Abstract

Contemporary work arrangements are undergoing a dramatic transformation with increasing diversity in how work is done, by whom and where. This paper focuses on flexwork as an increasingly common work arrangement which changes the physical and relational dynamics between managers and employees. Drawing on a qualitative study of 'flexworkers' in a large MNC in Canada, it explores their relationships with their managers and vice versa. Located within an interpretive interactionist perspective, it highlights the centrality of interaction, identity construction and significant others and their influence on manager-employer relationships. It also explores and theorizes the relationships between flexworkers and their office-based colleagues. Key words: flexworkers, teleworking, interpretive interactionism, management, qualitative Changes in organizational processes and practices and technological innovation have given rise to a diverse menu of work arrangements which fall under the larger category of 'flexible work practices', e.g. flexitime, flexwork, a compressed work week, telecommuting and remote working (Johnson et al. 2007; Tietze 2005; Towers et al. 2006; Tremblay et al. 2006). These practices change relationships between managers and employees and between employees as well as creating a diverse use of organizational real such as 'hot desking' and teleconferencing. The extent to which this trend impacts on the practice of human resource management and management practices more generally is not yet known. Therefore, drawing on a qualitative study of a large hi-tech Multi-National Company (MNC) in Canada, this paper explores the dynamics of the manager-employee relationship in the context of a group of 'flexworkers', understood as employees who were working from home two or more days a week but who also had access to 'hot desks' or a permanent space in the main office. The term 'flexwork' is adopted here because it was used by this organization to describe this particular work practice. Flexwork is one example of the broader category of 'telecommuting' practices comprising any policies and practices, formal or informal, which permit people to vary when and where work is carried out (Maxwell et al. 2007: 138). It is a situation where, like telecommuting, workers are given (opportunities) to work from home rather than reporting to a centralized office location on a daily basis (Shia/Monroe 2006: 456). The participants in this study regularly work from home two or more days a week and are, therefore, part of the growing number of employees who are conducting some portion of their work outside the traditional space of a designated office (Baruch 2001; Tietze 2002; Tietze/Musson 2003). Indeed, they form part of what Moos and Skaburskis describe as one of the most important trends in workplaces today (2007). While an increasing number of employees are engaged in some form of teleworking, finding exact numbers has proven somewhat challenging because it can take many different forms, ranging from the work arrangement described in this paper to homebased 'piece work' and/or work done in satellite offices (Tremblay 2002; Tremblay et al. 2006). Definitional and quantification challenges notwithstanding, Moos and Skaburskis (2007) cite estimates of approximately ten per cent of the workforce in the US, Europe and Canada, with expectations of further increases, particularly among professional, technical and middle managers (Johnson et al. 2007; Moos/Skaburskis 2007). A recent study of three large Canadian cities (Montreal, Toronto and Vancouver) has reported that 3.9% of employed adults between 15 and 74 years old work at home for pay, representing 6% of the labour force in the respective cities (Moos/Skaburskis 2007). According to Moos and Skaburskis, in terms of industry sectors, business and other services have the largest number of homeworkers followed by finance, insurance and real estate (2007: 1788). …

Highlights

  • Changes in organizational processes and practices and technological innovation have given rise to a diverse menu of work arrangements which fall under the larger category of ‘flexible work practices’, e.g. flexitime, flexwork, a compressed work week, telecommuting and remote working (Johnson et al 2007; Tietze 2005; Towers et al 2006; Tremblay et al 2006)

  • Drawing on a qualitative study of a large hi-tech Multi-National Company (MNC) in Canada, this paper explores the dynamics of the manager-employee relationship in the context of a group of ‘flexworkers’, understood as employees who were working from home two or more days a week but who had access to ‘hot desks’ or a permanent space in the main office

  • While an increasing number of employees are engaged in some form of teleworking, finding exact numbers has proven somewhat challenging because it can take many different forms, ranging from the work arrangement described in this paper to homebased ‘piece work’ and/or work done in satellite offices (Tremblay 2002; Tremblay et al 2006)

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Summary

Introduction

Changes in organizational processes and practices and technological innovation have given rise to a diverse menu of work arrangements which fall under the larger category of ‘flexible work practices’, e.g. flexitime, flexwork, a compressed work week, telecommuting and remote working (Johnson et al 2007; Tietze 2005; Towers et al 2006; Tremblay et al 2006) These practices change relationships between managers and employees and between employees as well as creating a diverse use of organizational real estate such as ‘hot desking’ and teleconferencing. Other Canadian studies have explored individual experiences of telework, the perceived implications for men versus women and the ‘blurring’ of boundaries between work and home domains (see, for example, Johnson et al 2007; Tremblay 2002). These foci reflect similar trends in the US and Europe.

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