The Politics of Disruption and the Ongoing Impact on Local Education Politics

Conflict over the building of mosques in European cities depends very much on the degree of legitimacy acquired by Muslims in the public sphere. What is at stake is the degree of cultural and religious pluralism acceptable in a certain context. In Italy mosque-building has a strong symbolic dimension and involves both local and national actors, and religious and political issues. The media have a key role because on the one hand they present local facts to a wider national arena; on the other they help to build fear among the Italian population by enlarging the international discourse on Islam. Thus, the conflicts that frequently arise around mosque-building reflect tensions and ambiguities already existing in Italian society, like the relationship between local and national politics, or the Catholic Church monopoly of cultural values versus secularism. What is the role of Muslim actors in all this? Building a mosque means, first of all, visibility. We address these questions through the example of the planning of a mosque in the town of Lodi, in the North Italian region of Lombardy.

With the recent wave of democratisation in Sub-Saharan Africa a new interest has emerged in elected local councils. The importance of elected local governments in promoting democracy is now emphasised by both national actors and the international community. It is also increasingly underlined by research, both from the field of development theory/politics and from comparative research on democratisation processes. These broader arguments are narrowed down by concentrating on local electoral rules. This contribution presents data for all Southern African countries on the types of elected bodies at sub-national level of government, the composition of local councils, the regularity and simultaneity of local and national elections, the electoral systems and the rules governing candidature at the local level. Electoral rules are just one set of institutions that matter in local politics, and there is no doubt that other variables (such as local administration, resource allocation or capacity-building) are equally important. But the assumption is that local electoral institutions are relevant for the democratisation of both local and national politics, and thus merit closer scrutiny. The comparative study of different countries offers additional insights into similarities or specific constraints and problems that countries face in organising local elections, as well as into the institutional solutions that they eventually opt for. The paper also explores some likely consequences and impacts of these (differing) rules on the respective political processes of these countries, and subsequently highlights several issues that may be of relevance to broader arguments about the viability and consolidation of democratic politics in the region, at both local and national level.

The related developments of the emergence of a national economy and the nationalization of local politics have fragmented the "traditional" local political order of American cities. This becomes apparent beginning around 1965 and especially in the 1970s. As a consequence, the cities, particularly the older cities which grew up in the nineteenth century with industrialization, have lost their rationale as centers of production to a national economy and their political agenda to the federal government. The point of departure is that the urban problem is that of governance and the problem of governance is the lack of local political organizations that can act as focal points for participation into policy. The local political system of the mid-1960s is described, certain changes since then hypothesized, and the possible development of "vertical" (neighborhood-local govern ment) linkages is discussed.

The transformation of local politics: manufacturing plant closures and governing coalition fragmentation

Politics and the media in the United States are increasingly nationalized, and this changes how we talk about politics. Instead of reading the local news and discussing local events, people are more often consuming national media and discussing national issues. Unlike local politics, which can rely on shared concrete knowledge about the region, national politics must coordinate large groups of people with little in common. To provide this coordination, we find that national-level political discussions rely upon different themes than local-level discussions, using more abstract, moralized, and power-centric language. The higher prevalence of abstract, moralized, and power-centric language in national vs. local politics was found in political speeches, politician Tweets, and Reddit discussions. These national-level linguistic features lead to broader engagement with political messages, but they also foster more anger and negativity. These findings suggest that the nationalization of politics and the media may contribute to rising partisan animosity.

The work of K. Theodore Hoppen has forced historians of nineteenthcentury Ireland to question the role and significance of nationalism in politics, particularly local politics. Parochialism is for Hoppen the predominant political sentiment in Irish life. In the words of one reviewer, Charles Townshend, 'his general image is of an anarchic society pursuing its particular concerns in defiance of governments and revolutionaries alike’ Yet, as Townshend points out, this image cannot adequately explain the political mobilisation which followed from the Land War, apparently for national ends. Nor can it encompass the dual nature of this, and earlier, temporary mobilisations, 'movements that were simultaneously national and local, modern and traditional - in which nationalist rhetoric reinforced local claims, and the release of local energy could be tapped to sustain the nationalist claim.

ABSTRACTPolitical realities in the capital cities of impoverished countries emerging from violent conflict illustrate how local actors can be hindered in conducting political affairs independently from the interests and influence of national governments as well as international agencies. This experience problematises the argument that the main cause of political impasse in African cities governed by opposition parties is incomplete decentralisation, whereby a devolution of responsibilities is not matched by a downward reallocation of resources. Although resulting competition constrains local governments' opportunities to deliver basic services, we need to look beyond the national scale to uncover the drivers of institutional change and gauge the promise of donor-driven local political empowerment. Urban politics in Africa continues to be shaped by global aid discourses, which are translated into local policy frameworks through interest convergence between international and national actors. The case of Freetown, Sierra Leone provides an illustration of such macro-level alignment and resulting local frictions. At the same time, it also demonstrates how local politics have challenged the technocratic, apolitical reinvention of urban governance in the global South perpetuated by the international aid industry.

The author explores the changing institutional landscape of English cities. Manchester is used to illustrate how a particular local settlement’ was forged between institutions and actors in the city: a combination of national policy diktat and guidelines and local political negotiation. Marketing Manchester is analysed to assess how the arrival of new (national) institutions and the growth of the (local) partnership model of development affected local policy, and to examine how a consensus emerged around the need for a marketing organisation to promote and sell the city. On one hand, the formation and practices of Marketing Manchester are located within the local politics of Manchester. On the other hand, the author explains the failure of Marketing Manchester as a result of tensions and change in the local and the national political terrain. The election of New Labour in the General Election of 1 May 1997 in part shaped local responses to the slogans and campaigns of Marketing Manchester. The cultural élite that formed in opposition to Marketing Manchester took part both in the ‘high politics' of ‘rebranding’ Manchester and in the low politics' of political hedging, as leading actors in Marketing Manchester became cast, within local political circles, as politically obsolete because of the change in national politics. The author argues that there is a complex relationship between how national political change structures local political actors and how local regeneration experiments shape national policy.

This study examines the phenomenon of thuggery involvement in local politics as a form of informal power practices that threaten the integrity of democracy and the rule of law in Indonesia. Thuggery is not only present in the form of physical violence, but also in campaign security, mass mobilisation, and intimidation that are systematically used by political elites to maintain power. This study aims to analyse the dynamics of thuggery involvement in local political practices and evaluate the effectiveness of national legal policies in dealing with this phenomenon. The legal political approach combines normative legal and sociological legal perspectives to understand the interaction between formal regulations and informal power practices. The research method is qualitative with descriptive-analytical analysis techniques that utilize primary legal materials in laws, regional regulations, and election regulations, as well as secondary materials such as scientific journals, media reports, interviews, and case studies. Initial findings indicate that existing legal policies tend to be weak and indecisive in controlling the role of thuggery, which leads to distortion of the democratic process and serious challenges to the principles of the rule of law and good governance. This research provides an analytical basis for legal policy reform that prioritises enforcement aspects, strengthens regulations and transparency, and empowers civil society to suppress informal power practices in local politics. Thus, this research opens up space for more effective and equitable legal policy improvements in the context of Indonesian democracy.

This research was conducted in Pancanegara Village, Pabuaran District, Serang Regency, with the aim of 1) To find out the low number of women in village government leadership. 2) To find out what are the challenges of women's participation in the local political process. 3) To find out the strategy of increasing women's participation in local politics.The research method used is descriptive analysis research with a qualitative approavh/information directly from information sources that are considered related to Women’s Participation in Leadership as Village Heads in Pancanegara Village, Pabuaran District, Serang Regency, The informants/resource persons were the Head of Pancanegara Village, Pancanegara Village Staff and several Pancanegara Village communities. The results of this study show the lack of participation of women in local politics or as village heads in Pancanegara Village. Lack of awareness in the community where the community considers women to be less professional in their work. The conclusion of this study is that the Village Head has made efforts to increase women's participation in local politics in Pancanegara Village. Village heads and village governments have carried out several activities to increase women's interest in participating in local politics. Women's Participation, Leadership, Village Head.

Local and state politics have turned out to be the most viable arenas in which the left can compete for power, experiment with progressive reforms, and learn how to govern. Additional informationNotes on contributorsJonathan FoxJonathan Fox is the author of The Politics of Food in Mexico: State Power and Social Mobilization (Cornell, 1992), and is currently doing research on the World Bank's role in Latin American social programs.

REPORT ON LOCAL POLITICS The Crucible of Local Politics Local and state politics have turned out to be the most viable arenas in which the left can compete for power, experiment with progressive reforms, and learn how to govern. grassroots movements in Latin America have managed to influence national politics at critical junctures in several countries, the left has fared poorly in recent national elections. Since the region's widespread turn to elected civilian rule, political parties that call for participato- ry social policies and redistributive eco- nomic reforms have had little role in governing at the national level. At most, left parties have become very junior partners in centrist governments, as in Chile and Venezuela, or institutional- ized minority oppositions with partial veto power, as in Brazil, Mexico, Uruguay, El Salvador and Nicaragua. Pro-business parties are staying in power by successfully marketing eco- nomic stability to fearful and cautious national voters. But state power is not limited to the commanding heights alone. If one looks at electoral contests for local and state offices in the 1990s, alternative parties-including those that are unconventional but not strictly speak- ing of the left-have done quite well. The last decade has seen a dramatic weakening of both political-party struc- Stures and ideological appeals through- out the region. In their search for hon- Sest, transparent, accountable and effi- Jonathan Fox is the author of The Politics of Food in Mexico: State Power and Social Mobilization (Cornell, 1992), and is currently doing research on the World Bank's role in Latin American social programs. XXIX, NO 1 VOL XXIX, No 1 JuLY/AuG 199515 JULY/AUG 1995 While BY JONATHAN FOX cient governance, voters in Latin America's cities have been remarkably willing to experiment with alternative candidates. This willingness to support the opposition does not always favor the left-for instance, Guadalajara, Mexico's second largest city, recently elected its first opposition mayor from the far-right wing of the National Action Party (PAN). Nevertheless, local and state politics have turned out to be the most viable arenas in which the left can compete for power, experi- ment with progressive reforms, and learn how to govern. The balance sheet is surprising: of Latin America's dozen largest cities with elected governments-mayors of Mexico City and Buenos Aires are still presidentially appointed-nine were governed by left or center-left mayors at some point over the past decade.' The capital cities of Venezuela, Uruguay and Paraguay, for example, all recently elected radical mayors; BogotA just elected an anarchist university profes- sor as mayor; and Lima was governed by the United Left in the 1980s. The Brazilian experience is the most strik- ing. In the 1988 local elections, the Workers Party (PT) won mayoralties in cities acounting for 40% of the national economy, including Sdo Paulo, the largest city in South America. The PT won two successive elections in the industrial city of Porto Alegre, as well as an overwhelming majority in 1992 elections in even larger Belo Horizonte,

Sudden cardiac arrest is one of the main causes of death in Europe. Early initiation and qualitative performance of cardiopulmonary resuscitation can reduce mortality. In order to perform cardio-pulmonary resuscitation of appropriate quality, theoretical and practical knowledge is needed which can be improved by clinical simulation. The aim of the study was to find out the effect of feedback on participants' skills during cardiopulmonary resuscitation training. Hypothesis - feedback improves participants' skills during cardiopulmonary resuscitation training. Research Method - randomized controlled simulation study. Research instruments - observation protocol, questionnaire. A total of 32 employees of State Emergency Medical Service (medical practitioners) participated in the study. The hypothesis was confirmed - feedback improves participants' skills during cardiopulmonary resuscitation training. The total evaluation of cardiopulmonary resuscitation in the intervention group, which performed the cardiopulmonary resuscitation scenario with the feedback function is higher (92,13%) compared to the control group (77%). Most of the participants in the intervention group fully agree that the use of feedback function during training improves the overall cardiopulmonary resuscitation skills. The results of the study indicate that the development of cardiopulmonary resuscitation training programs for medical students and practitioners requires the inclusion of practical activities with clinical simulations with feedback.

It is an effective expansion of the research on the Board of Directors to do the research based on different board meeting forms and their effects sampling A-share companies listed in 2007–2017, the article empirically tests the impact of the times of board meetings, the proportion of on-site board meetings on listed companies’ over-investment. Consequently and significantly, the times of board meetings is positively correlated with over-investment, while the proportion of on-site board meetings is negatively correlated with over-investment. That is, the on-site meeting for the Board decision-making will better inhibit the enterprises’ over-investment behaviors. Further research shows that when there is a controlling shareholder in the company or in a dual position, the on-site board meeting no longer has a significant inhibitory effect on over-investment. By research on the independence of the Board of Directors, it is found that when selecting on-site board decision-making, the existence of independent directors has an over-investment suppression effect, and the higher the proportion of independent directors, the more obvious the inhibitory effect is. The samples are divided into state-owned enterprises and private enterprises, the study found that when choosing on-site board meetings, state-owned enterprises have a greater inhibitory effect on over-investment than private enterprises. The findings of this study will enrich the research of the board meeting and provide a new testing method for the relevant research of the Board of Directors.

Effective school districts maintain superintendent and school board collegiality which can foster success and connectedness among members. Delagardelle and Alsbury (2008) found that superintendents and board members are not consistent in their perceptions about the work the board does, and Glass (2007) found that states do not require boards to undergo evaluation for effectiveness. In the current study, 115 board meetings were observed using the School Board Video Project (SBVP) survey, which was created in 2012 by researchers to uncover school board meetings’ effectiveness. MANOVA, Univariate ANOVA, and Pearson Chi-Square test results revealed significant differences between low-, medium-, and high-performing districts’ school board meetings. Evidence indicated that low-performing districts’ board meetings were: less orderly; had less time spent on student achievement; lacked respectful and attentive engagement across speakers; had board meeting members who seemed to advance their own agenda; had less effective working relationships among the governance team; had fewer board members who relied on the superintendent for advice and input; had one member, other than the board president, stand out for taking excessive time during meetings; and did not focus on policy items as much as high- and medium-performing school districts. The research concluded that more school board members from low-performing districts needed training to improve their effectiveness. Furthermore, highly refined and target-enhanced school board training programs might lead to lasting governance success and more effective teaming that could improve district, and ultimately, student achievement.