The Necessity of Observing the Social Contexts when People use Political Beliefs: Contextualizing Left and Right Political Discourses as a Common Pool for Functional Conversations

Facilities Support Residents' Political Expression, Voting Rights

Growing political polarization has led to intense debate over political discourse in the high school classroom setting, leading to questions about if students feel comfortable during political discussions. Traditionally, it has been thought that politics should not be in the classroom to avoid indoctrinating students. However, recent research has cast doubt on the reality of indoctrination through classroom political discourse. Additionally, studies have shown that there are benefits to the introduction of politics in the classroom as students grow tolerant towards opposing beliefs. However, research has not explored the comfort levels of students during political discourse, a factor to consider when discussing political discourse in the classroom. To explore this issue, this study used an electronic survey to gather if a student is aware of their teacher's political beliefs, whether they agree with them, and then five questions to receive a score on the Comfortability in Learning (CIL) Scale. Then, a correlation was performed between the CIL Score and the student's knowledge and consensus with their teacher's beliefs. Contrary to popular belief, this study showed that if a student is aware of their teacher's beliefs, there is not a significant difference in comfort levels. However, if they disagree with their teacher's beliefs, then there is a moderate difference in comfort levels. These findings indicate that political discourse in high schools is not a fundamental issue, but rather the way that teachers present political discourse and ostracize dissenting students. This calls for additional training for educators to promote positive political discourse.

Mulling over politics with others can change citizens’ political beliefs and choices. Is the effect of interpersonal political discussion different when one of the interlocutors has a family member living abroad—that is, is a “transnational household member” (THM)? Using data from 20 Latin American countries in the 2006-2008 AmericasBarometer, we show that talking about politics makes THMs less satisfied with their democracies and less proud of their political systems than non-THMs. When THMs engage in cross-border political discussions with relatives abroad, they gain new information and perspectives that cast their own democracy in a different light. Even absent cross-border communication, though, political discussion with peers at home can make THMs more critical by emphasizing their government’s transnational governance obligations—and highlighting failures to live up to these heightened expectations. Our study thus adds to a growing body of research on emigration’s impact on sending country politics.

After a brief examination of typical father-son relationships in several cultures, this study focuses on the youthful relationships with their fathers of fifteen normal working and lowermiddle class men, information derived from depth interviews. Expressing rebellious feelings in political terms is completely alien to this sample-even for the four whose relationships with their fathers were damaged. Such damaged relationships, however, are associated with (1) limited political information (because of the need to concentrate on the self in the absence of an appropriate model), (2) authoritarianism, (3) inability to criticize legitimate public figures (because of a need to stifle anti-authority feelings), and (4) a pessimistic view of social improvement. The opposite characteristics, revealed in the majority of the sample, are said to be expressed in American political life and policy in specified ways. LOOSELY speaking, there are three ways in which a father lays the foundations for his son's political beliefs. He may do this, first, through indoctrination, both overt and covert as a model for imitation, so that the son picks up the loyalties, beliefs, and values of the old man. Second, he places the child in a social context, giving him an ethnicity, class position, and community or regional environment. And, he helps to shape political beliefs by his personal relations with his son and by the way he molds the personality which must sustain and develop a social orientation. The combination of these three processes produces the Mendelian law of politics: the inheritance of political loyalties and beliefs. But while imitation and common social stakes tend to enforce this law, the socialization process may work to repeal it. It is the socialization process, the way in which fathers and sons get along with each other, that we examine in this paper. Some perspective is gained by noting a number of possible models of the way fathers through their rearing practices may affect their sons' social outlook. The German model of the stern father who emphasizes masculine hardness and fitness in the son, and

The goal of this work is to examine political discourse in the Central Kurdish language via the prism of Halliday's grammatical metaphor. Political discourse is a common form of public discourse. In the SFG, Halliday identified the ideational and interpersonal grammatical metaphor. This study pertains to the study of Systemic Functional Grammar in that it studies the linguistic metaphors in the political speeches of Mala Bakhtyar and Abul Latif. The two figures are representing two opposing ideologies and they promote different types of religious and political ideologies. The authors utilized a mixed-methods strategy using Halliday's grammatical metaphor to assemble the findings. In the paper, the following research objectives are addressed: The most frequent form of nominalized processes and mood grammatical metaphor in the political public speeches in CK, in the political discourse in Central Kurdish are focused. Second, the expression of reality through ideational grammatical metaphor is investigated. And lastly, the convey of interpersonal meaning in interpersonal grammatical metaphor in the speeches by the political figures is examined. Overall, 133 distinct nominalized processes were identified during the speeches. Four of the six distinct nominalized types of processes were used. The total number of nominalized material process selections is 65, (48.8%) of the total, with verbal process types accounting for 58 events, (43.6%) of the total, and mental process types accounting for only 9 selections, (6.7%). Only one behavioral type was used, accounting for 0.75%. There are no other nominalized process types. And 53 instances of mood grammatical metaphor were drawn. In addition, the authors discovered that both political figures strive to represent their political beliefs using nominalized process types, and the interpersonal mood grammatical metaphor conveys interpersonal meaning.

The investigation of several definitions of the term "political discourse" and the role of translation of them is the main focus of this article. Different categories of linguists and scientists are examined, and the characteristics of stylistic techniques and lexical units used in the translation of speeches by British politicians are explained. The linguistic awareness and worldview of contemporary society are shaped by political discourse. Political discourse encompasses all the elements that are present in the minds of both the writer and the reader and can impact speech generation and perception, such as previous texts, political beliefs and the political context.

Social media in recent times has proven to be extremely persuasive in influencing the public’s opinion on political affairs. Since 2007, election campaigns have actively utilized several social media platforms in Kenya for communicating with, mobilizing, and organizing supporters. Politicians and political activists along with their parties make maximum use of it to interact and provide civic education to the public. However, few written materials are available on how Kenyan youth, particularly those who live in Kiambu County, use social media for political engagement. The objective of this research is therefore to explore patterns as well as practices characterizing social media use by young people in Kiambu County and how this affects their political involvement and discourse. This research is guided by Habermas’s Theory of the Public Sphere, which asserts that public political discourse that is free from government interference is important for creating functional democracies. Social media, which acts as a public sphere, can allow the youth to engage in political discussions and other civic activities. The research employs a descriptive research design, utilizing an online survey as the primary tool for data collection, administered via Survey Monkey. The research’s target population includes young people enrolled in institutions of higher learning in Kiambu County who use social media for communication. The sample size was determined based on the number of university students in Kiambu County. It utilized stratified random sampling on a target population of 115,330 to draw a sample of 380 youths using a Survey Monkey online sample calculator with a 95% confidence level and 5% margin of error. Initially, a pilot study was conducted on 10% of the sample, which is 38 respondents, to ascertain the reliability of the research instruments, eventually, from the 342 surveys sent out, 224 were completed and returned. For data analysis, Microsoft Excel was utilized in coding and organizing the data to create tables and graphs. The findings showed that X was the respondents' most used platform for political discourse. Most respondents were aware of and engaged in political discussions on social media, and believed that social media influenced their political attitudes and beliefs. Although most viewed social media as a source of civic education, they were skeptical about its reliability due to misinformation. The study concludes that many youths in Kiambu County are actively participating in political discussions online and therefore it recommends that better education should be provided to help the youth discern credible information from misinformation. Additionally, interventions should be established to curb digital crimes like cyberbullying and online fraud.

Under rational agent hypothesis, financial industry practitioners should not be affected by political discourse, and investors cannot realize abnormal returns on publicly available information. Rare events, however, may silence rationality and potentiate cognitive dissonance on a spectrum of agents. We assembled a comprehensive dataset of hedge fund performance and matched equity hedge fund managers’ political affiliation by their partisan contributions. We document higher returns of equity hedge funds managed by Democrats for 10 subsequent months — from December 2008 to September 2009. This result is unique and robust to placebo time windows and random partisan affiliation shuffling. We conjecture that the conjunction of the financial crisis, Obama’s election, and politically polarized interpretation of the US central bank policy during that period had an asymmetric impact on hedge fund managers’ perception. In other periods, when the political discourse did not involve central bank policy, there was no statistically significant difference between the performance of equity hedge fund managers depending on their political beliefs.

The political realities of society are present in counseling in subtle and overt ways. In this article, I argue that the client's (and counselor's) political experiences, beliefs, and commitments can be and, in many cases, should be explored. The idea of the political self or subjectivity and its identifying features and sources are described. I posit that political subjectivity forms through the processes of internalization, identification, and idealization. In identifying several reasons for the taboo of political discourse in pastoral counseling, I suggest a number of ways pastoral counselors may manage the political self in the counseling relationship. The three goals for exploring a client's political subjectivity for the client are: (1) to have a deeper and broader understanding of one's political beliefs, values, and commitments; (2) develop a more empathic understanding of the beliefs and experiences of Others; and (3) be able to take responsibility for the harm that results from one's political commitments.

Previous articleNext article No AccessFocus on Political SocializationSocialization As and Through Conversation: Political Discourse in Israeli FamiliesRivka RibakRivka Ribak Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Comparative Education Review Volume 41, Number 1Feb., 1997 Sponsored by the Comparative and International Education Society Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/447416 Views: 4Total views on this site Citations: 9Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1997 The Comparative and International Education SocietyPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Meytal Nasie, Aurel Harrison Diamond, Daniel Bar-Tal Young Children in Intractable Conflicts, Personality and Social Psychology Review 20, no.44 (Jul 2016): 365–392.https://doi.org/10.1177/1088868315607800Dafna Lemish, Rotem Pick-Alony Inhabiting two worlds, International Communication Gazette 76, no.22 (Oct 2013): 128–151.https://doi.org/10.1177/1748048513504165Hannelie Otto, Lynnette Fourie Media-usage patterns and political knowledge of NWU students: The 2009 election, Communicatio 37, no.33 (Nov 2011): 398–421.https://doi.org/10.1080/02500167.2011.629477Timothy Wai Wa Yuen, Yan Wing Leung How an Advocacy NGO Can Contribute to Political Socialization: A Case Study in Hong Kong, Citizenship, Social and Economics Education 9, no.33 (Sep 2010): 209–220.https://doi.org/10.2304/csee.2010.9.3.209Rivka Ribak CHILDREN & NEW MEDIA, Journal of Children and Media 1, no.11 (Feb 2007): 68–76.https://doi.org/10.1080/17482790601005181Phillip L. Hammack Identity, Conflict, and Coexistence, Journal of Adolescent Research 21, no.44 (Jul 2016): 323–369.https://doi.org/10.1177/0743558406289745Rivka A. Eisikovits Perspectives of Young Immigrants from the Former USSR on Voting and Politics in Israel, Theory & Research in Social Education 33, no.44 (Sep 2005): 454–475.https://doi.org/10.1080/00933104.2005.10473291Cynthia Gordon ‘Al Gore’s our Guy’: Linguistically Constructing a Family Political Identity, Discourse & Society 15, no.55 (Sep 2004): 607–631.https://doi.org/10.1177/0957926504045034Rivka Ribak, Joseph Turow Internet Power and Social Context: A Globalization Approach to Web Privacy Concerns, Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media 47, no.33 (Sep 2003): 328–349.https://doi.org/10.1207/s15506878jobem4703_2

Does intelligence have a U-shaped relationship with leftism?

Political discourse in the United States is getting increasingly polarized. This polarization frequently causes different communities to react very differently to the same news events. Political blogs as a form of social media provide an unique insight into this phenomenon. We present a multitarget, semisupervised latent variable model, MCR-LDA to model this process by analyzing political blogs posts and their comment sections from different political communities jointly to predict the degree of polarization that news topics cause. Inspecting the model after inference reveals topics and the degree to which it triggers polarization. In this approach, community responses to news topics are observed using sentiment polarity and comment volume which serves as a proxy for the level of interest in the topic. In this context, we also present computational methods to assign sentiment polarity to the comments which serve as targets for latent variable models that predict the polarity based on the topics in the blog content. Our results show that the joint modeling of communities with different political beliefs using MCR-LDA does not sacrifice accuracy in sentiment polarity prediction when compared to approaches that are tailored to specific communities and additionally provides a view of the polarization in responses from the different communities.

This investigation explores the significant role of social media in shaping political discourse and public opinion, with a specific focus on the relationship between social media engagement and political attitude shifts among users. By employing a mixed-methods approach, the research encompasses quantitative data gathered from surveys measuring social media usage, political beliefs, and sentiment analysis of user-generated content, complemented by qualitative data from interviews and focus groups to capture the nuanced perspectives of participants regarding the impact of social media. The findings reveal a complex interplay between social media interactions and changes in political attitudes, indicating that increased engagement with political content on social media correlates with more polarized opinions. Moreover, this study highlights that users perceive social media as both a tool for political mobilization and a platform contributing to misinformation, underscoring the dual-edged nature of its influence. The significance of these findings extends beyond political science, particularly in the context of healthcare, as they suggest that the mechanisms through which public opinion is shaped can also affect health communication and policy formation within the healthcare sector. Consequently, understanding the dynamics of social media is paramount for healthcare professionals and policymakers to effectively navigate the landscape of public perception, enabling better strategies for health education and crisis communication. This research contributes to a deeper comprehension of how social media can be leveraged to foster informed public discourse, thus emphasizing its potential implications for improving healthcare delivery and public health outcomes.

Emerging adulthood is critical for the development and solidification of civic values and commitments. In the midst of exploring employment, relationships, education, and parenthood, young adults question who they are, what they value, and what kind of values they want their society to stand for. According to longitudinal work, the way that individuals wrangle with and take positions on issues that are salient in their early adulthood and the points of view circulating in political discourse at that time shape those individuals’ political positions into midlife. Given the life-long political relevance of emerging adulthood, it is important to examine the opportunities for civic engagement during these years. In this chapter, the authors summarize the current field of civic engagement, explore ways in which civic engagement impacts individual development and functioning, and suggest a set of recommendations for promoting equal opportunities for civic engagement in emerging adulthood and beyond.

The sudden political shift in Hungary from state socialism to democracy concealed the much slower pace of change in economics and civil society. Distrust and suspicion evolved towards politics and politicians. Liberalism became the major political ideology but it lacked consistency and a firm social basis. A permanent social deprivation was experienced since the inception of the transition period, which gave rise to hidden socialist expectations supporting strong state intervention into housing, employment, education, health care. There is a strong social basis in Hungary for any political aspiration that introduces nationalism into political discourse. Inconsistencies between cognitive elements of diverse political ideologies were revealed along with a strong drive for consistency among intellectuals, who were the leading forces in the transition process. The authors of this article argue that there will be no successful transition without the development of new patterns of thought and social skills replacing helplessness, intolerance and aggression.