The Politics of Christianity in Shaping the Political Dynamics of Zambia

Ever since the world summit for the economic advancement of Rural Women held in Geneva in 1992, Presidential Spouses in Africa have sought to play an autonomous and coordinated role in national and international politics. In spite of lack of constitutional mandate, First Ladies have significant political influence, which offers unique insights into national politics. Yet, African First Ladies' role in politics had not been adequately discussed in the academic literature. In this paper, I aim to contribute to the scarce research on African First Ladies' roles in politics. The paper analyses the extent of their political influence drawing from their political activism, party affiliation, and partner in the conquest of power. In this paper, I employed qualitative methods of inquiry; primary data was obtained from previous interviews with Nigerian First Ladies during PhD fieldwork. The secondary sources of this paper are derived from books and journal articles.

The article is devoted to identifying the peculiarities of the political system of Spain in the XX - early XXI centuries with the definition of gender manifestations. The author analyses the transformation from the Second Republic in Spain, the times of Franco’s regime to modern realities. The systemic features of gender identities during the change of political regimes are identified. Gender parity in the country’s political institutions at different stages of political change is also identified.The political system of modern Spain is characterized by a high democracy index and progress in addressing gender issues. The transformation of the country’s political sphere has been significant. Spain has experienced authoritarianism, a republican model and a constitutional monarchy. The political system was dominated by the male gender model. The study found that the level of women’s involvement in the political sphere and governance system was quite low due to prevailing ideological concepts and stereotypes. The historical, political and social origins and components of gender issues in the evolution of the political system were studied.The granting of basic democratic rights to women and their involvement in political processes and public life during the Second Republic in Spain under the Franco regime was again abolished. Women were deprived of political and many other rights. It is determined that the ideology of Francoism, which was based on the Catholic model and conservative values, outlined social and political roles from the standpoint of the patriarchal family model of interaction between the sexes. Gender inequality was embedded in political institutions and social standards and enshrined in legislation. In the political sphere, Francoism was characterized by gender polarization - the absolutisation of differences between men and women.The manifestations of gender inequality and parity in the Spanish establishment during the transformation of the political system and up to the present day are systematized. Stereotypes and obstacles encountered on the way to women’s political activity are identified. The analysis proves that the parity of gender roles in political representation in Spain is growing, although certain barriers remain.

In this article we focus on how changes in political structure influence religion. Communion and Liberation (CL) is widely known in Italy as a very important Catholic movement whose political power has been significantly increasing in the last 15 years. It is an example of a movement deeply rooted at the local level, where its activities range from grassroots meetings to business activities and service provision. In the sociological literature, CL has been studied either by focusing on its political ideology, or as a religious movement. Introducing a specific focus on the political system allows us to highlight the close relationships between the recent changes in the Italian political system and the reasons for the local success of CL. Indeed, it has been a process of mutual adaptation and influence. The political success of a Catholic movement in a Western democracy is relevant to understanding the changing role of religion in the political arena. Christian movements can play a role of substitution for traditional political movements in countries where traditional parties have become particularly weak and not capable of inspiring enthusiasm among citizens. But the story of CL in Lombardy suggests also that something is changing in the relationship between national and local politics. CL is able to play on different territorial horizons by using local, regional and national political spheres to promote its policies, mainly in the welfare sector. This is an important signal of a capacity both to adapt to a changing political system and to influence these changes. In this paper we focus on the relationships between CL and Italian politics in the Second Republic (1993 to the present day) by analysing CL representation of its political role as well as by pointing out the political opportunity structure in which its success has taken place.

Despite the common identification of Chile as “exceptional” among Latin American nations, the military played a key role in 20th-century Chilean politics and continues to do so in the first decades of the 21st century. Both 20th-century constitutions were adopted under military tutelage, after military coups: two coups—1924–1925 (the 1925 Constitution) and the military coup in 1973 (the 1980 constitution). A successful coup in 1932 established the short-lived “Chilean Socialist Republic.” Infrequent but sometimes serious failed military coups decisively influenced the course of Chilean politics: 1912, 1919, 1931–1932 (several), 1933, 1935, 1936, 1938, 1939, 1948, 1954, 1969, June 1973, 1986 (“coup within the coup” against Augusto Pinochet by air force officers), and others. Monographic and article-length histories of each of these events exist detailing their rationale and eventual failure. Severe political polarization in the context of the post-Cuban Revolution Cold War wave of military coups (1961–1976) in Latin America resulted in the breakdown of the Chilean political system in 1973. U.S. support for a military coup to oust the elected socialist president exacerbated the internal political strife. When a military junta ousted socialist president Salvador Allende in 1973, the military leaders claimed that they had ousted the Allende government to rescue Chilean democracy from the threat of international communism and civil war, and to restore the 1925 Constitution and the rule of law In 1973, the armed forces established a dictatorship that lasted almost 17 years and imposed a new constitution that is still in place in 2020 (with amendments). During this period (1973–1990), military officers occupied ministerial posts in the presidential cabinet, a military junta (Junta de Gobierno) acted as the legislature, and much of the public administration was militarized. Massive human rights violations took place involving all three branches of the armed forces and the national police (carabineros). After a plebiscite that rejected continued rule by General Augusto Pinochet and elections in 1989, the country returned to civilian government in March 1990. From 1990 until 2020 the country experienced gradual “normalization” of civil–military relations under elected civilian governments. After 1998, the threat of another military coup and reestablishment of military government largely disappeared. Constitutional reforms in 2005 reestablished much (but not all) of civilian control over defense and security policy and oversight of the armed forces. Nevertheless, reorganization of defense and security policymaking remained salient political issues and the armed forces continued to play an important role in national politics, policymaking, and internal administration.

STALWART ILLINOIS DEMOCRAT WILLIAM A. RICHARDSON was no stranger to political maneuvering during a military engagement. Writing from the war front in Mexico, 1847, Richardson described how a neighboring American squadron had all of their horses stolen by Mexican soldiers. He then abruptly changed the subject discussed the need to arrange a meeting to appoint delegates, get your friends to work, Richardson advised, and all will be well.1 His station in this war was fundamentally different than the situation he would face thirteen years later. Richardson his fellow Democrats had a choice to make when Lincoln issued his Proclamation of War: Would they stand united with the administration to quash the rebellion, continue the partisan struggle, or even utilize the chaos of war to gain political leverage?The winners of the political debates surrounding the Civil War are well documented. Lincoln, the Radical Republicans, even pro-war Democrats receive a great deal of historical attention. This article will investigate those who opposed the war openly challenged the Lincoln administration. These Peace Democrats, or Copperheads, operated throughout the North, including Lincolns home state. William A. Richardson (Image 1) was a leading figure of the Democratic Party in Illinois. He was a political servant to Stephen A. Douglas during Douglass lifetime as well as a proponent Douglass political philosophy. But while Douglas was supportive of Lincoln at the onset of the war, Richardson gradually evolved an opposite stance. He personally attacked Lincoln in public speeches worked with fellow Illinois Democrats to challenge federal laws. His role in national local politics will be the primary concern of this article. Through an examination of Richardson within the larger milieu of Copperheadism, a clearer picture of both Richardsons politics as well as the nature of the peace movement will be discerned. Since the 1960s, the leading Copperhead historian was Frank Klement. Klement's research supported the idea that the Republicans, out of political malignancy, exaggerated the danger of Peace Democrats for politcal advantage.2 More recent interpretations, however, have highlighted the menacing disruption the group caused. The Copperheads, under this lens, nearly commandeered the Democratic Party endangered the outcome of the war.3Like many other Peace Democrats, William Richardson has received scant attention from historians. Jerome Thavenet's 1967 thesis took a redeeming, slightly hagiographical, view of Richardsons political career.4 A few Illinois journal articles delve into facets of his life; Robert Holt's 1933 political biography of Richardson compared him to his mentor, Douglas, emphasizes lost opportunities Richardson had in making his mark on the national stage.5 Robert Howard's article focused on Richardson's work prior to the war, but also stressed Richardson's failures as a statesman.6 In more broad treatments of the Peace Movement, Richardson is often overlooked in favor of more flamboyant Copperheads, such as Clement Vallandigham. When Richardson is mentioned, he is often mischaracterized or quickly glanced over. The purpose of this article, then, is to situate Richardson within the context of the larger Peace Movement, noting confluences divergences in their trajectories to illuminate a more accurate characterization of Richardson, his role in national politics, the Peace Movement in Illinois. An analysis of Richardson's career illustrates that he was an influential figure in a powerful opposition movement that nearly succeeded in challenging state laws drafted to expedite the war effort in Illinois. Richardson, however, was not conspiratorial or traitorous. The Civil War presented questions problems the nation had not yet faced Richardson looked backwards instead of forwards to answer those problems. He was a romantic conservative who never fully grasped the gravity of the Civil War. …

Unlike existing studies that examined each of the two World Wars and Africans separately, this study explores African participation and experiences in the First and Second World Wars in Northern Rhodesia (colonial Zambia) together during the period, 1914–1948. A lot has been written on the history of the World Wars in colonial Africa. However, there is not much literature that focuses on African participation and experiences during the two world wars. This study is focused on the core theme, that is, the role played by Africans in both World Wars. This is the main theme that informs the study. The core theme is sub-divided into the following three sub-themes: the making of the Northern Rhodesia Police under the British South African Company, BSACo, a Chartered Company that prohibited by law from housing a standing; recruitment of personnel for the Northern Rhodesia Regiment; the role played by traditional authorities in the recruitment of ‘Askari’ – the Foot Soldiers and the ‘Tenga-Tenga’ War Carriers and the role of government propaganda while bringing to the fore African agency during both Wars. Also discussed in the study is the demobilisation process in which African servicemen – the Foot Soldiers and the ‘Tenga-Tenga’ War Carriers – felt cheated by an Empire-wide system of racial discrimination and hierarchy. Although an expanded government propaganda machinery contributed to the growth of an African political voice in Northern Rhodesia during the period, 1914–1948, that political voice neither included nor translated to much debate or discussion about the concerns of African ex-servicemen and their personal affairs. The study equally examines how their state of affairs affected the relationship between the ex-servicemen and their traditional leaders who were active in the recruitment process that brought them into the Wars in the first place. The study concludes with the re-examination of the older arguments that African servicemen did not play an active role in nationalist politics after the World Wars, and submits otherwise, that is, that they actually did.

Since the mid-twentieth century, courts have begun to play a more important role in politics and policy-making in a range of polities. However, this "global expansion of judicial power" (Tate and Vallinder 1995) has been uneven: courts in many countries remain quite timid, and even the most crusading courts challenge the exercise of government power only selectively. As scholars have turned to examine the causes, contours, and consequences of the halting process of judicialization, the comparative judicial politics literature has blossomed. Since the main way courts become involved in politics is through their rulings, a central question in the literature concerns why courts decide politically crucial cases as they do.

Anarchism, and particularly its syndicalist variant, played an important role in early labor and socialist politics in Southern Africa. Emerging in South Africa in the 1880s, and in Mozambique in the early twentieth century, it reached its apogee in the 1910s. Movements influenced by syndicalism continued in the 1920s, and spread to Southwest Africa (now Namibia), Northern Rhodesia (Zambia), and Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) by the 1930s. The history of anarchism and syndicalism in Southern Africa, largely confined to a minority of the working class, provides a case of how this internationalist movement developed in the context of British and Portuguese colonialism and a racially divided working class.

Prior to 1976, legislatures did not play a significant role in Chinese politics. In the last decade, however, efforts have been made to revamp the Chinese legislative system and strengthen its centerpiece, the National People's Congress (NPC). This paper assesses the evolving role of the NPC by analyzing the legislative reform debate of 1979-1982 and by evaluating the pattern of changes accepted and rejected. The analysis shows that four longstanding obstacles to legislative development (manipulated elections, large size, perfunctory plenary sessions, and weak committees) have yet to be fully overcome. However, reforms in personnel selection, procedures, and committee structure are enabling the NPC to play a larger consultative and rationalizing role in the political system.

This book chapter discusses the political role of public administration in the Russian Federation. It starts by providing an overview of the Russian national administration and its formal role in the Russian political system. It introduces the concept of 'power vertical' that has characterized the Russian political and administrative systems in the last two decades. Then, the book chapter examines to what extent Western administrative principles such as the Weberian model of rational bureaucracy or the politics-administration dichotomy are applicable in the institutional context of Russia's elective autocracy. It is argued that the relationship between administration and politics is best described as a symbiotic power-sharing relationship among a ruling coalition of elected and appointed officials, bureaucrats, and managers of state-owned enterprises. Hence, boundaries between the political and administrative spheres are blurred: the political sphere has become bureaucratized and the bureaucracy had turned into an influential political actor. In conclusion, the consequences for effectiveness of public administration and the needs for reforms are discussed.

Abstract. The authors analyze the existing approaches to the definition of scientific dialogue and scientific diplomacy, define the role of scientific dialogue in solving modern problems in the development of the theory of international relations. The research question is: how could scientific dialogue contribute to the development of modern international relations? The aim of the research is to identify key problems related, on the one hand, to the development of scientific dialogue in contemporary theory of international relations, and, on the other hand, to the formation of scientific diplomacy as one of the tools of contemporary international relations. The hypothesis of the research is that the presence of an adequate scientific dialogue contributes not only to improving the scientific basis for studying international relations, but also to their practice, in particular, to solving the global problems facing humanity. The object of the research is scientific dialogue in the system of international political and social relations. The subject of the research is theoretical and methodological foundations and peculiarities of scientific knowledge formation in the modern system of international relations and world politics. The main way of argumentation is the analysis of individual situations, factors, as well as generalized and specific data. The methodological basis of the research is based on the structural approach, which allows to investigate the problem of the scientific dialogue development in the modern system of international relations and world politics in a multidimensional way. The methods of research are the analysis of scientific sources on the topic under study, as well as data from related fields (philosophy, history, economics). It has been found that the lack of an adequate and informed dialogue between representatives of various national schools of international relations studies plays a negative role in the development of science in general. Based on the results of a theoretical analysis of the role of scientific dialogue in international relations, the most important aspects of its development, problems and prospects in modern political conditions are analyzed. The authors note that the insufficiently high quality of scientific dialogue is due to the lack of adequate information, tense relations between states, prejudice, and a high level of mistrust. On the other hand, the authors also examine the role of scientific diplomacy in shaping the interaction between the scientific and political spheres. Applying the tools of science diplomacy will enable governments to move beyond conventional wisdom about the role of science communities in global politics, and developing a research base in this area will provide an effective starting point for assessing how science, innovation and technology influence the response to the deepest and most pressing problems of global development. Despite the limited number of publications on the subject of scientific diplomacy and scientific dialogue, especially among domestic researchers, innovations and scientific achievements play a significant role in shaping the modern landscape of world politics in the current social and technological conditions, and therefore the chosen topic seems to be relevant. The development of scientific dialogue and scientific diplomacy plays a crucial role in world politics, since without scientific cooperation in the modern world it is impossible to effectively combat global challenges. The need to change the attitude towards the phenomenon and practice of science diplomacy as a platform for discussion and critical practice is also analyzed

In a recent study2 we stated that the national political systems of Latin America constitute ‘open systems’ which operate under the ever-growing influence of external elements that are sometimes beyond their control. After the great changes which took place in the international context since the last world war, Latin American political systems could not be studied as if they were closed systems operating independently from the events that take place beyond their national frontiers. The traditional distinction between the study of national politics and international relations does not match reality any more, and it would be more sensible to study national political systems by trying to identify the relative influence of internal factors arising within the political system itself — and that of external factors arising totally or partially outside the system which often act with the same or even greater strength than the former in determining the state and process of the system. National and international politics form a continuum and should be considered separately only for analytical purposes, to find out how the interactions between internal and external political factors may occur in a particular situation or period.

The role of media in politics is crucial in today's information age, where communication between individuals and the dissemination of information are facilitated through various platforms. Both print and electronic media play a significant role in shaping the political landscape, particularly in the context of Indian politics. With the emergence of the internet, there has been a growing interest in understanding the impact of digital platforms, including social media, on the political sphere. In a political system, the media serves several important functions that are integral to the democratic process. These functions include reporting news, acting as an intermediary between the government and the people, influencing the agenda of public discourse, actively engaging with society and politics, and holding government officials accountable on behalf of the public. This research paper aims to explore the role of media in politics, with a focus on its impact on political behaviour and beliefs.

Introduction. This article discusses issues related to the potential creation and implementation of social rating systems in the political sphere. Attention is paid to new phenomena in the development of social rating and the emergence of new services and platforms for evaluating citizens. The article considers domestic and foreign approaches to the analysis of the phenomenon of social rating and provides specific characteristics that are observed in the process of forming evaluation systems. Methods and materials. The article presents the results of an expert survey on a semi-formalized questionnaire. The study was conducted in April – June 2024. The respondents were 32 specialists (civil servants, deputies, and political technologists; specialists in the field of digital technologies; university administration staff; and teachers). Analysis. Assessment by experts of the definition, purpose of creation, and prospects for the implementation of a social rating. More than half of the experts note that at the moment there are no full-fledged social ratings in politics; only a part of the experts notes that they see certain elements of the manifestation of this system in politics. At the same time, many experts note the opportunities and threats of using social systems in the political sphere, which can be successfully used and integrated into the political system. Results. The conducted research suggests that the potential creation and implementation of a social rating can significantly transform many traditional areas of activity in politics. In addition, according to experts, social rating technologies will lead to full control of citizens and civil institutions and standardize socially approved behavior. At the same time, the potential creation and implementation of a social rating may simplify communication between citizens and the state and make it more transparent. On the other hand, the risks of control, the subjectivity of criteria, the loss of cultural characteristics, and the technical difficulties of tracking ratings make one skeptical of social rating technologies. Authors’ contribution. A.V. Sokolov developed the theoretical and methodological basis and methodological design of the study, identified the basic characteristics of the phenomenon of social rating, analyzed the cases of using social rating in Russia, formed a register of experts and organized their interviews, summarized the results of the work, and formulated conclusions. Sung-Hoon Jeh analyzed the cases of using social rating in foreign countries, formulated the dominant trends in the creation and implementation of social rating, analyzed and translated foreign sources, and participated in the interpretation of the collected empirical data. P.A. Babajanyan participated in the refinement of the general methodology and design of the study, conducted interviews and focus groups on the topic of social rating, and described the results. The authors jointly prepared the content and results of the study.

he political activities in Arunachal Pradesh are of recent origin as it remains unexposed to outer world for long time. Traditional socio-political institutions of various tribal communities were primarily responsible for managing people’s day-to-day affairs. People of Arunachal (erstwhile NEFA) were ignorant about the party politics and election system for a long time since independence but it doesn’t mean that they have no idea about the Indian National Congress. Before the emergence of modern polity in NEFA, some sections of people have an idea about the INC because of its active participation in Indian struggle for independence. However, the initiation of political party formation in the state started with the visit of Kumarasami Kamraaj, then president, AICC in 1967, at Pasighat where he talked about the necessity of foundation of Congress party in the state. With this backdrop, the paper aims to trace the emergence and growth of Indian National Congress, popularly known as “Congress” in Arunachal Pradesh. The data for the study were gathered through already available literature on state politics in Arunachal Pradesh and through face-to-face interview with some of the eminent political personalities of the state who played vital role in political development of Arunachal Pradesh.