The Pursuit of Absolute Transparency: Causes and Consequences of Chilean Anti-Corruption Reforms

Can corruption be combatted? Yes, but only under certain circumstances! That appears to be the experience of Asian countries where corruption is ubiquitous with the exception of Singapore--a that proved to be the only success story with a strong political leadership and better pay sales. Can this experience be replicated? Three decades ago, Gunnar Myrdal (1968, 938-939) identified the taboo on research on South Asian corruption as one of the factors inhibiting the research of his book, Asian Drama. However, this taboo no longer exists, judging from the increasing amount of research on corruption in Asian countries in recent years. According to the Far Eastern Economic Review, corruption was the biggest story of 1996, the Year of the Rat, as a great deal of newsprint and television time was devoted to reports and discussions on corruption in (Ghosh et al., 1997, 18). Furthermore, the financial crises in Thailand, South Korea, Malaysia, and Indonesia in 1997 have highlighted the problems of corruption, cronyism, and nepotism on one hand, and the need for more accountability and transparency in government and banking operations in these countries on the other hand. Why is corruption such a serious problem in Asian countries? Is it possible to control or to minimize corruption in these countries? This paper contends that the extent of corruption in Asian (and other) countries depends on two factors: (1) the nature of the causes of corruption in these countries; and (2) the degree of effectiveness of the measures initiated by political leaders to combat corruption. In order to curb corruption in Asian countries, the causes of corruption must first be correctly diagnosed so that political leaders can take appropriate action to minimize, if not eliminate, such causes. Asian countries like Singapore and Hong Kong, which observe this logic of corruption control, are more successful in combatting corruption than other countries (Quah, 1995). This paper is divided into three sections. In the first section, the different levels of corruption in Asian countries are discussed. Section two describes the anticorruption strategies employed in several Asian countries. The concluding section focuses on Singapore's experience, demonstrating that, while it is difficult to curb corruption, it is nonetheless possible to do so if a country's political leaders have the commitment or will to impartially implement effective anticorruption measures. Levels of Asian Corruption In September 1974, the Far East Economic Review featured the cover story Corruption: The Asian Lubricant, which surveyed corruption in 10 Asian countries. The article concluded that: If you want to buy a Sherman tank, a Red Cross blanket, or simply speed up the installation of a telephone, there is probably no easier place in the world in which to do just that than in Asia--if you are willing to part with some cash, that is. With pathetically few exceptions, the countries in this region are so riddled with corruption that the paying of tea money has become almost a way of life (Far East Economic Review, 1974, 3). This picture of pervasive corruption in Asia is supported by individual portraits of corruption in such countries as Bangladesh, the People's Republic of China, Hong Kong, India, Japan, Laos, Pakistan, Taiwan, and Thailand (Far East Economic Review, 1974, 22-31). As it is not possible to measure the actual extent of corruption in a country, scholars usually rely on the reported extent of corruption. Lancaster and Montinola (1997, 16) have observed that students of political corruption use written documents (press reports, judicial records, and records from anticorruption agencies) and survey data to measure corruption. As these instruments are not problem-free, they have recommended the use of the Corruption Perception Index (CPI), published by Transparency International in 1995 and updated in 1996 and 1997, because it is a robust index that captures more than a single indicator and combines several measures of political corruption for each country (Ibid. …

John C. Bersia 17 ARTICLES INTERVIEW WITH ALEJANDRO SALAS,ACTING DIRECTOR, AMERICAS REGIONAL DEPARTMENT, TRANSPARENCY INTERNATIONAL John C. Bersia Universityof Central Florida Alejandro Salas serves as Acting Director of the Americas Regional Department at TransparencyInternational(T1).TI is the leading organization fighting corruption around the world. He recentlydiscussed his organization’slatestfindings about corruption in Latin America with John C. Bersia, who serves as Special Assistant to the President and is University Professor at the University of Central Florida. Q: In your latest corruption rankings released in late 2005, how did LatinAmerica fare? AlejandroMas: LatinAmericacontinuesto be a region perceived as highly corrupt, accordingto Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index (CPI). Out of the 18 Latin American countries included,only Chile and Uruguay have scores above 5. Half of these countries score bellow 3, which indicates endemic corruption. Among them: Paraguay, Venezuela, Guatemala, Bolivia, Ecuador, Nicaragua,Honduras and Argentina. Q: How dothose resultscomparewith the findingsof previous years? A: The regional average remains relatively stable at 3.86 (last year’s was 3.65). In terms of individual countries, we can highlight the following:Decliners,2004 to 2005: Costa Rica and Uruguay ; improvers, 2004 to 2005: Argentina, Bolivia, Guatemala, Honduras. 18 The Latin Americanist Spring 2006 Q: What may accountfor the changesyou have noted? A: It is difficult to find single reasons that apply to the whole region, however, there are specific situations that shed light on the kinds of issues that are present in some countries and help in understanding why scores are still so low. Of particularinterest is the substantialfallin CostaRica’sperformance(CPI 2005scoreof 4.2; CPI2004scoreof 4.9).Thiscan be attributedin part to several corruption scandals in recent years involving former presidents, multinational companiesand foreign governments. Despite some government efforts to counter these problems, such as creation of the Officeof the SpecialAttorney for Ethics and Public Services, much more is needed to rid the country’s political institutionsof corruption.Brazil (CPI 2005 score of 3.7; CPI 2004 scoreof 3.9) has been hit by corruption and illegal financingscandalsaffecting the country’s executive, legislatureand political parties, deriving directly from vulnerabilities in Brazil’s institutional framework, such as the excessivefreedomof governmentsto appointpolitical appointees to occupy positions in the state’s management. It is clear that a comprehensive approachinvolving an integratedanticorruptionstrategyis required. Q: Could you discuss, as well, the consistently low scores? A: Argentina (CPI 2005 score of 2.8; CPI 2004 score of 2.5) has scored poorly in recent CPIs, reflecting the perception of severe corruption.Despite reforms made to the selection process for the Supreme Court of Justice, and the Access to Public Information decree, there is still much room for improvement. In particular, the Committeedesignatedto overseeexecutionof the budget has not done so for the past 10 years, allowing the Chief of Cabinet to reallocate budgetary funds at his discretion. Guatemala (CPI 2005 score of 2.5; CPI 2004 score of 2.2) has again received a very low score despite recent government initiatives, including the 2004 Commission for Transparency and against Corruption, which advisesthe executiveon how to combatcorruption,and the involvementof various stateand civil societybodies in advocating and promoting better regulation. Further efforts are needed with respect to efficient public anti-corruption institutions, strengthening of the electronic public contracting system and improved access to information.With presidentialelections due in Mexico (CPI 2005 score of 3.5; CPI 2004 score of 3.6) in 2006, the commitment of candidates to increase transparency in income and expenses will be key in avoiding a repeat of 2000’s electoral financing scandals. The government has been active through the John C. Bersia 19 promotion of federal, state and local laws on access to public information,creationof an autonomousentityto guaranteeaccess to public information, and increased monitoring faculties for the Federal Electoral Institute. However, it is clear that much work remains in order to rid Mexico’spublic institutionsof corruption. Q: ThroughoutLatin America, corruption has moved higher on the politicalagenda in recentyears.Why is that? A: We could observe that the anticorruptiondebate and political agenda gained momentum during the second half of the 90s and continued in the Latin America region up to 2004. This was an important consequence after organizations such as TI, the...

ABSTRACTNew Zealand has experienced a plethora of political corruption scandals over the past several years. Newspapers have increasingly featured the term ‘corruption’ to describe a wide range of allegedly ostensibly scandalous activities. Are corruption and corruption scandals related? Is New Zealand developing a culture of political scandals? What are the long-term political implications of this trend, given that New Zealand has arguably been one of the perceived least corrupt country in the world, according to such measures as Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index? This necessarily impressionistic study examines the role of the media and the public presentation of specific ‘corruption’ scandals on the potentially changing receptivity of the New Zealand public to such scandals, with a view to clarifying the starting point of this complex relationship between public perceptions and political behaviour.

Turgut Ozal was a critical figure in Turkey's transition to a neo-liberal development model in the 1980s. Arguably, he was also the most influential political leader in Turkey since the time of Kem...

This study measures corruption using survey data, newspaper reports, court records, anti-corruption agency records, and other sources. Corruption and problems with the government have been significant problems in South Asia since the early 1980s. The Corruption Perception Index (CPI) from Transparency International is recommended because it is a “robust” indicator that looks at many different ways to measure political corruption in each country. The root causes of corruption in South Asian countries, however, are a monopoly of government-controlled institutions, excessive regulations, convoluted tax and licensing systems, numerous government departments with opaque bureaucracies and discretionary powers, and a lack of transparency in laws and procedures. Tax evasion, which helps black money accumulate and lowers public morale, has a substantial negative impact on the economies and politics of South Asian nations. Since the 1980s, Pakistan, Bangladesh, India, and Bangladesh have all been officially charged with corruption. In addition, political rivals and the media frequently accuse the prime ministers of Sri Lanka and Nepal of corruption. In Bangladesh, Pakistan, and other South Asian countries, political bribery is widespread. In 2002, General Pervez Musharraf passed stringent election laws that forbade politicians convicted of a crime from seeking office. The rule’s detractors believe that applying it would prevent the civilian community’s two most influential political figures from challenging the military administration in elections later this year.

This study measures corruption using survey data, newspaper reports, court records, anti-corruption agency records, and other sources. Corruption and problems with the government have been significant problems in South Asia since the early 1980s. The Corruption Perception Index (CPI) from Transparency International is recommended because it is a "robust" indicator that looks at many different ways to measure political corruption in each country. The root causes of corruption in South Asian countries, however, are a monopoly of government-controlled institutions, excessive regulations, convoluted tax and licencing systems, numerous government departments with opaque bureaucracies and discretionary powers, and a lack of transparency in laws and procedures. Tax evasion, which helps black money accumulate and lowers public morale, has a substantial negative impact on the economies and politics of South Asian nations. Since the 1980s, Pakistan, Bangladesh, India, and Bangladesh have all been officially charged with corruption. In addition, political rivals and the media frequently accuse the prime ministers of Sri Lanka and Nepal of corruption. In Bangladesh, Pakistan, and other South Asian countries, political bribery is widespread. In 2002, General Pervez Musharraf passed stringent election laws that forbade politicians convicted of a crime from seeking office. The rule's detractors believe that applying it would prevent the civilian community's two most influential political figures from challenging the military administration in elections later this year.

The most prominent and well-known global index of corruption is the Corruption Perception Index (CPI), released annually by Transparency International (TI). The model we propose is the first approach to explore the quantile relationship between CPI rankings in consecutive years. This study utilizes the quantile causality approach to investigate whether corruption levels impact the following years over the 2012–2019 period. We show that CPI itself has a significant impact on the forthcoming years. It is not easy to change the scores of corruption in the most corrupt countries and the least corrupt countries. However, in countries with moderate corruption, the evaluation of corruption may be significantly improved (or worsened). To our best knowledge, the phenomenon is rarely discussed in the literature and is also an important contribution.

Editor’sNote 5 EDITOR’S NOTE CORRUPTION IN LATIN AMERICA Stephen D. Morris, Guest Editor Universityo f SouthAlabama Introduction After decadesof dissimulation,political corruptionhas become a priority for voters, politicians, social organizations,international institutions, and even scholars. Many factors triggered this turnaround that dates to about the mid-1990s. Domestically, growing dissatisfaction with democracy, weak rule of law, persistent authoritarianenclaves, impunity, and numerous high-profile corruption scandalshave all helped crystallizethe issues of accountability , transparency, governance, and corruption.’ The nineties thus saw corruption recast throughout Latin America as an obstacle, if not a direct threat, to democracy. Internationally as well, the end of the Cold War and the triumph of neoliberalism eliminated the taboo once enveloping the topic, thereby clearing the stage for concerted multilateral projects to fight corruption. Increasingly, international institutions, particularly the IMF and the World Bank, began to focus their attentions, resources and influence on strengthening domestic institutions of governance, casting corruption as a fetteron the globaleconomyand capitalist development.ThroughoutLatinAmerica these forceshave forged an array of high-profile national and internationalanti-corruption programs. Scholarlyattention to corruption has also increased dramatically duringthese years2Much of this stemsfrom the burgeoning social,politicaland internationaldiligenceand attendantresearch funding. But a key impetus to the “new focus” on corruption has been the compilationof data measuring corruptionat the national level.Turning this furtivephenomenoninto numbersbreathed life into the study and unleashed a wave of cross-national empirical research testing the causes and consequencesof corruption. 6 The Latin Americanist Spring 2006 Assessing Levels of Corruption in Latin America Data and related studies have tended to confirm what most knew or at least suspectedall along with respect to LatinAmerica: that corruption is widespread, deeply entrenched, seemingly on the rise, and stubbornly resistantto change.Table 1presents data for Latin America from the 2005 Corruption Perception Index (CPI) produced by the Berlin-basedNGO Transparency International (TI).Compiled and published annually since 1995,the CPI pulls togetherthe resultsfrom numerous national surveysgauging perceptions of corruption among country experts, development officials, and businesses executives.The most widely used source of comparative data on corruption, the CPI scores countries on a scale from 0 (most corrupt) to 10 (least corrupt) and ranks the countriesinternati~nally.~ Table 1. 2005 Corruption Perception Index with ranking (n=158), number of polls, and confidence intervals. Source: Transparency International (www.ti.org) Editor'sNote 7 As aregion,LatinAmericaexhibitshigh levelsof corruption, certainly more than expected based on its level of development. Withinthe region,corruptionlevelsvary. Chileconsistentlyexhibits the lowest levelsof corruption.In 2005,Chileranked 21'' globally ,placing it in the company of such developed nations as Japan (7.3) and Belgium (7.4). With the exception of Uruguay's score of 5.9, however, all the other countries of the region fell below the mid-point with scores ranging from a low of 1.8to a high of 4.2. Brazil, for instance, ranked 62"dglobally in the company of Thailand; Mexico placed 65" along with Turkey; and Argentina occupied the 97" spot together with Algeria and Mozambique. And with a score of 1.8Haiti received the lowest ranking among Latin American nations,placing it 155" among the 158countries in the index,just between Bangladesh and Paraguay. Data from Latinobummetro polls confirm and add some depth to these measures. The much-cited annual regional survey of public opinion covers almost all the countries of the region and, depending on the year, contains a number of corruptionrelatedquestions .These includewhethercorruption has increased or decreased over the prior year; the extent to which corruption is seen as a political problem; direct participation in corruption; the ranking of institutionsin terms of the existenceof corruption; and the number of civil servantsconsideredto be corrupt. Table 2 provides a selectionof data. It shows increases in corruption and direct experience in paying bribes as opposed to simple perceptions of corruption from the 2002 polls, and the probabilities of bribing a police or ajudge taken from the 2004 surveys.The data confirm the perceptionamong the public-as opposed to experts, business executivesand countryanalystsas depicted in the CPIthat corruption is indeed widespread and on the increase, at least in the early part of the decade. Note here that measures of direct experience in corruption contrasts the CPI and other indicators based on perceptions...

Atopic Dermatitis in Latin America: A Roadmap to Address Data Collection, Knowledge Gaps, and Challenges.

PurposeThis study aims to examine the significance of public/political corruption; trade tax revenue (import and export) on tax evasion in a group of 140 countries for the period 2008–2017. Sampled countries were subsequently grouped into four clusters for further testing. With the increase in globalization and technology, there is a potential of increased tax corruption on trade tariffs revenue activities.Design/methodology/approachThe empirical testing was carried out using the technical and more advanced dynamic two-step system-generalized moment method. The econometrical method solves the problem of autocorrelation and heteroskedasticity on cross-sectional data. This study used the data from World Bank, Transparency International, World Economic Forum and Kaufmann’s governance indicators.FindingsThere is statistical interaction between the corruption perception index (CPI) and international trade activities. Moreover, other results revealed that CPI and trade tax revenue activities are statistically insignificant to tax evasion in three groups; low corrupt countries, high corrupt and trade surplus countries although the coefficient signs remain consistent. This can be attributed by a low level of corruption in the low corrupt countries or concealment of corruption-related information in high corrupt countries and the low level of import evasion in trade surplus countries.Originality/valueBased on the theory and results, public and political officials should promote good corporate governance by strictly monitoring trade revenue activities because parties involved can use technical criminality to conceal illegal behavior. Additionally, all jurisdictions should apply the economic theory of crime, especially in high political corrupt countries and perennial trade deficit countries because key macroeconomic tax revenue activities such as imports invite numerous forms of dishonesty.

The article examines the phenomenon of corruption as a negative social issue. It is noted that corruption, as a social phenomenon, has existed for a very long time, affecting every country, and has always been considered an evil that must be eradicated and combated. It is emphasized that when defining the essence of corruption, it is important to understand that it cannot be reduced to a single specific offense. Corruption is primarily a social phenomenon, influenced by social factors and governed by certain social patterns. It has a destructive impact on social development. It exists within society and, as a result of the functioning of the entire system of social relations, penetrates various spheres of public life, distorts personal relationships and social values, disrupts the usual order in society, and leads to the collapse of state institutions. The article also elucidates the concept of corruption as defined in dictionaries, as well as the views of researchers with different scientific interests and positions. For this reason, the perspectives of prominent sociologists M. Weber and É. Durkheim were studied, whose theories provide important approaches to understanding this phenomenon. The economic aspect of corruption is discussed, highlighting that both theoretical and empirical studies by scholars conclude that corruption negatively affects economic growth rates. Reports by Transparency International, a non-governmental organization that combats corruption and studies its levels in various countries worldwide, are analyzed. This organization annually uses the indicator called the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) for all countries. The least corrupt countries are Finland, Denmark, Sweden, and New Zealand, where the public sector is most developed, with a significant proportion of tax revenues and government expenditures in the GDP structure. The higher the Corruption Perceptions Index, the better the global anti-corruption ranking. According to this study, in the Corruption Perceptions Index for 2024, Ukraine scored 35 out of 100 possible points and ranked 105th. As evident, Ukraine's Corruption Perceptions Index is relatively low. The article also analyzed the perspectives of scholars in legal academic literature, most of whom recognize corrupt actions as illegal in global practice; however, there is no single, universally accepted definition of corruption. It was noted that, in jurisprudence, there exists a criminal-law paradigm that views corruption as an illegal and unlawful phenomenon that harms society in the social, political, and economic development of the state. This paradigm encompasses a wide range of unlawful acts associated with abuse of power for material gain, placing such actions outside the legal framework and, accordingly, requiring urgent and decisive countermeasures. The concept of corruption as provided in the UN Convention against Corruption, as well as in the Law of Ukraine "On Preventing Corruption" dated October 14, 2014, was analyzed. It was established that criminologists identify corruption as a distinct type of criminal activity—namely, corruption-related crime, which is inextricably linked with other negative phenomena and processes in various spheres of society's life: political, economic, moral-ethical, and spiritual. It has been concluded that corruption is a global social phenomenon that poses a serious threat to governments and politicians worldwide, regardless of the level of economic development of countries. It manifests itself in all spheres of social life: social, political, economic, and legal. Therefore, a comprehensive understanding of the essence, origin, and functioning of corruption processes is key to developing and implementing effective anti-corruption policies. Keywords: corruption, state authorities, society, social, political, economic development of the state, anti-corruption policy.

The article attempts to generalize some features of the study of poverty in the modern world. The use of various indicators that demonstrate the level of poverty has been shown. It has been explained that GDP per capita is one of the most accurate ways of assessing the economic development of the state. It has been demonstrated that all the poorest countries are located on the African continent. Almost all of them used to be colonies of European empires, and now they face political instability, civil wars, natural disasters, etc. These problems have been considered on the examples of Niger and Egypt. Another indicator of poverty is the percentage of people living below the poverty line. The difficulty of using this indicator is that national poverty lines in different countries can differ significantly. According to this indicator, 8 African and 2 Latin American countries (Guatemala and Haiti) are in the top ten. The Global Hunger Index (GHI) has been considered, according to which African countries and Syria are among the top ten starving countries. It should be noted that for some countries there is very little data on the number and share of the hungry. When studying the situation in some countries (North Korea, Turkmenistan, Somalia, etc.), it should be borne in mind that the governments of these countries do not always publish real official statistics, and those data that get into the mass media are not always true. It has been proven that the Human Development Index (HDI) is an integrated indicator that can be used to study the problem of poverty. It has been shown that 10 countries with the lowest HDI are located in Africa. Their place in this ranking is influenced not only by material factors, but also by the average life expectancy and education. Africa is still a continent with a large number of illiterate people. The Corruption Perceptions Index is also important for the study of poverty, because corruption slows down reforms and harms transparent market relations. Therefore, it becomes one of the factors of poverty. Using the statistics provided by Transparency International, we have found out that the most corrupt countries are more evenly distributed around the globe, among them are not only African ones, but also Asian and Latin American states. It can be summarized that the nature of poverty is different in the developed and developing countries. In the developing countries, natural conditions, peculiarities of the organization of socioeconomic life, the political system and even the personality of political leaders are important. In the developed countries, poverty is mostly a consequence of individual psychological characteristics, behaviour, specific life circumstances, etc. In these countries, poverty can be easily overcome.

BackgroundAlthough G6PDd individuals are generally asymptomatic throughout their life, the clinical burden of this genetic condition includes a range of haematological conditions, including acute haemolytic anaemia (AHA), neonatal jaundice (NNJ) and chronic non-sphaerocytic anaemia (CNSA). In Latin America (LA), the huge knowledge gap regarding G6PDd is related to the scarce understanding of the burden of clinical manifestation underlying G6PDd carriage. The aim of this work was to study the clinical significance of G6PDd in LA and the Caribbean region through a systematic review.MethodsA systematic search of the published literature was undertaken in August 2013. Bibliographies of manuscripts were also searched and additional references were identified. Only original research was included. All study designs were included, as long as any clinical information was present. Studies were eligible for inclusion if they reported clinical information from populations living in LA or Caribbean countries or about migrants from these countries living in countries outside this continent.ResultsThe Medline search generated 487 papers, and the LILACS search identified 140 papers. After applying the inclusion criteria, 100 original papers with any clinical information on G6PDd in LA were retrieved. Additionally, 16 articles were included after reading the references from these papers. These 116 articles reported data from 18 LA and Caribbean countries. The major clinical manifestations reported from LA countries were those related to AHA, namely drug-induced haemolysis. Most of the published works regarding drug-induced haemolysis in LA referred to haemolytic crises in P. vivax malaria patients during the course of the treatment with primaquine (PQ). Favism, infection-induced haemolysis, NNJ and CNSA appear to play only a minor public health role in this continent.ConclusionHaemolysis in patients using PQ seems to be the major clinical manifestation of G6PDd in LA and contributes to the morbidity of P. vivax infection in this continent, although the low number of reported cases, which could be linked to under-reporting of complications. These results support the need for better strategies to diagnose and manage G6PDd in malaria field conditions. Additionally, Malaria Control Programmes in LA should not overlook this condition in their national guidelines.

Objective. In the conditions of challenges to the existence of Ukraine as a state and the need to reform almost all spheres of life in Ukraine, the public danger of corruption offenses cause contempt and mutual distrust of people and power structures, which poses a threat to the national security of Ukraine and makes it impossible to develop a dialogue regarding the necessary measures to modernize social relations on the way of European integration of Ukraine. This requires a systematic analysis of the state of implementation of the anti-corruption policy in Ukraine and justification of the ways of fighting against corruption in the war conditions and in the post-war period. Methods. The following methods of scientific research were used: methods of analysis, synthesis and formalization; system-structural analysis; abstract-logical method for making theoretical generalizations and formulating of research conclusions. Results. Despite the fact that over the last decade, Ukraine has risen in the rating of corruption perceptions (Corruption Perceptions Index), calculated by the experts of Transparency International, due to declarative actions to build an anti-corruption system, it remains the second most corrupt country in Europe after the state sponsor of terrorism � the Russian Federation. The high level of corruption in the daily life of Ukrainian society, business, public administration and politicians questions the perspectives of Ukraine's post-war reconstruction, because the increasing competitiveness and maintaining competitive advantages largely depends on the effectiveness of the used organizational mechanism for managing the country's global competitiveness. Scientific novelty. As a result of insufficient attention of civil society to corruption during the Russian-Ukrainian war, the level and the spectrum of corruption risks in Ukraine is increasing, and such processes entail the problems of the appearance of additional corruption risks after the end of war, which can be summarized in the following directions: problems of effective implementation of reconstruction programs, growth of the political weight of public administration institutions and their capture of the most part of information space, non-transparent distribution of humanitarian aid, lack of political will, established models of pre-war and wartime corruption, weak rule of law and tolerant attitude of Ukrainian society to manifestations of corruption. Practical significance. From the point of view of the growth of corruption risks with the beginning of the active phase of the Russian-Ukrainian war, as evidenced by corruption scandals in the Office of the President of Ukraine, the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine, the Ministry for Communities, Territories and Infrastructure Development of Ukraine and a number of regional state administrations, the repressive side of anti-corruption policy should be significantly strengthened. It is expedient for Ukraine to focus its main attention on the creation of a reliable infrastructure for the effective distribution and use of foreign aid for those layers of the population and military forces that need it most of all. Keywords: public administration; local-self government; anti-corruption policy; corruption; Index of perception of corruption; anti-corruption institutions.

The phenomenon of corruption is known all over the world, and its intensity varies according to economic, behavioral and educational factors. Transparency International is a global civil society that carries out regular opinion surveys and publishes the perceptions of corruption in countries around the world. This index identifies the level of corruption perceived in the world and contributes achieving a ranking of countries in this regard. The corruption perception index should be correlated with economic situation of a country. The economic situation of a country can be reflected by GDP and unemployment rate. The purpose of this study is to determine whether the index of corruption is influenced by the economic situation of a country, so the study analyses the corruption perception index, GDP and unemployment rate, establishing whether there is a link between them.