Abstract

In the mid 1930s, surveyors and other agents from the Bureau of Agricultural Economics and the Soil Conservation Service descended on the Navajo Reservation in the southwest USA. During their short stay, the surveyors produced detailed reports on the extent of overgrazing and soil erosion on the reservation. The reports, which contained maps, tables of numbers, accounts, and photographs claimed to depict and represent the real. As part of social survey research, popular in the UK and US from the turn of the century until World War II, the Navajo documents, as we refer to them, used a form of family budget or income and expenditure report to construct the Navajo economically. Indeed, Navajo families were referred to as consumption units or groups. The economic construction of the Navajo permitted the construction of an economic solution to the Navajo problem. In effect it was demonstrated economically, that the impact of stock reductions, thought necessary to prevent further soil erosion, could be offset by increased agriculture. In contrast to the economic claims, the stock reductions were an economic and social disaster for the Navajo. We approach the economic construction of the Navajo in and through the notion of representation. We draw upon the heightened discussion of this term in art theory in the 1970s and 1980s. We frame our analysis in terms of three relationships — namely, the relationship between representation and depiction, the relationship between representation and the copy and the relationship between representation and the real.

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