The RBA's (Dashboard) Indicator Approach

This study aims to investigate the employment of higher education in Lithuanian labour market between 2005 and 2014. Today, this problem is relevant to Lithuania, as level of high school graduates employment is changing yearly. The purpose of the research is to evaluate the impact of higher education on employment in Lithuanian labour market. Seeking to define the impact of higher education on employment in Lithuanian labour market, analysis and synthesis of scientific literature about the influence of education on the labour market; systematic statistical data analysis of Lithuanian education and employment and unemployment rate are presented. In order to compare the impact of Lithuanian higher education on employment rate, unemployment rate and real labour productivity with other countries of the EU-28, the correlation analysis are used. Results indicate that education attainment has influence on employment and unemployment level in Lithuanian labour market and relationship between higher education and employment, unemployment and real labour productivity are dominated in all the EU-28 countries.
 
 Keywords: education; higher education; employment; unemployment; labour productivity.

In 1944 William Beveridge’s Full Employment in A Free Society was published, setting out the broad economic policy and supporting labour market policy on which his plan for a comprehensive social security system for Britain, published in I942, was predicated. He held that ‘full employment’ was essential to the implementation of an adequate and comprehensive system of social protection (see Chapter 2). His definition of ‘full employ ment’, ‘having always more vacant jobs than unemployed men’, and in addition, ‘jobs at fair wages of such a kind and so located that unemployed men can reasonably be expected to take them’, reflected his view that ‘society exists for the individual’ and that the imposition on persons of anything more than short periods of unemployment was one of the greatest social evils. In 1945 the White Paper, Full Employment in Australia, was published, attributable primarily to the work of Dr H. C. Coombs, articulating the economic and labour market policies underpinning the consolidation of the social security system implemented by the wartime Curtin/Chiftey Labor Governments, and continuing to provide the frame work of social and economic policy during the years of the Liberal/Country Party coalition governments until the late 1960s (Macintyre 1985; Smyth 1991).

In 1945 the Curtin Labor Government declared it had the capacity and responsibility to permanently eliminate the blight of unemployment from the lives of Australians in its White Paper ‘Full Employment in Australia’. This was the culmination of a century of struggle to establish the ‘right to work’, once a key objective of the 19th century labour movement. Deeply resented and long resisted by employer groups, the policy was abandoned in the mid-1970s, without an electoral mandate. Although the Australian Labor Party and union movement urged public vigilance to preserve full employment during 23 years of Liberal rule, after 1978 they quietly dropped the policy as the Australian Labor Party turned increasingly to corporate donors for the money they needed to stay electorally competitive. While few leading lights of today’s Labor movement care to discuss it, it is right that Australians celebrate this bold statement of our right to work, and the 30 years of full employment it heralded.

Employment in Australia over the past five years has recorded one of the strongest increases in the post-war period. This experience stands in marked contrast to that of the mid 1970s and early 1980s when demand for labour in Australia was very weak. Recent developments provide an opportunity to look again at the relative importance of two main factors affecting the demand for labour – viz, output and real wages. This paper presents estimates of the relationship between employment, output and real wages over the past two decades. The study therefore covers three major episodes in the labour market: the contractions in employment in the mid 1970s and early 1980s and the strong growth since 1983. The paper finds that real wages have been an important influence on employment in Australia – on average, just as important as output. The results show that a large part of the strength of employment over the past five years has been due to the fall in real wages.(This abstract was borrowed from another version of this item.)

Post-war reconstruction and the ‘New Social Order’ Emerging from World War II with a vision for a ‘new social order’ premised on full employment, the Federal Government’s policy for the Australian ‘welfare state’ would shape the social policy for decades to follow. Many of the major components of this policy had their origins in the imperatives of wartime, particularly the need to manage the war economy, fund the war effort and contain inflation (Watts 1987). Murphy (2011) contends that the social policy debate taking place during the war was not just a social necessity but a symbolically important and critical element of the war economy. The war had necessitated major economic and constitutional reforms that were unpopular to the states, including the introduction of Commonwealth income taxation. Social security measures helped make these federal measures more palatable. More importantly they provided a flexible mechanism by which Keynesian economic intervention could be undertaken to curb inflation and control wages (Murphy 2011). The post-war reconstruction efforts further cemented social security and employment as federal government responsibilities and powerful aspects of rebuilding the nation. By 1946 when the Committee completed its final report the fundamental structure of the social security system that remains in place today was largely set out (Shaver 1987). The government’s objectives for employment were defined in a White Paper Full Employment in Australia in 1945, and in 1946 the Commonwealth Employment Service was established. In the wake of the depression, Kewley (1980) contends that unemployment was envisaged as the leading economic issue for post-war Australia. New welfare measures shifted the emphasis from unemployment relief and an associated charity mentality to the idea of security through full employment as a Government objective and social right (Harris 2001). Full employment remained a guiding principle for government social and economic policy and from the end of the war to the early 1970s the unemployment rate seldom exceeded 2 per cent. Many existing federal welfare measures were consolidated into a single piece of legislation, the Social Services Consolidation Act 1947 (also known as the Social Security Act 1947 and the Social Services Act 1947). The Act provided national programmes for payment of pensions, benefits and allowances for social purposes, including the aged pension, invalid’s pension, widow’s pension, supporting mother’s benefit, funeral benefit, maternity allowance, child endowment, double orphan’s pension, unemployment and sickness benefits, special benefits, sheltered employment allowances, and Commonwealth Rehabilitation Service. An Australia-wide system, in replacing previous state-based measures, ensured that risks were pooled and costs could be borne across all states (Shaver 1987). Shaver (1987) also notes a relationship of mutual obligation between the citizen and the state was apparent with the linkage between taxation and income security. The social security system had at its foundations the principles of income security and national unity (Shaver 1987). Income security took the form of a secure and sufficient family wage. The concept of the nuclear family was central, with the notion of a male breadwinner, wife and children featuring prominently in policy documents. This, however, seems primarily modelled on the urban male wage labourer. The Commonwealth-wide social security system became the embodiment of national unity, building on the enormous nationalism engendered during World War II (Shaver 1987). With this came the idea of Australia as a single community. Country Australia was essentially subsumed into this concept of the nation as community, and a welfare system built around urban wage labour. The new scheme provided for more assistance to farmers and the self-employed who were out of work than the previous National Insurance Act of 1938. However, primary producers were not eligible for unemployment relief if they remained on their farms and worked the land (Kewley 1980).

The article addresses the problem of regionalization of state policy in the field of employment and employment. The author links the process of formation and use of labour resources in a particular region with territorial differences in natural conditions and resources, demographic processes and economic potential. Today, the situation in the Russian labor market is characterized by a decrease in the number of employed people, an increase in unemployment, and an increase in the length of the period of unemployment. Employment has a system of indicators reflecting: the completeness of the inclusion of an active part of the population in public production; the level of balance between jobs and labour resources; If employment is consistent with the socio-economic needs of the population, the full and effective employment of specialists, especially young ones, in the labor market is of great importance for the further development of the country. In this regard, employment problems have worsened in almost all regions of Russia. As a result of the analysis of the current state of the labor market and employment of the population of the Orel region, the main priorities of the policy were identified: the promotion of employment of youth, people with disabilities, as well as the development of employment in rural areas. It is argued that in the labor market, despite the measures taken by State bodies, there is a significant gap between the number of registered unemployed citizens and the number of unemployed citizens, the territorial discrepancy between the supply and demand of labor, the imbalance in quantity and professional composition, and the low salary characteristics of the proposed jobs remain. The state policy on promoting employment at present should ensure the coordinated functioning of the labor market, regulation of the formation and movement of investments throughout Russia, the use of corporate and private capital, taking into account the provision of employment at a level sufficient to maintain the reproduction of the population within the framework guaranteed by the Constitution and laws of the Russian Federation. Possible ways to improve the efficiency of public administration of employment and employment of the population in the Orel region, increasing social security and competitiveness in the labor market of weakly protected categories of citizens, are justified.

Imports of manufactured goods from China to Australia grew more than eleven-fold in real US dollar terms between 1991 and 2006. This study uses differences in industry structure between regions to identify the impact of that growth on labour market outcomes in Australia. Overall, the growth in Chinese imports is estimated to have reduced the ratio of manufacturing employment to population by 1.6 percentage points, and manufacturing employment by 221,000 workers. Adjustment to this impact on local manufacturing employment appears to have occurred through labour mobility between regions, but also increased rates of unemployment and non-participation. Growth in manufacturing imports from other Asian countries during this period, by contrast, is found to have had little impact on manufacturing employment in Australia – with the main explanation for the difference being that Chinese imports were weighted more to manufacturing sectors experiencing slower growth in domestic consumption (absorption) and with high labour-intensity. The study concludes by interpreting the estimated impacts of Chinese imports on Australia against estimates for other countries.

In the recent years, Australia has been seeking highly skilled migrants to close the skill gap and increase economic participation in the labour market. Although women are predominant among recent migrants in Australia, they experience higher unemployment rates than male migrants. Previous research has shown that one key challenge they face is their family responsibilities that hinder them in the employment market. In this study, factors in gaining Australian employment for highly skilled migrant women are highlighted. Drawing on 27 semi-structured qualitative interviews with such women, the analysis identified three main factors in gaining employment in Australia: (1) leveraging social capital; (2) accumulation of human capital; and (3) prior, home-country work experience. These factors are not mutually exclusive but interplay to assist highly skilled migrant women in obtaining employment in Australia. These findings have contributed to the migrant employment literature in filling an empirical gap and supporting human capital theory, as well as presenting micro, meso, and macro implications for policy.

Labour markets around the world are experiencing extraordinary disruption during the COVID‐19 pandemic. The gap in the employment rate between Australians with and without disability is likely to widen, given the entrenched disadvantage of people with disability in the job market. For many, it will compound existing health and economic vulnerabilities. This scenario is troubling from both a human rights and an economic perspective. In this paper, we examine the interface of two policy instruments intended to improve the prospects of people with disability finding and keeping employment in Australia – Disability Employment Services and the National Disability Insurance Scheme – in the lead up to and in the early stages of the COVID‐19 pandemic. Findings from three studies conducted between 2018 and 2020 reveal these instruments are not mutually reinforcing. With a 10‐year National Disability Employment Strategy (NDES) in development under federal government oversight, we argue that more concerted and targeted effort from these services and broader public policies and programs is needed to ensure Australians with disability are not sidelined in the labour market in the wake of the pandemic.

The decreasing prevalence of the standard model of employment embodied by the ‘typical male full-time employee on a permanent contract’ can be seen both as risking the erosion of hard won labour rights and as offering the potential for a more flexible, less ‘male’ model. This paper addresses some of the ways in which this tension is played out, drawing on data from the 1995 Australian Workplace Industrial Relations (AWIRS95) Employee Survey to examine the implications for women workers of recent trends in contingent employment in Australia. Our analysis suggests that the growth in contingent employment in Australia has had little positive impact on women’s experience of work. We conclude that if the disadvantage faced by women in irregular employment is to be countered, greater regulation of such employment is required. However, key features of the Workplace Relations Act 1996 make the regulation of the conditions of contingent employment even more difficult to achieve than in the past. The result of current policy settings is likely to be the further institutionalisation of women’s disadvantage at work and in the labour market.

One of the more remarkable features of the Keynesian Revolution has been evidenced in the rapidity with which employment has become the standard of social well-being. The almost-universal unity of economists ideologically ranging from Hayek to Hansen that full or high employment is a social responsibility has been matched by equal interest by various governments, culminating, for example, in the British, Canadian and Australian Papers and the Employment Act of 1946.' That many of these governmental policies, particularly the American version, were considerably short of a employment guarantee does not mitigate to any extent the fact that unemployment in any significant degree would appear to no longer be consciously countenanced by political governments. If such a guarantee is even closely approximated, and policy is implemented to bring an economy to such full employment, the problems of unemployment are quickly replaced by the possibility of an inflationary potential. This paper will be concerned in particular with two of the major questions potentially faced in a employment economy-(a) is a employment guarantee compatible with a stable price level, and (b) within such an economy, what is the impact of the union on the price level. It is recognized that the degree of guarantee can have a considerably varying influence in relation to the above questions-certainly the Murray Full Employment Bill of 1945 contained a stronger guarantee than did its resultant legislation. However, for the purpose of simplicity, it will be assumed that some form of effective guarantee has been promulgated, perhaps approximating Beveridge's definition, having more vacant jobs than employed men ... at fair wages, of such a kind, and so located that the unemployed men can reasonably be expected to take them ... the labour market should always be a seller's market rather than a buyer's market.2

As the proportion of older workers in the labour market increases, there is a greater need to identify ways to engage and retain mature age workers. In 2011, we interviewed 24 older workers who had recently left full‐time employment in Australia. We found that the exit decisions of older workers are more complex than the dichotomous choice between staying and retiring. We identified three distinct decision options: retire, change jobs or take a break from the labour market. Work intensification and discrete personal or work events influenced the decision to retire or take a break from the labour market. Work dissatisfaction influenced the decision to exit the organisation but not the labour market. Our findings point towards the importance of flexibility, job redesign and supportive work practices in retaining mature age talent that might otherwise be lost to dissatisfaction and work intensification.

This research provides a detailed comparative analysis of the number of labor disputes and the evolution of Kazakhstan’s labor discipline legislation. Key observations include the correlation between stringent disciplinary norms and reduced unemployment, the influence of judicial practices on labor dis-cipline, and the necessity of balancing strict discipline with fair treatment to prevent legal disputes. The findings offer valuable insights for optimizing labor policies to support sustainable labor market develop-ment in Kazakhstan. These insights align with the goals of SDG 8, which promotes sustained, inclusive, and sustainable economic growth, full and productive employment, and decent work for all.The purpose of this paper is not only to analyze the current state of the labor market in Kazakhstan but also to propose recommendations for optimizing labor policy, taking into account both current challenges and potential opportunities for sustainable development of the labor market in the country. Based on a wide range of data, including statistical indicators range of unemployment levels, legislative changes, and analysis of judicial practice, we aim to identify correlations and cause-and-effect relation-ships between labor discipline and market indicators.

It is well established that people with disabilities are under-represented in the workforce. Disability labour market scholars agree that there is a significant gap between labour market participation of people with disabilities and people without disabilities, with on-going labour market disadvantage widely reported. All indicate that notwithstanding the recent economic growth of Western economies, the employment rate for people with disabilities has not improved. This paper draws on the findings of three recent research projects on disability employment in Australia and on data from contemporary literature on workplace discrimination and proposes that a combination of more robust social inclusion policies and legislation, revitalised supported employment models, intensive social marketing, and radical disability advocacy is required.

The increased number of casuals in the Australian workforce has generated considerable concern about a proliferation of inferior jobs in the labour market. Critics of casualisation have pointed to poor outcomes associated with casual work: job insecurity, lack of training and career paths, marginalisation in the workplace and so forth. Thosewho defend casualisation argue that non-standard employment provides greater choice within the labour market, and that casual employees are no less dissatisfied with their jobs than permanent employees. In this paper, I re-assess this debate by examining a recent analysis of job satisfaction among casual employees by Wooden andWarren in 2004. I argue that findings of contentment among casual employees are subject to both methodological and philosophical weaknesses. In place of subjectivemeasures of job satisfaction, I argue that the quality of jobs should be directly assessed by objective criteria like remuneration. Following this, I fit earnings equations to the HILDA data and find that part-time casual employees earn only a modest premium over permanent full-time employees. When the loadings, which casuals are paid, are taken into account, I find that part-time casual employees are actually penalised by virtue of working as casuals. I conclude that casual jobs are inferior jobs, irrespective of the satisfaction levels of their incumbents.