THE RISE OF RIGHT-WING POPULISM IN THE EUROPEAN UNION

Since its inception the European Union has transformed itself from a mere economic partnership to a regional cooperation, supposedly, embodying laws and values ‘universally’ accepted as ‘good’. This very character has encouraged the EU to pursue the role of a global actor that not only personifies this ‘value-system’ but also strives at disseminating them into the rest of the world. But, over the years the rise of right-wing populism throughout Europe has threatened to challenge some of the core orientating aspects of this ‘value-system’. While electoral victories have demonstrated their ability to impact the character of the EU within its boundaries, this study wonders what impact the rise of the right-wing populism could have on the European Union as a global actor. Key words: Far-right, Right wing populism, European Union, Global Actor, Foreign Policy

Acknowledgements Introduction List of Contributors List of Images and Figures Part I Theories and comparative approaches 1. Right-Wing Populism: concept and typology - Anton Pelinka 2. 'Anything goes!' - the Haiderization of Europe - Ruth Wodak. 3. Loud Values, Muffled Interests: third-way social democracy and right-wing populism - Magnus E. Maradal. 4. Breaking Taboos and 'Mainstreaming the Extreme': the debates on restricting Islamic symbols in contemporary Europe - Aristotle Kallis. 5. Mosques, Minarets, Burqas and Other Essential Threats: the populist right's campaign against Islam in Western Europe - Hans-Georg Betz 6. Hate Across the Waters: the role of American extremists in fostering an international White Consciousness - Heidi Beirich Part II Case Studies - Western Europe 7. Ploughing the Same Furrow? Continuity and change on Britain's extreme-right fringe - John E. Richardson 8. Contemporary Forms of Racist Movements and Mobilisation in Britain - John Solomos 9. From Anti-Immigration and Nationalist Revisionism to Islamophobia: continuities and shifts in recent discourses and patterns of political communication of the Freedom Party of Austria (FPOE) - Michal Krzyzanowski 10. Developments within the Radical Right in Germany: discourses, attitudes and actors - Britta Schellenberg. 11. Carlo Ruzza and Laura Balbo. Italian Populism and the Trajectories of Two Leaders: Silvio Berlusconi and Umberto Bossi - Carlo Ruzza and Laura Balbo 12. Explaining the Rise of the Front National to Electoral Prominence: multi-faceted or contradictory models? - Brigitte Beauzamy 13. Explaining the Swing to the Right: the Dutch debate on the rise of right-wing populism - Merijn Oudenampsen 14. The Stage as an Arena of Political Struggle. The struggle between Vlaams Blok/Belang and Flemish city theatres - Benjamin de Cleen Part III Case Studies - Central and Eastern Europe 15. The Post-Communist Extreme Right: the Jobbik party in Hungary - Andras Kovacs 16. Comparing Radical-Right Populism in Estonia and Latvia - Daunis Auers and Andres Kasekamp 17. From Para-Militarism to Radical Right-Wing Populism: the rise of the Ukrainian far-right party Svoboda - Anton Shekhovtsov Part IV Case Studies - Scandinavian context 18. Populism - Changes Over Time and Space: a comparative and retrospective analysis of populist parties in the Nordic countries from 1965 to 2012 - Bjoern Fryklund 19. The Sweden Democrats came In From The Cold: how the debate about allowing the Sweden Democrats into media arenas shifted between 1998 and 2010 - Simon Oja and Brigitte Mral 20. Kristina Boreus. Nationalism and Discursive Discrimination against Immigrants in Austria, Denmark and Sweden - Kristina Boreus 21. Mediatization as an Echo-Chamber for Xenophobic Discourses in the Threat Society: the Muhammad cartoons in Denmark and Sweden - Stig A. Nohrstedt 22. Dealing with the Extreme Right - Christoph Andersson

The purpose of this article is to clarify the concept of ‘civilizational populism’ and work towards a concise but operational definition. To do this, the article examines how populists across the world, and in a variety of different religious, geographic, and political contexts, incorporate and instrumentalize notions of ‘civilization’ into their discourses. The article observes that although a number of scholars have described a civilization turn among populists, there is currently no concrete definition of civilization populism, a concept which requires greater clarity. The article also observes that, while scholars have often found populists in Europe incorporating notions of civilization and ‘the clash of civilizations’ into the discourses, populists in non-Western environments also appear to have also incorporated notions of civilization into their discourses, yet these are rarely studied. The first part of the article begins by discussing the concept of ‘civilizationism’, a political discourse which emphasizes the civilizational aspect of social and especially national identity. Following this, the article discusses populism and describes how populism itself cannot succeed unless it adheres to a wider political programme or broader set of ideas, and without the engendering or exploiting of a ‘crisis’ which threatens ‘the people’. The article then examines the existing literature on the civilization turn evident among populists. The second part of the article builds on the previous section by discussing the relationship between civilizationism and populism worldwide. To do this, the paper examines civilizational populism in three key nations representing three of the world’s major faiths, and three different geographical regions: Turkey, India, and Myanmar. The paper makes three findings. First, while scholars have generally examined civilizational identity in European and North American right-wing populist rhetoric, we find it occurring in a wider range of geographies and religious contexts. Second, civilizationism when incorporated into populism gives content to the key signifiers: ‘the pure people’, ‘the corrupt elite’, and ‘dangerous ‘others’. In each case studied in this article, populists use a civilization based classification of peoples to draw boundaries around ‘the people’, ‘elites’ and ‘others’, and declare that ‘the people’ are ‘pure’ and ‘good’ because they belong to a civilization which is itself pure and good, and authentic insofar as they belong to the civilization which created the nation and culture which populists claim to be defending. Conversely, civilizational populists describe elites as having betrayed ‘the people’ by abandoning the religion and/or values and culture that shaped and were shaped by their civilization. Equally, civilizational populists describe religious minorities as ‘dangerous’ others who are morally bad insofar as they belong to a foreign civilization, and therefore to a different religion and/or culture with different values which are antithetical to those of ‘our’ civilization. Third, civilizational populist rhetoric is effective insofar as populists’ can, by adding a civilizational element to the vertical and horizontal dimensions of their populism, claim a civilizational crisis is occurring. Finally, based on the case studies, the paper defines civilizational populism as a group of ideas that together considers that politics should be an expression of the volonté générale (general will) of the people, and society to be ultimately separated into two homogenous and antagonistic groups, ‘the pure people’ versus ‘the corrupt elite’ who collaborate with the dangerous others belonging to other civilizations that are hostile and present a clear and present danger to the civilization and way of life of the pure people.

This study aims to examine the impact of Political, Economic, Social, Technological, Environmental, and Legal (PESTEL) factors on event businesses in Malaysia. Using qualitative interpretive methods and data from in-depth interviews with 15 event managers, the study identified several external factors affecting event operations. The results show that political factors such as government policies, small business funding grants, and global trade agreements or restrictions can significantly impact event businesses. Economic factors such as exchange rates, labor costs, globalization, and economic growth or decline can also affect operations, while social factors such as consumer trends, tastes, buying habits, lifestyle factors, and population demographics can also play a role. Technological factors, including tools and technological advancements, incentives, and the widespread use of social media, are also identified as important. Moreover, environmental factors such as supply chain management, procurement, future pandemics, ethical sourcing, sustainable resources, weather and climate, risk assessment, multiracial sensitivity, and geographical location are found to impact event businesses as well. Finally, legal factors such as health and safety regulations, employment laws, common laws, and consumer protection laws can also affect event operations. Overall, this study highlights the importance of conducting PESTEL analysis to gain a comprehensive understanding of external factors that can impact event businesses. By using this analysis, event managers can develop strategies to mitigate risks and adapt to the changing market conditions. The findings suggest that event managers must remain vigilant in monitoring and responding to political, economic, social, technological, environmental, and legal factors to ensure the success of their operations.

Environment and Civil Strife

Populism, although not a new political ideology, has witnessed a significant resurgence since the late 20th century. Emerging initially among Southern sharecroppers and tenant farmers in the United States during the 1880s, populism has since manifested globally, characterized by its opposition to elites and its appeal to the "common people." This thesis explores the nature of populism, its ideological foundations, and its impact on contemporary politics, with a particular focus on Pakistan's political landscape. The study critically examines the populist strategies of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and its leader Imran Khan, assessing their socio-political and economic consequences from 2018 to 2023. By distinguishing between populist and non-populist politics in Pakistan, this research provides a comprehensive analysis of PTI's rise and its implications for democracy and governance in the region. The analysis reveals the intricate dynamics between populist rhetoric and policy, and their effects on the economic and sociopolitical fabric of Pakistan. Key findings indicate that PTI's populist approach has significantly reshaped political discourse and governance structures, promoting a narrative that pits the "pure people" against the "corrupt elite." The thesis also highlights the broader implications of populism for democratic practices, suggesting that while populism can invigorate political engagement and address genuine grievances, it also poses challenges to pluralism and institutional stability. Ultimately, this research contributes to a deeper understanding of populism in the Pakistani context, offering valuable insights into its potential trajectories and the critical balance required to sustain democratic values amidst rising populist sentiments.

This article revisits the traditional political culture framework established by Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, which has been a cornerstone in the study of political culture for over five decades. By incorporating both traditional approaches and the political culture frameworks developed by Ronald Inglehart, Terry Clark, and Vincent Hoffmann-Martinot, which examines political culture in the context of economic and social changes, which are factors influencing the new political culture. Specifically, this study examines how economic, social, and political factors influence the political culture of first-time voters in the upper north of Thailand during the 2023 general election. The study sample size of 400 first-time voters from three provinces—Lamphun, Phrae, and Mae Hong Son. Quantitative research methods, including inferential statistics and multiple linear regression analysis, were employed to analyze the data.The findings reveal that social factors related to social media significantly influenced the political culture of first-time voters ( = .340). Economic factors, specifically the family's financial status, also played a significant role ( = .211), as did social factors concerning social trust ( = .139). However, economic factors such as state welfare and political factors, including political trust and the leadership of political leaders, were found to have no impact on the political culture of first-time voters in the upper north of Thailand.Future research should incorporate sociological and psychological dimensions to examine the motivations and obstacles influencing political participation among voters and its effects on political culture. Additionally, employing mixed-methods research for deeper analysis, including comparative studies of political generations, would help assess the impact of economic, social, and political factors on political culture.

This paper, by drawing on various interpretations or storylines of territorial cohesion and by referring to the national policy contexts in Denmark and Germany, critically assesses the concept of territorial cohesion and its added value by exploring what difference the formal recognition of territorial cohesion makes for EU, national and regional policymaking in terms of adapted policy objectives, altered perceptions of territory and place and modified policy instruments. It is argued herein that even though territorial cohesion obviously changes the rationales underlying the cohesion policies and strategic European spatial development policies by emphasising the potential of territorial capital for innovation and employment, the concept of territorial capital is not completely new. Some of the objectives or meanings can be found in former EU cohesion or spatial development policies; additionally, some EU member states such as Denmark have pursued this type of strategy since the early 1990s. Additionally, in Germany, instruments for social and economic cohesion already cover territorial aspects, meaning that the added value of the concept of territorial cohesion can critically be questioned. Furthermore, Denmark and Germany are both sceptical with regard to the introduction of new funding priorities and instruments; the old ones obviously work sufficiently as convergence among regions could be achieved from a country-by-country perspective. Nevertheless, an important advantage of the concept of territorial cohesion is that it offers added value for rethinking current (spatial) policies, strategies and instruments in EU member states that do not have such a long tradition or established system of spatial development policies. From this perspective, the concept of territorial cohesion has sharpened the attention paid to the territorial implications of European policies from a broader perspective, and thus it may serve as a conceptual tool to deal with these issues, not only from an economic but also from a spatial planning and policy coordination perspective.

In the last two decades, post-communist states experienced a fascinating political journey, from using the rule of law concept in the most general way as an early signal of the coming constitutional and political transformation, to specifically (as EU Member States) addressing the problem of the supremacy of EU law and its effect on emerging national democracy and constitutional sovereignty. In other words, they moved from asking the question ‘which rule of law?’ to the question ‘the rule of which law?’ This move itself indicates the capacity of the rule of law, which is discussed in this article, to operate as a political ideal and a power technique at the same time. This duality of the rule of law operations will be outlined against the background of the process of European integration and its challenges to the traditional constitutional notions of sovereignty and legal unity. I shall argue that post-communist states initially had to embrace the substantive concept of the rule of law drawing on liberal and democratic values, which became a valid ticket for ‘The Return to Europe’ journey. However, the very process of European integration involved technical uses of law often challenging the substantive notion of the democratic rule of law and constitutionalism. The accession of post-communist states to the EU thus highlights the Union's more general problem and intrinsic tension between instrumental legitimacy by outcomes and substantive legitimacy by democratic procedures and values.

Simulating the diffusion of organic farming practices in two New EU Member States

Since January 1, 2019, the Federal project “Development of export of medical services” is being implemented, which is aimed at improving the quality of medical services in the Russian Federation and their promotion on the international market. Despite this, the problems and opportunities of medical tourism remain one of the urgent health problems not only in Russia, but also in the Chelyabinsk region. Through the conducted research, among political, economic, social and technological factors, problems and opportunities affecting the development of the export of medical services in the region were identified. The experts also named the necessary measures for the development and promotion of medical services on the international market Aim: analysis of existing problems in the field of medical tourism and import of medical services offered on the territory of the Russian Federation, and identification of possible prospects for the development of this area of medical activity. Materials and methods. The materials of this study were analytical materials and official statistical data of the FSBI “TSNIIOIZ” of the Ministry of Health of the Russian Federation. When processing the results, the information and analytical method, the statistical method, the method of questioning and expert evaluation, the method of processing and summarizing information were used. Results. The study involved 50 medical workers holding senior positions in medical organizations of the Chelyabinsk region (heads of structural divisions, chief physicians and deputy chief physicians). The study of the opinion of the study participants on the problems and prospects of the development of medical tourism led to the following results: • Shortage of personnel and material and technical resources is the main constraining factor of development in the provision of medical services to foreign citizens • It is necessary to equip medical organizations with a sufficient amount of medical equipment to increase the level of medical services provided to foreign citizens. The analysis of the external environment revealed political, economic, social and technological factors that hinder and contribute to the development of medical tourism in the country. Thus, the leading political factor contributing to the development of the export of medical services, experts called the support of medical tourism from the state. And the respondents consider the sanctions imposed by the European Union and the United States to be the main negative political factor. Respondents consider the relatively low cost of providing paid medical services as the main economic opportunity for the development of medical tourism. Whereas the main negative economic factor is the increase in the cost of medical devices and medical equipment due to restrictions on the import of imported equipment directly and the emergence of parallel imports. The most important for attracting foreign patients among social factors is the level of qualification of medical personnel, as well as high performance indicators in certain medical areas. Significant social threats, from the point of view of the respondents, is the lack of a unified system of voluntary medical insurance and international accreditation for most medical organizations of the Russian Federation. In order to develop medical tourism and increase the demand for Russian medical organizations among foreign tourists, the participants of the experiment consider it necessary to use the latest treatment technologies and achieve an international level of service, as well as create conditions that will help foreign patients to facilitate obtaining a medical visa. Conclusion. The results of the study made it possible to assess the problems of medical tourism and assess the prospects for development from the point of view of the heads of medical organizations of the Chelyabinsk region, as well as to develop a set of measures for the development of medical tourism in the Chelyabinsk region. The scope of the results. The data obtained will allow us to develop a set of measures aimed at the development of medical tourism in Russia, the adoption of which will help to increase the volume of exports of medical services and the number of treated foreign citizens.

Basic and strategic research for infectious disease control at the interface of the life, health and social sciences

Through this study, which showed the important role of social planning and clarify the concept and intent of social planning and the stages of this planning, through a critical and analytical study, based on the sequential, analytical and comparative approach. Through which society is developed, individuals are activated in development. The study also found that the developing countries still suffer from weakness in their strategic and development plans due to political, economic and social factors. The study concluded that these countries should be developed and the importance of implementing social and strategic plans in order to reach sustainable development, it was found that pumping 90 % of developing countries suffer from a lack of planning services in all its forms, due to social, economic and political factors.

PurposeMost electronic market (e‐markets)‐based research that has been undertaken has primarily focused on the design and development of systems to support electronic trading within national boundaries and it has been implied that conducting business through this medium is beneficial to the organisation. The purpose of this paper is therefore to examine the relative significance of economic, social, political and cultural factors and their interconnections in the transition to global e‐markets.Design/methodology/approachThe paper uses an interpretive case study as this facilitates an understanding of how globalisation constructs affect the transition of organisations to the global market environment.FindingsThe case study has found the need for organisations to address a wide range of issues if they are to benefit from participation in global electronic marketplaces (e‐marketplaces). The development of information communication and technologies (ICT) has been viewed as a primary factor in the reduction of transaction costs and one which allows for a greater number of suppliers in electronic markets. A large supplier base is seen as an advantage by some since it improves the bargaining position of the buyer. Dealing closely with a small number of suppliers may reduce transaction costs and risk, but such costs and risks have been significantly reduced by the development of internet based e‐marketplaces where the market absorbs a high proportion of both. In the case study, an organisation moving to the e‐market because of the advantages of significantly reduced transaction costs has been seen.Originality/valueThe literature adoption of global procurement platforms stresses the economic benefits. However, few studies have examined the social, cultural and political factors that are part of the globalisation trend and how these impact on companies trying to make a transition to global procurement strategies. In this paper, it is revealed that the trend toward globalisation fuelled by ICT is affected by a complex array of economic, social, political and cultural factors. The economic benefits of globalisation cannot be fully realised without consideration of the social, political and cultural issues.

This chapter discusses populism as a challenge to the EU and democracy in Europe. Blomback argues that what primarily defines populism is the anti-pluralist notion that a homogeneous people stands in moral opposition to a more or less corrupt elite. Because populist messages can be combined with other ideological positions, there are populist parties on both the left and right sides of the political spectrum. The chapter also addresses the important role that crises play in populist rhetoric, and the author argues that populist parties can influence the content of the EU project through their presence in governing bodies at the EU level, but success at the national level is required to fundamentally change the European project. An analysis of election outcomes for populist parties in various European countries over 2010–2017 shows wide variation among EU member states. Some countries have no populist parties in their parliamentary assemblies, while others have several.