The Rise of China and the Chinese Overseas: A study of Beijing's Changing Policy in Southeast Asia and Beyond By LeoSuryadinata, Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, 2017. 278 pp.

Reviewed by: The Rise of China and the Overseas Chinese by Leo Suryadinata Ja Ian Chong The Rise of China and the Overseas Chinese Leo Suryadinata Singapore: Yusof Ishak Institute, 2017. 278 pp. Leo Suryadinata's The Rise of China and the Chinese Overseas: A Study of Beijing's Changing Policy in Southeast Asia and Beyond is a very welcome addition to the discussion of ties between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and ethnic Chinese living beyond its borders. Suryadinata makes the case in the book that as the PRC becomes more globally prominent, it is increasingly blurring lines in its treatment of PRC citizens and non-PRC citizen ethnic Chinese overseas. This claim comes amid allegations of growing PRC efforts to mobilize ethnic Chinese communities abroad to serve its national interests, be they economic, political, or strategic. These concerns are not new and are in fact a throwback to the past. They give the book an added timeliness and importance. For much of the Cold War, ethnic Chinese communities in non-communist parts of Southeast Asia faced the suspicion of being a possible subversive fifth column for the PRC, especially if they seemed left-leaning. Such perspectives diminished as the PRC engaged in economic reform from the late 1970s, eschewed radical revolution, and passed a nationality law in 1980 clearly demarcating non-PRC citizen ethnic Chinese abroad from PRC citizens. Recent reports of PRC efforts to lobby and police opinion in foreign countries using members of local ethnic Chinese communities ranging from Europe and North America to Oceania and Southeast Asia have again brought these long-dormant issues to the fore.1 This is an issue on which Suryadinata has previously written, and he provides readers a brief reminder of these themes in Chapter 3.2 [End Page 151] An Awkward Closeness Suryadinata organizes the book into four parts. Part I (Chapters 1–3) discusses the PRC's rise to prominence from the 1980s till the present, changes in ethnic Chinese communities outside the PRC, and the organization of the Overseas Chinese Affairs Office (OCAO). The OCAO is the government body responsible for managing official ties with ethnic Chinese communities outside the PRC, be they PRC citizens abroad or ethnic Chinese who do not hold PRC citizenship. Within these pages, Suryadinata introduces his main observation—that Beijing seems to be reverting to its older policy of reducing distinctions between PRC citizens and non-PRC citizen ethnic Chinese in foreign jurisdictions. The key motivation behind this move, according to Suryadinata, is PRC efforts to advance and protect its interests and concerns overseas. Part II (Chapters 4–8) examines how the PRC responds officially to events outside its borders that affect ethnic Chinese and PRC citizens. Each chapter contains a case where ethnic Chinese come under threat from developments outside China and assess the PRC position. Beijing's reaction to the 1998 anti-Chinese race riots in Indonesia and violence in the South Pacific, Middle East, and Africa indicates a willingness to evacuate PRC citizens, especially those who work for PRC state-owned enterprises (SOEs). The 2014 anti-Chinese riots in Vietnam, triggered by a Beijing-initiated escalation in its maritime dispute with Hanoi, suggests that the PRC is not above placing its citizens overseas in danger for the pursuit of more important interests. However, contrasting PRC responses to incidents involving ethnic Chinese in Malaysia and Myanmar point toward an evolution in Beijing's position. Beijing responded to alleged ill-treatment of its citizens by Malaysian police in 2005 as well as political pressure, even violence, toward ethnic Chinese Myanmar citizens in the Kokang region along the PRC border in 2015 with diplomatic entreaties. Such actions resulted from Beijing's desire to maintain positive official relations with Malaysia and Myanmar. Threats against ethnic Chinese Malaysians in 2015, in comparison, saw the then-PRC ambassador to Malaysia publicly expressing an intention to protect these co-ethnics even though this was tantamount to intervention and divided local opinion. This step appears to portend an effort by Beijing to extend influence over non-PRC citizen ethnic Chinese communities overseas, even at the risk of upsetting foreign governments. The next four chapters in...

华人研究国际学报Vol. 09, No. 01, pp. 105-108 (2017) 书评No AccessLeo Suryadinata, The Rise of China and the Chinese Overseas: A Study of Beijing's Changing Policy in Southeast Asia and Beyond代帆代帆暨南大学华侨华人研究院, 中国 Search for more papers by this author https://doi.org/10.1142/S1793724817000116Cited by:0 PreviousNext AboutSectionsPDF/EPUB ToolsAdd to favoritesDownload CitationsTrack CitationsRecommend to Library ShareShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditEmail Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, 2017, xi+278pp. FiguresReferencesRelatedDetails Recommended Vol. 09, No. 01 Metrics History PDF download

With its rapid rise after the Cold War, China regards a peaceful and stable global environment not only as a stabilizer for development, but also as an important foundation for the country to promote connection and integration with the international political-economic system (Hsu, 2007).On the one hand, China promotes the concept of a "harmonious worldview" to counter the the impression of a "China threat," on the other hand, China hopes to improve its relations with neighboring countries through bilateral and multilateral approaches under the policy guidance of "good neighbor diplomacy," in order to reduce security threats and construct a regional environment favorable for economic development.Under the harmonious worldview concept, China has actively sought various bilateral and multilateral initiatives with ASEAN and the establishment of bilateral free trade agreements.With traditional security problems under control and temporarily resolved, China hopes to strengthen cooperation with Southeast Asia in the realm of non-traditional security.This paper aims to provide a clear explanation of China's foreign policy in Southeast Asia in the post Cold War period and a rough sketch of future developments.This paper first discusses the meaning of the harmonious worldview concept and good neighbor diplomacy, laying a foundation for understanding China's foreign policy in Southeast Asia.The paper then details changes in Chinese foreign policy in Southeast Asia by analyzing China's strategic goals and policy accomplishments in the region. New security concept, harmonious worldview and China's new diplomacy Emergence of the New Security Concept and Related Policy DevelopmentAfter China began to actively pursue multilateral diplomacy and issued its strategic

This paper takes stock of trade policies in Southeast Asia after the Asian crisis and in the wake of the current global economic crisis. It compares trade policies in individual Southeast Asian countries; places them in the context of regional and global economic integration; and particularly draws implications for the region from the rise of China and India. The first section looks at recent trade and FDI patterns in Southeast Asia. Then follows an overview of key trade‐policy trends, in the region overall and in individual countries. The next sections examine ASEAN countries in international trade negotiations and agreements: first in the WTO, especially in the Doha Round; then within ASEAN; and finally on cross‐regional FTAs. The paper concludes that ASEAN countries cannot rely on external tracks ‘from above’ for meaningful trade policy reform. Since the Asian crisis there has been a slowdown of reform momentum, and too much reliance on trade negotiations – especially FTAs. Rather, countries in the region have to rely on themselves –‘from below’ as it were. The engine of liberalisation and regulatory reform has to be home‐driven – as it was before the Asian crisis – with governments taking unilateral measures in response to internal and external conditions.

Book review of: The Rise of China and the Chinese Overseas: A Study of Beijing’s Changing Policy in Southeast Asia and Beyond. By Leo Suryadinata. Singapore: ISEAS Publishing, 2017. Pp. xi + 278. Paperback: $29.90.

Trade policy is clearly back on the radar screen in Southeast Asia, having been overshadowed by monetary and financial matters in the aftermath of the Asian crisis. The New Regionalism--the proliferation of free trade agreement (FTA) initiatives--has occupied centre stage since 1999/2000. Singapore blazed the trail, and other ASEAN members, notably Thailand, have been catching up. FTA initiatives have become equally popular in Northeast and South Asia, Australasia, and beyond. New FTAs concluded so far in the region have been mostly bilateral, involving individual ASEAN countries and partners outside the region. They have been supplemented by plurilateral, big-block FTA initiatives, involving ASEAN collectively and others (China, India, Japan, Australia, New Zealand). In all, about forty FTAs have been negotiated or are under discussion in the Asia-Pacific since 1999. There is talk of an East Asian Economic Community bringing together ASEAN, China, Japan, and Korea, and even of an Asian Economic Community that would subsume South Asia too. Not too long ago, China acceded to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, crowning the most sweeping set of market-oriented reforms, including the biggest dose of trade and investment liberalization, the world has ever seen. Arguably, China's WTO accession, with very strong commitments that go far beyond those of other developing countries, is the symbol of the liberalization wave worldwide over the past quarter century, and of modern economic globalization more generally. It is also a marker for the way in which China is reshaping economic activity and policy in East and Southeast Asia. India, too, is integrating faster into the world economy, though not nearly as fast or as dramatically as China. The global integration of these two big developing countries is probably the lead trend in economic globalization today and for some time to come. It has powerful, not-to-be underestimated implications for trade and wider economic policies in Southeast Asia. Turning to multilateral matters, the WTO, after the crippling failure of the Seattle Ministerial Conference in 1999, witnessed the launch of a new round of multilateral trade negotiations in Doha at the end of 2001. The round came to a halt with the collapse of the Cancun Ministerial Conference in 2003; but it was revived, with a new negotiating framework put in place by July 2004. Nevertheless, grave doubts about the future of the WTO and of the multilateral trading system persist--a major factor in turning to FTAs in Southeast Asia and elsewhere. Finally, ASEAN itself has hardly been short of initiatives to deepen its own economic integration. The tariff reduction timetable for the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) has been advanced and a new agreement announced to achieve an ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) by 2020. However, grand visions belie the reality on the ground, with at best modest results in bringing down intra-regional trade barriers. …

Introduction In view of geographical proximity as well as economic, social and cultural affinity, the experiences of industrial development in the neighbouring Southeast Asian economies, such as Singapore, Thailand, and Malaysia, can provide invaluable lessons to the less developed economies in the region. In the more advanced Southeast Asian economies, a rapid decline in transport and communication costs and diminishing trade and investment barriers have reduced the costs of organizing production networks across borders, so that extensive production networks have been established through the activities of multinational corporations (MNCs). At the same time, local industries have enhanced their capacities by participating in such networks, and the emergence of local suppliers and local workforce with industry-specific skills has become important factors in determining the competitiveness of industries (Kuroiwa and Toh 2008). Less developed economies in Southeast Asia, especially Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Vietnam (CLMV), are northern neighbours of Singapore, Malaysia, and Thailand. At the same time, they are southern neighbours of China and other Northeast Asian economies. Such geographical proximity facilitates the movement of goods, services, natural persons, and investment across borders. Moreover, AFTA and other relevant free trade agreements (FTAs), as well as infrastructure development such as the East-West, North-South, and Southern Economic Corridors, are leading to the reconfiguration of corporate activities, so that — as in the NAFTA and EU — regional production networks spread from the high income to low income countries to exploit lower labour costs in the latter countries. In this paper, industrial policies in Southeast Asia are first reviewed. In Southeast Asia, liberalization in trade and investment was crucial in extending production networks into less developed economies. At the same time, constraints on industrial policy, notably shrinking policy space, are examined to consider feasible and appropriate industrial policy in an era of globalization, at a time when participation in the World Trade Organization (WTO) and FTAs are becoming the norms. Industries such as electronics, automotive, and clothing are expected to expand production networks and production networks in these industries are examined with the use of input-output analysis. Finally, industrial policies in less developed Southeast Asia are revisited, with particular reference to policy measures whereby participation in production networks plays a crucial role in industrial development.

This chapter examines to what extent land-use policies in South and Southeast Asia have affected not only shifting cultivation practices, but also the transition to other agricultural practices, since this is driven in part by responses to those same policies. The chapter reviews the policies in each country and then, based on the existing literature, assesses how these policies have affected the practice of shifting cultivation. It is argued that it is time to give the smallholders who practise shifting cultivation recognition for the benefits of their farming systems and grant them the help necessary to improve their agricultural practices or to move on to other activities, according to their wishes.

This article explores language policy in Southeast Asia, focussing on two recent state and other institutional reform efforts and directions: one towards English, and the other towards the mother tongues. However, what needs to be highlighted is the bifurcated nature of language policy reforms in the region. That is, these two policy directions are rarely conceptualized together. In terms of implementation, they are mobilized independently as if they are products of completely different phenomena. A set of broad assumptions upon which policies and policy reforms should be based must be articulated. Educational and social justice, nationalism, and global competitiveness saturate discussion on language policies in the region. With a coherent and inclusive framing of this discussion, language policies should unite – not divide – people.

Safe for decolonization: The Eisenhower administration, Britain, and Singapore By S.R. JOEY LONG Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 2011. Pp. xviii + 248. Maps, Bibliography, Index. Joey Long presents a very solid study, well researched, insightful, fair and articulate. Long's work will interest and benefit anyone curious about the interplay between decolonisation, the Cold War, great power foreign policy and local agency in Southeast Asia. Long brings to bear, through diligent work in multiple archives and a sound grasp of existing literature, a rare combination: an informed understanding of both American foreign policy in Southeast Asia during the Cold War and the complexities with which it engaged both allied and local agendas. He does not make the all-too-common error of reducing local agency, in this case Singapore--through Singaporeans in general and political leaders in particular--to a supporting role in a discussion of British-American Cold War discourse. Nor does he subscribe to the still too common and lazy view that political decolonisation in the region was a straightforward process of oppositional politics, first towards a declining European overlord, then to the emerging American assertiveness. Long rightly argues that it was just not that simple. This book examines why, how and to what end the Eisenhower administration became involved in political change in Singapore, with particular reference to the Cold War. In so doing, Long displays commendable balance in judgement and does not subscribe to any of the ideological sacred cows that dot the field. Critical when the evidence so indicates, particularly regarding the Eisenhower administration's efforts to use covert intelligence and political operations to pursue its goals--or perhaps chase its ghosts--in a volatile Singapore, Long also gives credit where credit is due. This stems in part from his ability to lift his analytical gaze beyond the traditional confines of strategic problems and government-to-government intercourse, as catalogued so methodically in the FO371 and RG59 file series. Long's chapter on American cultural diplomacy brings out most strongly his sure grasp of both what made Singaporeans receptive to such approaches and how this fit into the larger policy picture. This chapter alone serves as a valuable response to a literature too ready to essentialise American Cold War practices in the Afro-Asian world. Singapore had particular characteristics that made it important to American Cold War priorities, receptive to some American influences, fractious when confronted by others. The driving theme in Long's study is how the British, Americans and Singaporeans sought to fill the 'political space' being opened up by the larger process of Britain's contraction as a global power. …

The Chinese Communist Party and the “Overseas Chinese Problem”The “Overseas Chinese problem” in South-East Asia is most commonly understood to be a problem which confronts the governments and indigenous peoples of the region, or other governments which have an interest in South-East Asia, or sometimes the Overseas Chinese themselves. It is seldom perceived as a “problem” for the Chinese Government, except in so far as China is thought to have encountered certain obstacles to political and economic exploitation of a relationship which appears deceptively simple, and which seems to offer very considerable advantages to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Yet the evolution of China's Overseas Chinese policy since 1949 reveals a growing awareness on the part of the CCP that there were many intractable problems associated with its overseas population, both in the pursuit of foreign policies in South-East Asia and in the very nature of the Overseas Chinese relationship with China.

The relationship between democracy and social policy in Southeast Asia is a critical topic that has received insufficient attention. In general, trends in improving social policy as part of the government’s responsibility for citizens do not follow the trend of democratization. Even in autocratic countries, improving the quality of social policy is always a priority. This study answers the following question: what can the trend of improvement in social policy explain in relation to democratization at the state level? Through the comparative process tracing analysis method, this study demonstrated a discriminatory treatment factor in providing access to public services to certain groups related to the political forces that had been controlling the government. In addition, this study reveals several factors that have not been widely explained from the periodization of social policy changes in Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and the Philippines.

Essay| February 01 1966 U.S. Policy in Southeast Asia: What’s Ahead? William C. Johnstone William C. Johnstone Professor of Asian Studies, School of Advanced International Studies, The Johns Hopkins University William C. Johnstone taught political science at the George Washington University until 1946. There he also served as dean of the School of Government. He was director of U.S.I.S. for India during 1946–1947 and an adviser to the U.S. diplomatic mission to Nepal in 1947. He served in the Department of State until 1953. During 1957–1959, he was co-director of the Rangoon-Hopkins Center of Southeast Asian studies and visiting professor at the University of Rangoon. He has lectured and traveled extensively in South and Southeast Asia, most recently in 1962. Mr. Johnstone is a lecturer at the Department of State’s Foreign Service Institute and a consultant to the RAND Corporation. Author of a number of works on Asian politics, hismost recent publication is Burma’s Foreign Policy—A Study in Neutralism (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1963). Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Current History (1966) 50 (294): 106–111. https://doi.org/10.1525/curh.1966.50.294.106 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation William C. Johnstone; U.S. Policy in Southeast Asia: What’s Ahead?. Current History 1 February 1966; 50 (294): 106–111. doi: https://doi.org/10.1525/curh.1966.50.294.106 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu nav search search input Search input auto suggest search filter All ContentCurrent History Search This content is only available via PDF. © 1966 by The Regents of the University of California1966 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Introduction Richard Robison 1. Interpreting the Politics of Southeast Asia: Debates in Parallel Universes Richard Robison Part 1: The Changing Landscape of Power 2. Southeast Asia: The Left and the Rise of Bourgeois Opposition Kevin Hewison and Garry Rodan 3. Labour Politics in Southeast Asia: The Philippines Jane Hutchison 4. Oligarchs and Oligarchy in Southeast Asia Jeffrey A. Winters Part 2: States and Regimes 5. Democracy and Money Politics: The Case of Indonesia Vedi Hadiz 6. Populist Challenge to the Establishment: Thaksin Shinawatra and the Transformation of Thai Politics Pasuk Phongpaichit and Chris Baker 7. Patronage-Based Parties and the Democratic Deficit in the Philippines: Origins, Evolution, and the Imperatives of Reform Paul D. Hutchcroft and Joel Rocamora 8. Consultative Authoritarianism and Regime Change Analysis: Implications of the Singapore Case Garry Rodan 9. Vietnam: the ruling Communist Party and the incubation of 'new' political forces Martin Gainsborough Part 3: Markets and Governance 10. Politics, Institutions and Performance: Explaining Growth Variation in East Asia Rick Doner 11. Donors, Neo-liberalism and Country Ownership in Southeast Asia Andrew Rosser 12. The Judicialization of Market Regulation in Southeast Asia John Gillespie 13. Global capitalism, middle class and the shape the new mega cities of the region Chua Beng Huat Part 4: Civil Society and Participation 14. The Limits of Civil Society: Social Movements and Political Parties in Southeast Asia Edward Aspinall and Meredith L. Weiss 15. Decentralization and democracy in Indonesia: strengthening citizenship or regional elites? Henke Schulte Nordholt 16. The Post-Authoritarian Politics of Agrarian and Forest Reform in Indonesia John McCarthy and Moira Moeliano Part 5: Violence 17. Tackling the Legacies of Violence and Conflict: Liberal Institutions and Contentious Politics in Cambodia and Timor-Leste Caroline Hughes 18. Testing the boundaries of the state: gangs, militias, vigilantes and violent entrepreneurs in Southeast Asia Ian Wilson Part 6: The Region and the World 19. Contested borders, contested boundaries: The politics of labour migration in Southeast Asia Michele Ford 20. Trade Policy in Southeast Asia: Politics, Domestic Interests and the Forging of New Accommodations in the Regional and Global Economy Helen Nesadurai 21. Southeast Asian Perceptions of American Power Natasha Hamilton Hart 22. State Power, Social Conflicts and Security Policy in Southeast Asia Lee Jones

Journal Article Marine policy in southeast Asia Get access Marine policy in southeast Asia. Edited by George Kent and Mark J. Valencia. Berkeley, Calif., London: University of California Press. 1985. 425pp. Index. £41.25. ISBN 0 520 05366 4. Rowena Lawson Rowena Lawson Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 62, Issue 3, summer 1986, Page 554, https://doi.org/10.2307/2617958 Published: 01 July 1986