power in East Asia? Findings Beijing has a comprehensive, long-term grand strategy in Asia, and economic statecraft is a major component of it. Economic statecraft is a double-edged sword. It has given the People’s Republic of China more political influence but frictions and disputes between China and its trading partners are growing as well. Even with the slower growth of the Chinese economy, China will continue to be a game changer for the region. The economic diplomacy has long been part of the foreign policy toolkit used by the People’s Republic of China and will play more important role in the years to come. Research limitations/implications Thus far, China’s expanding economic ties with many countries in the world have not generated significant spillover effects. Although China is the dominant economic partner for every country in East Asia, its “soft power” remains to be weak. With the slower growth of the Chinese economy, another looming issue is whether China is going to be able to make a shift away from a trade- and export-led growth model that brought its dramatic economic success. All these could lead China’s economic statecraft less potent. Meanwhile, it should be noted that Asian economies that once relied on the USA are reaching a turning point as China comes to the fore, a trend that may challenge the existing international order. Should this momentum continue, it could alter the balance of power between Washington and Beijing in the region. Practical implications For Beijing, economic statecraft concerns both the economic dimension of foreign policy and the strategic dimension of economic policy. Although there is a growing literature on China’s soft power and military capabilities, the study of the economic dimensions of China’s foreign policy remains underdeveloped. With rising confidence and sophistication, Beijing has deployed economic resources to achieve geopolitical aims. Originality/value Needless to say, China’s economic statecraft has already triggered heated debate in the United States, Asia and elsewhere in the international community. However, the study of the Chinese economic diplomacy has received relatively little scholarly attention in the English-speaking world. This paper will fill a gap in the analysis and literature.

Introduction Historically, health has occupied the lower echelons of national priorities. Over the past decade, however, national policy-makers have increasingly recognized the deleterious impacts that health crises may have on national interests. As a result, particular health issues occasionally have been elevated within national agendas, especially if they have implications for foreign policy and/or they are perceived as threats to national security. Identifying a health issue as a foreign policy or security issue, or both, may lead to higher prioritization and more attention from top policy-makers, in turn, bringing greater political support and more funding. (1) While health professionals may welcome the higher profile and greater resources given to their issues, characterizing a health issue as a national priority (and particularly as a security issue) may change the understanding of a health threat, put relatively greater emphasis on the views of those outside the health community and potentially alter the approach to solving the problem. Consequently, care should be taken in deciding which health issues should be given priority on par with national security issues and included explicitly in national foreign policy. We support the assertion that [w]hile it is clear that health issues often intersect with security issues, not all health challenges represent security concerns. (2) Health issues that do not pose security threats should not be contextualized as such, since doing so may detract from overarching public health and foreign policy objectives. At the same time, however, we believe that efforts to address all types of health issues through foreign policy contribute to overall improvements in diplomatic relations, which may enhance the security of countries. Health in foreign policy Many health challenges, particularly infectious diseases, are widely recognized as global concerns that do not respect borders. As a result, countries often include in their foreign policies strategies on diseases that have the potential to threaten domestic interests. Public health challenges that are not concomitant security threats should be given consideration as foreign policy priorities on their own merits, without forcing them to be viewed through the prism of national security. One example of a health issue that is addressed through foreign policy but is not a security issue is poliomyelitis. The eradication of polio requires sustained financial commitments and coordinated international efforts. Such coordination has resulted from countries negotiating high-level political commitments under the auspices of the Group of Eight (G8) and other organizations that are not typically seen as health institutions. Despite polio's role as a major cause of disability (and consequent loss of productivity), donor commitment to the Polio Eradication Initiative is not rooted in a concern for its economic or security impact, but in the belief that eradication would be a major victory for public health and would achieve a global good. The impetus for the international effort against polio is not national security concerns but an altruistic desire to ameliorate human morbidity and mortality. Thus, it can be argued that polio eradication is a foreign policy issue for countries, but not a national security issue. Although characterizing a health issue as a foreign policy issue may provide greater visibility and greater funding, there is also a likelihood that programmes associated with such health priorities may be subject to enhanced political scrutiny. Additionally, identifying a particular health issue as a national (or international) priority inherently alters its importance relative to other public health issues. Since resources are generally limited and new funding is difficult to obtain, there is a great risk that the prioritized disease will draw resources away from other health programmes. …

In a globalised world, the effects of climate change are likely to cascade across borders. Climate impacts in one location may have far reaching consequences in other places by affecting trade, migration, investments, and foreign policy objectives. Whether such cascading effects are likely to materialise depends in turn on a number of social, economic, and political factors that reinforce or attenuate the effects of climate change on economic development, migration, political stability, etc. These moderating conditions are crucial when considering possible challenges in connection with climate change, and opportunities for addressing them. In this report, we discuss the possible effects of climate change on issues at the core of European foreign, security, and development policy – namely, the impacts of climate change on livelihoods, food security, migration, and political stability in regions with close ties to Europe, where those impacts may affect European foreign policy objectives in a significant way. Across regions, we identify a number of challenges and opportunities in different scenarios, which assume either more or less favourable moderating conditions (i.e., with regard to technology and physical infrastructure; resource and conflict management; economic opportunities; trade and access to markets; governance and state-citizen relations; and social and diplomatic relations). Despite important challenges and mounting climatic pressures in all considered regions, our results leave some room for optimism. Depending on their ability to build strong and inclusive institutions, promote sustainable development, and strengthen social and diplomatic ties, affected countries and their partners might be able to reduce the risk of adverse cascading effects in connection with a warming world. Climate change will become increasingly challenging in the coming years, yet its effects are ultimately determined by social, economic, and political factors. Studying what makes societies susceptible to be adversely affected by climate change and how such conditions evolve over time then gives an indication of where to direct adaptation efforts. The moderating conditions presented in this report offer as many “levers” for preparing against the adverse effects of climate change.

The power dynamics of nation-states around the world have undergone a significant change in the twenty-first century with regard to how governments define and demonstrate their authority. Since today's political world is becoming increasingly interconnected, governments have no choice but to spend heavily in both their soft and hard power matrices. Because of the current state of world politics, India has a better chance than ever before of becoming a major player in international affairs. In India and around the world, the election of Prime Minister Narendra Modi has caused a sea change in public opinion about the dangers of religious militarism. These rights have become increasingly popular due to the increase of Hindutva rights. "Soft power" refers to the ability of a nation to achieve its foreign policy goals and objectives without resorting to coercion. With or without the use of "hard power," which can refer to methods such as the use of force or other very effective diplomatic initiatives, it is still a critical tenet of foreign policy. Hard power can be utilized in international and bilateral diplomacy to create a more expansive narrative. Economic, sociocultural, and even civilizational aspects all play a significant part in this wide-ranging topic. It all starts with messaging, which can be done through official channels like speeches and press conferences, or through the wide variety of media outlets available in today's hyper-connected world. Using India's "soft power" in international politics is the primary subject of this article.

The power dynamics of nation-states around the world have undergone a significant change in the twenty-first century with regard to how governments define and demonstrate their authority. Since today's political world is becoming increasingly interconnected, governments have no choice but to spend heavily in both their soft and hard power matrices. Because of the current state of world politics, India has a better chance than ever before of becoming a major player in international affairs. In India and around the world, the election of Prime Minister Narendra Modi has caused a sea change in public opinion about the dangers of religious militarism. These rights have become increasingly popular due to the increase of Hindutva rights. "Soft power" refers to the ability of a nation to achieve its foreign policy goals and objectives without resorting to coercion. With or without the use of "hard power," which can refer to methods such as the use of force or other very effective diplomatic initiatives, it is still a critical tenet of foreign policy. Hard power can be utilized in international and bilateral diplomacy to create a more expansive narrative. Economic, sociocultural, and even civilizational aspects all play a significant part in this wide-ranging topic. It all starts with messaging, which can be done through official channels like speeches and press conferences, or through the wide variety of media outlets available in today's hyper-connected world. Using India's "soft power" in international politics is the primary subject of this article.

In the contemporary global landscape, Soft Power and Public Diplomacy have emerged as critical instrument used by nations to enhance their global engagement to achieve their foreign policy objectives. This paper explores the concept of soft power and public diplomacy. The study further examines their application in foreign policy implementation. The paper used descriptive research method and obtained data from secondary sources through review of existing literature on the emerging trends in soft power and public diplomacy. The paper used Social Exchange theory as its framework of analysis. This theory provides how countries engage in reciprocal exchanges of benefits and costs to achieve their goals. From the analysis of data gathered, the study results show that soft power and public diplomacy promote national interests and enhance global engagement. China uses soft power to promote its Belt and Road Initiative, United States use public diplomacy to promote its values of democracy India and Brazil use soft power to promote its cultural heritage and identity. Nigeria used soft power to enhanced its regional influence. Based on the study findings, the study recommends among others that African States should leverage soft power and public diplomacy to achieve their foreign Policy goals.