Abstract

The past three decades have seen the advent of major transformations in the Indian economy. The economy has achieved average growth rates of 5–9%, education has risen sharply for both men and women, fertility rates have declined, and infrastructure facilities, particularly access to electricity, cooking gas and piped water, have improved. All these factors are expected to reduce the demand for women’s time spent in domestic chores and increase their opportunities for paid work. Paradoxically, however, the National Sample Surveys document a substantial decline in women’s work participation rates (WPRs), particularly for rural women. Optimistic interpretation of these trends suggests that increasing prosperity accounts for women’s labour force withdrawal. For young women, rising school and college enrolment is incompatible with demands of the workforce. For both young and older women, rising prosperity allows for withdrawal from economic activities to focus on domestic duties. Pessimistic interpretations of these trends suggest that it is absence of suitable jobs rather than women’s withdrawal from the labour force that accounts for declining female work participation. A third explanation focuses on increasing measurement errors in work participation data from the National Sample Surveys. This paper examines these diverse explanations using data from National Sample Surveys and India Human Development Surveys for 2004–2005 and 2011–2012 and finds that: (1) Decline in rural women’s work participation recorded by National Sample Surveys may be overstated; (2) supply factors explain a relatively small proportion of the decline in women’s work participation rates; (3) public policies such as improvement and transportation facilities and MGNREGS that enhance work opportunities for women are associated with increased participation by women in the work force.

Highlights

  • India’s remarkably low levels of women’s work participation are well recognized (Dasgupta and Verick 2017)

  • A third, and somewhat orthogonal, explanation relates to transformations in labour market conditions that may exacerbate measurement errors in labour force participation already noted by a number of scholars (Himanshu 2011; Hirway 2012)

  • Results from the IHDS show a slightly different pattern from that for NSS data. It shows that secular changes explain most of the difference in overall work participation rates, their explanatory power is lower for family-based work and wage work when treated separately

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Summary

Introduction

India’s remarkably low levels of women’s work participation are well recognized (Dasgupta and Verick 2017). This suggests that the NSS criterion of ignoring shortterm work may be missing out some important changes in Indian labour markets, for women. In 2004–2005, the IHDS reported somewhat higher WPR than NSSO, but it did not capture the full magnitude of women’s work as time-use surveys are able to do These observations lead us to suggest that decline in rural women’s WPR, as recorded in NSS data, be treated with caution. It is possible that the results from Periodic Labour Force Survey will provide more recent estimates and allow us to

Rising Education and Withdrawal from Labour Force
Rising Incomes and Withdrawal from the Labour Force
Conclusions
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