The Privileging of Cuban Immigrants in the United States, 1959–1979

Unintended Consequences of Health Care Legislation

The observations here presented, on the manifestations and clinical management of emotional disorders among Cuban immigrants in the United States, are based on more than twenty years of psychiatric practice among Cubans, half of it in Cuba. Emphasis will be on social and cultural factors that seem to influence the pathological picture and on case studies that are characteristic of the clinical syndromes seen among immigrants from the Caribbean.

Latinx immigrants in the U.S. are often analyzed through single case study methodology where each selected Latinx immigrant group in the U.S. analyzed through separate chapters of a book or a sub-section of an article. This study is prepared to compare the push factors, migration journeys and post-migration patterns of Cuban and Venezuelan immigrants in Florida by adopting Charles Tilly's Individualizing Comparison methodology. Since both of the Venezuelan and Cuban immigrants have been fleeing from left-wing home governments and choosing the same point of destination (Florida), there is a common misunderstanding that both of these immigrant groups have the same post-migration patterns. For this reason, levels of English proficiency, income, education and political party tendencies are compared throughout this study to show the differences and peculiarities of both immigrant groups in a comparative perspective. According to the findings of this study, the common assumptions about the two immigrants groups are wrong.

The Dilemmas of Ethnic Policy: A Global Perspective argues that ethnic conflict increases or decreases in relation to changes in the social structure and the location and distribution of political power. Ethnic grievances derive from lack of access to valued resources, and elites play a crucial role in allocating those resources. This book examines the experiences of five countries with a history of ethnic conflict: former Yugoslavia/Bosnia-Herzegovina, Guyana, Trinidad and Tobago, and the United States. It finds that in many cases, solutions adopted to mitigate ethnic conflict have unintended consequences. Often, supposed solutions confuse cause and effect and in fact worsen ethnic conflict. Attempts to address identity issues by pandering to them often led to further ethnic demands. This book argues that, based on the experiences of the countries under examination, the best course is to adopt policies that encourage alliances between and among ethnic groups.

Racism has plagued the United States since its inception. The underside of American history is filled with the reality of racism—the decimation and removal of the Indians, slavery, Jim Crow, internment camps for Japanese Americans, the crime of driving while black, and border patrols, to name some examples. This set covers the period from colonial times until today and all the groups discriminated against at one time or another: Arabs and Muslims, who are the most recent targets, blacks, Asians, the indigenous, Latinos, European immigrants, and Jews. It is the first work to explore the magnitude of the explosive issue and does so in a non-inflammatory manner. More than 450 essay entries present key terms, organizations, movements, incidents, forums, texts, individuals, legislation, theories, and the like. The wide range of entries will facilitate cross-disciplinary reading and research for high school and higher education students and the general reader. As an authoritative ready-reference, it will be crucial for understanding of the minority groups and their experiences with the dominant culture. Most entries contain suggestions for further reading. A timeline, photos, and a host of primary documents uomplement the entries. Sample entries: Academic Racism, American Literature and Racism, Aryan Nations, Barrios, Bensonhurst Incident, Columbus Day Controversy, Detroit Race Riot of 1967, Eugenics Movement, Films and Racial Stereotypes, Freedom Riders, Gulf War, Jim Crow Laws, La Raza Unida, March on Washington, Melting Pot, Mexican Repatriations, Minstrelsy, Nation of Islam, One-Drop Rule, Pan-Asian Solidarity, Race Riots, Redlining, Sharecropping, Sioux Outbreak of 1890, Slave Codes, Sports Mascots, Tokenism, U.S. Border Patrol, War on Poverty and the Great Society, WASPs, White Flight, Zionist Occupied Government

Since the 1954 Supreme Court decision (Brown v. Board of Education), public school systems in the United States have been under pressure to desegregate in order to provide equal educational opportunity for all students. One of the methods used by courts is systematic transfer of white and black students in such a way as to break down segregation patterns. This process usually requires the busing of students. Objections have been raised concerning this method because it is believed that it fosters a type of residential movement called White Flight. The research that exists on this subject is not particularly useful and consists mainly of the use of surveys of cities in attempts to explain the relationship between desegregation and white flight. The purpose of this study was to determine if white flight was occurring as a result of the court-ordered metropolitan busing plan being implemented in Jefferson County, Kentucky. Careful analyses of enrollment trends in Jefferson County over the past ten years failed to reveal any substantial net loss resulting from white flight*. Enrollment in non-public schools which had been declining over the last few years did have an increase at about the same time as the imposition of court-ordered desegregation. Based on this example it therefore was concluded that at least in the case of a metropolitan busing plan the existence of residential white flight should not be assumed.

BackgroundHealth systems are increasingly implementing policy-driven programs to incentivize performance using contracts, scorecards, rankings, rewards, and penalties. Studies of these “Performance Management” (PM) programs have identified unintended negative consequences. However, no single comprehensive typology of the negative and positive unintended consequences of PM in healthcare exists and most studies of unintended consequences were conducted in England or the United States. The aims of this study were: (1) To develop a comprehensive typology of unintended consequences of PM in healthcare, and (2) To describe multiple stakeholder perspectives of the unintended consequences of PM in cancer and renal care in Ontario, Canada.MethodsWe conducted a rapid review of unintended consequences of PM in healthcare (n = 41 papers) to develop a typology of unintended consequences. We then conducted a secondary analysis of data from a qualitative study involving semi-structured interviews with 147 participants involved with or impacted by a PM system used to oversee 40 care delivery networks in Ontario, Canada. Participants included administrators and clinical leads from the networks and the government agency managing the PM system. We undertook a hybrid inductive and deductive coding approach using the typology we developed from the rapid review.ResultsWe present a comprehensive typology of 48 negative and positive unintended consequences of PM in healthcare, including five novel unintended consequences not previously identified or well-described in the literature. The typology is organized into two broad categories: unintended consequences on (1) organizations and providers and on (2) patients and patient care. The most common unintended consequences of PM identified in the literature were measure fixation, tunnel vision, and misrepresentation or gaming, while those most prominent in the qualitative data were administrative burden, insensitivity, reduced morale, and systemic dysfunction. We also found that unintended consequences of PM are often mutually reinforcing.ConclusionsOur comprehensive typology provides a common language for discourse on unintended consequences and supports systematic, comparable analyses of unintended consequences across PM regimes and healthcare systems. Healthcare policymakers and managers can use the results of this study to inform the (re-)design and implementation of evidence-informed PM programs.

In this pioneering, nonobjective study, a distinguished Black sexologist tackles one of the most controversial aspects of American race relations. The subject of Black sexuality has been widely discussed in every possible popular format for the past four hundred years, yet serious scholarship in the area is lacking. While Black sexuality has been a pervasive force in American life, it has been too sensitive a topic for Black or white authors to write about in a serious, non-polemical format. Robert Staples explores same-sex attitudes and behavior, interracial sexual relations, rape, prostitution, pornography, and the stereotypes of Black sexual superiority in this scholarly yet accessible collection. Staples shows how vaunted and feared sexual differences were the 'raison d'etre' of Southern school segregation, race-based laws, white flight from the inner cities, the double sexual standard, lynchings, and race riots. This groundbreaking study concludes with a speculation on the future of Black sexuality in the 21st century based on our knowledge of current demographic and economic forces.

This article traces, for the first time, the changes in the opinions of Cuban Americans in South Florida on the topic of U.S./Cuba relations during the last twenty years using the FIU Cuba Poll as the data base. The analysis traces the changes in key variables from 1997 until the most recent poll concluded in August of 2016. These years marked the decades with the most intense migration of Cubans to the United States since the triumph of the Revolution. The analysis details how Cuban immigrants during this time relate to the island in material terms (remittances, investments, travel), and in ideological terms (attitudes towards maintaining the embargo, political ideology, etc.). Seven FIU Cuba Poll have been combined to present a broad vision of the changes in Cuban American political culture in South Florida. We find that it is not only the newcomers who want a rapprochement with their homeland, but the second and third generations of Cuban Americans also want more engagement.

This article analyses the ethnic implications of peace-building policies and institutional design in recent international interventions. International interventions and peace-building efforts emphasize the importance of reconciliation and representative government. However, based on evidence derived primarily from the interventions in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Afghanistan and Iraq, it is argued here that policies pursued by international agencies to achieve an end to violence and rebuild institutions have had the unintended consequence of reinforcing ethnic identities and cementing ethnic divisions. Ethnicity is a dynamic identity whose salience and meaning can change over time. ‘Ethnic conflicts’ are conflicts which have become highly ethnicized; ethnicity has not only been politicized but has also become the predominant political identity rather than one of many crosscutting identities. Despite the dynamic character of ethnicity, international peace-building policy-makers have too often assumed the existence of discrete groups with relatively fixed ethnic identities. Institutional designs intended to promote representative government and manage ethnic conflict have institutionalized ethnicity as a key resource in political competition. International interventions have thus continued and extended processes of ethnicization that take place in ethnic mobilization and conflicts. In conclusion, the article examines alternative approaches that might minimize the risk of institutionalizing and perpetuating ethnic politics in post-conflict situations.

Are all immigrants from the same home country best understood as a homogeneous group of foreign-born? Or do they differ in their adaptation and transnational ties depending on when they emigrated and with what lived experiences? Between Castro’s rise to power in 1959 and the early twenty-first century more than a million Cubans immigrated to the United States. While it is widely known that Cuban emigres have exerted a strong hold on Washington policy toward their homeland, Eckstein uncovers a fascinating paradox: the recent arrivals, although poor and politically weak, have done more to transform their homeland than the influential and prosperous early exiles who have tried for half a century to bring the Castro regime to heel. The impact of the so-called New Cubans is an unintended consequence of the personal ties they maintain with family in Cuba, ties the first arrivals oppose. This historically-grounded, nuanced book offers a rare in-depth analysis of Cuban immigrants’ social, cultural, economic, and political adaptation, their transformation of Miami into the northern most Latin American city, and their cross-border engagement and homeland impact. Eckstein accordingly provides new insight into the lives of Cuban immigrants, into Cuba in the post Soviet era, and into how Washington’s failed Cuba policy might be improved. She also posits a new theory to deepen the understanding not merely of Cuban but of other immigrant group adaptation.

This study of ethnic violence in the United States from 1877 to 1914 reveals that not all ethnic groups were equally likely to be victims of violence; the author seeks the reasons for this historical record. Earlier theories of race and ethnic conflict often assumed that ethnic conflict is primarily a function of poverty or deprivation but Olzak suggests that conflict can equally arise during times of economic growth. She explains this by arguing that conflict erupts when racially ordered systems break down, in other words when different ethnic groups find themselves competing for key resources such as jobs and houses. 'This analysis of the causes of urban racial and ethnic strife in large American cities at the turn of the century is a tour de force. It is bound to become an important empirical and theoretical reference for social scientists and historians alike.' -William Julius Wilson, University of Chicago

Are all immigrants from the same home country best understood as a homogeneous group of foreign-born? Or do they differ in their adaptation and transnational ties depending on when they emigrated and with what lived experiences? Between Castro’s rise to power in 1959 and the early twenty-first century more than a million Cubans immigrated to the United States. While it is widely known that Cuban émigrés have exerted a strong hold on Washington policy toward their homeland, Eckstein uncovers a fascinating paradox: the recent arrivals, although poor and politically weak, have done more to transform their homeland than the influential and prosperous early exiles who have tried for half a century to bring the Castro regime to heel. The impact of the so-called New Cubans is an unintended consequence of the personal ties they maintain with family in Cuba, ties the first arrivals oppose. This historically-grounded, nuanced book offers a rare in-depth analysis of Cuban immigrants’ social, cultural, economic, and political adaptation, their transformation of Miami into the "northern most Latin American city," and their cross-border engagement and homeland impact. Eckstein accordingly provides new insight into the lives of Cuban immigrants, into Cuba in the post Soviet era, and into how Washington’s failed Cuba policy might be improved. She also posits a new theory to deepen the understanding not merely of Cuban but of other immigrant group adaptation.  

Exaggerating unintended effects? Competing narratives on the impact of conflict minerals regulation

Framing Haitians and Cubans in The New York Times:Enduring Imprints of Political History Manoucheka Celeste Thus far, the twentieth-first century has brought about three critical developments: the explosion of media technologies, heated debates about immigration, and an economic crisis. While the confluence of these developments is not historically unique, today the US population has savvy media consumers who are engaged in a globalized world. An economic crisis in one nation has global implications. Market instabilities create waves of people fleeing their homes for political and economic reasons. As some people in the United States—particularly residents of Arizona, Alabama, and Florida—made a case for limiting access to US borders through legislation, others responded against these measures. Both sides plead their case to the public through various media outlets. This essay suggests that through its depictions of members of immigrant groups and their countries of origin, media exceeds its mandate to report on immigration legislation and actively participates in the national debate. Cubans and Haitians constitute two of the fastest growing immigrant groups in the United States. In 2009, an estimated 830,000 people of Haitian ancestry were living in the United States, with two thirds of that population concentrated in Florida and New York.1 By 2010, the Cuban population grew to 1.8 million.2 The changing demographics of the US population remain a topic of conversation and at times of heated debate in the media, making the study of representations of immigrants necessary. Now, more than ever, in the aftermath of the Arizona Immigration Law SB1070, the visible anti-immigration fervor, and the rapid and ongoing changes in demographics, it is important to understand the different groups that make up the United States. Studying media representations of Cubans and Haitians is an opportunity to analyze their struggle for scarce resources. Of the non-tangible resources, the most noticeable are space, permission to be in the United States, and favorable public opinion in the discourses around immigration. During an October 2002 protest of the immigration policy [End Page 66] toward Haitians, an unidentified man proclaimed differential policies from the US government toward the two groups: In 1992, a Haitian boat came in and rescued some Cubans who were drowning. INS came in and took the Cubans and said, “thank you for the Cubans,” and took the Haitians back to Haiti.3 While this statement is an oversimplification of a complex issue, it signals the need to further interrogate the stratification that often characterizes representations, and perhaps actual differential treatment, of Haitian and Cuban immigration to the United States. This incident reignited the debate over differing treatment of immigrants from Haiti versus those from Cuba (HH). The protest came the day after US Border Patrol picked up twenty people, including a pregnant woman, as approximately 200 Haitians swam ashore after traveling more than 700 miles on the open ocean (HH): Under US policy, most illegal immigrants are detained on arrival, but a small number can avoid detention as they seek asylum based on the judgment of immigration officials. For the most part, immigrants from Cuba are not held in custody, and qualify for special provisions in immigration law. And most Cuban immigrants eventually receive asylum in the US; most Haitians do not. (HH) Journalist Kwame Holman’s story highlights the struggle for resources within many immigrant communities; specifically, his is a salient account of two highly visible immigrant groups’ struggle in the United States. Cuba’s and Haiti’s physical locations put them within the US sphere of influence. Both are countries of origin of a significant number of immigrants to the United States. Thus, the US government has substantial interest in the political governance of each country. Additionally, Haiti and Cuba have complex and interwoven histories with the United States, with contemporary iterations of these relationships reflected in the US media, notably, the US responses to the resignation of Fidel Castro (2011) and catastrophic earthquake in Haiti (2010). For decades Haitians have embodied the importance of citizenship to both define and control those who have access to it. The ways in which Haiti is represented is inextricably tied to its history and relationship with other countries...