The Intellectual Origins of Popular Catholicism: Catholic Moral Theology in the Age of Enlightenment

Reviewed by: Catholic Moral Theology & Social Ethics: A New Method by Christina A. Astorga Maureen O’Connell Catholic Moral Theology & Social Ethics: A New Method. By Christina A. Astorga. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 2013. 571pp. $50.00. Although patterns of Catholic moral theology after Vatican II point to the centrality of moral vision for the moral life, the tradition continues to be relatively short-sighted in this regard. Christine Astorga attempts to bring moral vision into better focus by developing a new method for moral theology, one which she describes as an integration of “an ethics of holistic reasoning” and virtue ethics. Her method includes attention to the cultural context of moral agents; an insistence on narrative hermeneutics; feminist, liberationist and global interpretations of fundamental theology from which moral theology grows; compatibility between moral norms and virtues; and three modes of Ignatian discernment. She asserts this integrative method can bridge all sorts of limiting divides in contemporary Catholic theology: between ethics and dogmatic theology, between Western historical preserve and contemporary applications coming from the margins, between principles and virtues, between reason and affectivity. While perhaps targeted for an academic audience either familiar with or new to the many strands of the Catholic tradition that she weaves together, Astorga insists on the practical urgency that drives her method: “We have to live the ordinariness of our lives with a profound sense of transcendence. The moral choices we make are not discrete acts; rather, they enter into the shaping of the fundamental orientation of our lives. And with our lives so deeply intertwined with other lives, our choices have far-reaching consequences” (233). [End Page 86] Astorga painstakingly develops her method over the course of ten chapters, organized around themes of “vision,” “norm,” and “choice,” and each of which incorporate classic figures and texts, and introduce insights of those on the leading edge. To that end, the book is an exhaustive survey of theological landscape of the twentieth century. However, Astorga’s eye for patterns or trends that come to the fore when we approach moral theology as a kind of vision, helps the reader to discover what she sees as the trajectory of the tradition: that the moral life is about individual and collective affectivity that arises when we engage the wisdom of religious stories incarnated in the particularities of culture, rather than simply a response to directives or norms. To develop her method, she relies on paradigmatic thinkers in Catholic systematic and moral theology (Rahner, Johnson, McCormick, Grisez, Cahill, Keenan), as well as those in and beyond Catholicism who contribute to its growing edges (Gilkes, Hauerwas, De La Torre). She also reviews the evolution of the fundamental components of moral theology (fundamental concepts such as love, grace, community; modes of biblical interpretation, moral norms; virtue ethics) and social ethics (central documents of Catholic social teaching, as well as theological methods (feminist, liberationist, Ignatian) making the text a helpful primer in moral theology or Christian ethics for graduate students. Of particular note is Astorga’s emphasis on the importance of culture in shaping moral vision and moral choice, both in terms of acknowledging religion as a particular source of culture and in embracing a diversity of cultures in which moral agents are formed. She invokes Tillich, Henriot, and Bellah in calling for “cultural exegesis” in methods of moral theology that will effect change in individual and communal lives, and offers an example of such a cultural interpretation in her review of the Filipino’s People’s Power Revolution in the first chapter. She notes, “Only when the cultural symbols and values of a people are taken seriously is their creative potential in the process of social change unfolded” (89). Attention to cultural diversity, and not simply the diversity of individual experience, through what she calls a [End Page 87] “hermeneutic of appreciation” is an innovative way of contextualizing moral theology in an increasingly diverse church. While exhaustive, Astorga’s presentation of her method is also at points somewhat exhausting in light of the copious thinkers and components of the moral tradition she incorporates. A tremendous amount of material is brought forward, and at times it is difficult to track what is...

Reviewed by: Diverse Voices in Modern US Moral Theology by Charles E. Curran Meg Stapleton Smith Diverse Voices in Modern US Moral Theology. Charles E. Curran. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2018. 266 pp. $34.95. In Diverse Voices in Modern US Moral Theology, Charles Curran brilliantly weaves together the thought of the leading Catholic moral theologians in the twentieth through twenty-first century. Curran selects twelve authors who have shaped the method of Catholic moral theology in the United States. Each chapter is dedicated to a different author (although one chapter is dedicated to the New Wine, New Wineskins movement), and each chapter follows the same general outline. Curran begins by articulating each author's Sitz in Leben (one's "setting in life"), then traces the content of their major works, and proceeds to highlight how their life and thought shifted the current method of moral theology. Curran does not elaborate a critique of these authors, though toward the end of each chapter he raises general criticisms that others have offered. Although the book is not driven by one central thesis, and is rather intended to trace the methodological shifts of U.S. Catholic moral theology, there are a few central themes. The first theme is the [End Page 93] influential role that Vatican II and Humanae Vitae played in U.S. Catholic moral theology. The early chapters on John Ford (1902–1989), Bernard Häring (1912–1998), Joseph Fuchs (1912–2005), Richard McCormick (1922–2000), Germain Grisez (1929–2018), and Romanus Cessario (1944–present) are dedicated particularly to this theme. Each of these writers inherited the pre-Vatican II method of moral theology that was based on the moral manuals. The method of the moral manuals was fundamentally casuistic and thoroughly deontological—focusing on training priests for their role in the confessional to know which acts were sinful and their degree of sinfulness. Vatican II, as well as the writing of Humanae Vitae, "occasioned discussion about the natural law, absolute moral norms, and the teaching authority of the hierarchical magisterium" (85). In the beginning chapters, the reader notices each author engaging with these various topics. Two of the underlying themes that emerge as a result are the role of individual conscience vis-a-vis the magisterium, and what it means to dissent from the official teaching of the Catholic Church. The reader cannot help but notice methodological shifts that move the center of moral theology to the dignity of the human person rather than mere assent to divinely ordained truths, to a rejection of static essentialism in favor of a more nuanced understanding of subjectivity, and to the role of conscience and the sensus fidelium in questioning the authority of the magisterium. The second part of the book begins with the work of Margaret Farley (1935–present), Lisa Sowle Cahill (1948–present), and Ada María Isasi-Díaz (1943–present) who have been the leading feminist voices in U.S. Catholic moral theology. Farley and Cahill, picking up the methodological trajectories of their predecessors, highlight the need for an inductive method where experience is a locus theologicus—a source for moral learning. For Farley and Cahill, the experience of women becomes central. Isasi-Díaz extends this further to the experience of marginalized women in the Latina community, and subsequently places the role of praxis as essential to informing one's theo-ethical insights. [End Page 94] The last three chapters of the book, dedicated to the work of Bryan Massingale, The New Wine, New Wineskins movement, and James Keenan ushers the reader into the future of U.S. Catholic moral theology—a future that seeks to go beyond the post-Vatican II revisionist methods. These three chapters, as well Curran's concluding reflection, raise several provocative questions about the future of U.S. Catholic moral theology. If "Christianity is a white church with a white God that brings about a dual brainwashing, rendering whites unaware of the horrors of racial oppression and black people passive in their role" (204), how ought moral theology change (Massingale)? If we continue to revise old methodology by pouring new wine into old wine skins, will Catholic moral theology be able...

Author's Introduction The articles in this cluster deal with aspects of an enormously rich and complex historical problem: the role of print and other media in political communication in Britain, from the Tudor period through the nineteenth century. They might be employed together in a course covering this large subject; but equally they lend themselves to separate use in other kinds of courses, dealing with problems ranging from conventional political history to the role of literacy in early modern society, the nature of early modern public culture or the rise of more open and ‘democratic’ forms of politics. Rather than trying to tailor this guide to a single course design I have tried to suggest a range of possibilities. The full cluster is made up of the following articles: 1. Mark Knights , ‘History and Literature in the Age of Defoe and Swift’, History Compass , 3/1 (2005), DOI: 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2005.00131.x . URL http://www.blackwell‐compass.com/subject/history/article_view?article_id=hico_articles_bsl131 . 2. Joad Raymond , ‘Seventeenth‐Century Print Culture’, History Compass , 2/1 (2004), DOI: 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2005.00131.x . URL http://www.blackwell‐compass.com/subject/history/article_view?article_id=hico_articles_bsl123 . 3. Mark Hampton , ‘Newspapers in Victorian Britain’, History Compass , 2/1 (2004), DOI: 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2004.00101.x . URL http://www.blackwellcompass.com/subject/history/article_view?article_id=hico_articles_bsl101 . 4. Jason Peacey , ‘Print and Public Politics in Seventeenth‐Century England’, History Compass , 5/1 (2007), 85–111, DOI: 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2006.00369.x . URL http://www.blackwell‐compass.com/subject/history/article_view?article_id=hico_articles_bpl369 . 5. Alastair Bellany , ‘Railing Rhymes Revisited: Libels, Scandals, and Early Stuart Politics’, History Compass , 5/4 (2007), DOI: 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2007.00439.x . URL http://www.blackwell‐compass.com/subject/history/article_view?article_id=hico_articles_bpl439 . 6. Brian Cowan , ‘Publicity and Privacy in the History of the British Coffeehouse’, History Compass , 5/4 (2007), DOI: 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2007.00440.x . URL http://www.blackwell‐compass.com/subject/history/article_view?article_id=hico_articles_bpl440 . 7. Andrew Walkling , ‘Politics and Theatrical Culture in Restoration England’, History Compass , DOI: 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2007.00453.x . URL http://www.blackwell‐compass.com/subject/history/article_view?article_id=hico_articles_bpl453 . 8. Joseph Black , ‘The Marprelate Tracts (1588–89) and the Public Sphere’, History Compass , (forthcoming). Author Recommends The relevant secondary literature is enormous but the following are suggested as surveys or preliminary guides to particular topics. 1. Jurgen Habermas , The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society , trans. Lawrence Burger with the assistance of Frederick Lawrence (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1989). A translation of Habermas's deeply controversial but highly influential theoretical study, first published in German in 1965. An extensive literature exists debating Habermas's theories and their usefulness to historical investigations. 2. Alastair Bellany , The Politics of Court Scandal in Early Modern England: News, Culture and the Overbury Affair, 1603–1660 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002). A study of how the involvement of high‐ranking courtiers in a murder became the subject of a famous scandal, through the ways in which it was reported and discussed in print and especially manuscript sources. 3. Brian Cowan , The Social Life of Coffee: The Emergence of the British Coffeehouse (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2005). A wide ranging survey of the development of coffeehouses and their role as centres of social interaction and political discussion. 4. Adam Fox , Oral and Literate Culture in England, 1500–1700 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000). A ma

Law is always shaped to some extent by economic factors. Contrary to the implications of some legal historians,' this was nothing new in the nineteenth century. In fact, the American legal system underwent steady change in response to economic developments well before the alleged modernization in the nineteenth century. During the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries, America passed from a basically agrarian to a commercial and then to an industrial society. At the same time, the law adapted to the interests and concerns of a landed elite in the seventeenth and early eighteenth century, a commercial elite during the rest of the eighteenth century, and then an industrial elite in the nineteenth century. Because the law was responding to a changing economy and a changing elite, it should be no surprise that the law changed. This article focuses on the adaptation of the New York legal system to economic developments of the eighteenth century. The significance of legal adaptations of the eighteenth century is often not recognized by historians for two reasons. First, they are often ignored because the eighteenth century adaptations were of a different nature than the changes of the nineteenth century. Specifically, in the nineteenth century the substance of the law changed in response to economic developments while in the eighteenth century legal practice changed. Procedure and practice are not neutral, just as the substance of contract and tort law are not neutral. Different forms of legal practice support and further different economic structures and interests. Therefore, changes in legal practice are just as significant as changes in substantive law.

This book argues that Catholic moral theology is a living tradition in which each generation understand, appropriate and live the Christian message in the light of its own history, culture and time. The Catholic tradition, argues Curran in this new set of essays, must be in dialogue with present realities, sometimes criticizing them severely and at other times learning from them. Curran begins by examining the tensions existing in the Roman Catholic church today and suggests why they are more severe than they should be. He argues that official Catholic teaching in sexual areas and Catholic ecclesiology have not incorporated a moral theology based on creative fidelity; he calls for a change in official sexual teaching, ecclesiology and the exercise of the hierarchical magisterium on the basis of the methodological approaches found in contemporary official Catholic teaching. Richard A. McCormick, Curran suggests, is one contemporary Catholic moral theologian who successfully illustrates creative fidelity by employing the casuistic method of the Jesuit tradition in moral theology to evaluate the changing problems of our contemporary life. Curran discusses perennial issues in moral theology that take on crucial importance in the changing realities of our contemporary existence - the relationship between Christian and human morality, divine providence and human responsibility, academic freedom and military force. Throughout the volume, while fully aware that the Roman Catholic church and moral theology will always know and experience the tensions of creative fidelity, Curran seeks to challenge himself and his readers to make certain that these tensions contribute to the ongoing life of the church.

Cunning Distortions: Folk Christianity and Witchcraft Allegations in Early Mormon History

ANCIENT: La Tyrannie Dans la Grèce antique. By Claude Mossé ANCIENT: Histoire des Doctrines Politiques en Grèce. By Claude Mossé ANCIENT: Roman Colonisation under the Republic. By E. T. Salmon ANCIENT: Roman Archaeology and Art: Essays and Studies by Sir Ian Richmond. Edited by Peter Salway ANCIENT: The title of Dr. J. J. Wilkes' ANCIENT: Constantine. By R. MacMullen MEDIEVAL: The Carolingian Renaissance and the idea of Kingship. By Walter Ullmann MEDIEVAL: The Twelfth Century Renaissance. By Christopher Brooke MEDIEVAL: The Reign of Stephen, 1135–54: Anarchy in England. By H. A. Cronne MEDIEVAL: The Kingdom in the Sun, 1130–94. By John Julius Norwich MEDIEVAL: Frederick Barbarossa. By Marcel Pacaut (translated by Arnold J. Pomerans) MEDIEVAL: The Original Statutes of Cambridge University. The text and its History. By M. B. Hackett MEDIEVAL: England 1200–1640. By G. R. Elton MEDIEVAL: Die Bündisse der Bodenseestädte bis Zum Jahre 1390. Ein Beitrag Zur Geschichte Des Einungswesens, Der Landfriedenswahrung und der Rechtsstellung der Reichsstädte. By Jörg Füchtner MEDIEVAL: The Muqaddimah MEDIEVAL: The Last Byzantine Renaissance. By Steven Runciman MEDIEVAL: The Great Schism 1378: The Disintegration of the Papacy. By J. Holland Smith MEDIEVAL: The Age of Recovery: The Fifteenth Century. By Jerah Johnson and William Percy. (The Development of Western Civilization, edited by Edward W. Fox.) MEDIEVAL: English Gascony 1399–1453: A Study of War, Government and Politics During The Later Stages of the Hundred Years War. By M. G. A. Vale MEDIEVAL: The Hylle Cartulary. Edited by Robert W. Dunning MEDIEVAL: Monarchy and Community: Political Ideas in the Later Conciliar Controversy, 1430–1450. By A. J. Black MEDIEVAL: Self and Society in Medieval France: The Memoirs of Abbot Quibert of Nogent (New York: Harper and Row EARLY MODERN: Scholars and Gentlemen. Universities and Society in Pre‐Industrial Britain 1500–1700. By Hugh Kearney EARLY MODERN: Edward vi: The Young King. The Protectorship of the Duke of Somerset. By W. K. Jordan EARLY MODERN: Mary Queen of Scots. By Antonia Fraser EARLY MODERN: The First Trial of Mary, Queen of Scots. By Gordon Donaldson EARLY MODERN: John Stubbs's Gaping Gulf with Letters and other Relevant Documents. Edited by Lloyd E. Berry EARLY MODERN: The Great Debasement: Currency and the Economy in Mid‐Tudor England By J. D. Gould EARLY MODERN: The Charter Controversy in the City of London, 1660–1688, and its Consequences. By Jennifer Levin EARLY MODERN: The English Presbyterians: From Elizabethan Puritanism to Modern Unitarianism. By C. G. Bolam, Jeremy Goring, H. L. Short and Roger Thomas EARLY MODERN: The Family Life of Ralph Josselin. A Seventeenth‐Century Clergyman. An Essay in Historical Anthropology. By Alan Macfarlane THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: Il Cameralismo E L'Assolutismo Tedesco. By Pierangelo Schiera THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: The Tsardom of Moscow 1547–1682. By George Vernadsky THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: Dictionary of Russian Historical Terms from the Eleventh Century to 1917. Compiled by Sergei G. Pushkarev THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: The Russian Annexation of the Crimea, 1772–1783. By Alan W. Fisher THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: Autocratic Politics in a National Crisis: The Imperial Russian Government and Pugachev's Revolt, 1773–1775. By John T. Alexander THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: An Eighteenth‐Century Shopkeeper: Abraham Dent of Kirby Stephen. by T. S. Willan THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: The British Establishment 1760–1784. By Alan Valentine THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: Myth and Reality in Late Eighteenth Century British Politics. By Ian R. Christie THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation. Edited by J. H. Burns and H. L. A. Hart THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: Jacques Godechot's account of the Taking of the Bastille THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: Maria Theresa and the House of Austria. By C. A. Macartney THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: The First European Revolution, 1776–1815. By Norman Hampson THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: Robert Zapperi's critical edition of Emmanuel Sieyes's qu'est ce que le Tiers état THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: Talleyrand: Statesman‐Priest. By Louis S. Greenbaum THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: Jacobin Legacy. The Democratic Movement under the Directory. By Isser Woloch THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: The Police and the People. French Popular Protest 1789–1820. By Richard Cobb THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: Europe 1780–1830. By Franklin L. Ford THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY: The Spinning Mule. By Harold Catling THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: The Life and Times of Vuk Stefanović Karadẑić, 1787–1864: Literacy, Literature and National Independence in Serbia. By Duncan Wilson THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: The Insurrectionists. By W. J. Fishman THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: Essays in European Economic History 1789–1914. Edited by F. Crouzet, W. H. Chaloner and W. M. Stern THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: Industrialisation in Nineteenth Century Europe. By Tom Kemp THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: Studies in Railway Expansion and the Capital Market in England, 1825–1873. By Seymour Broadbridge THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: Constitutional Bureaucracy. By Henry Parris THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: Treasury Control of the Civil Service, 1854–74. By Maurice Wright THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: P. T. Marsh's The Victorian Church in Decline THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: A Discourse on the Studies of the University. By Adam Sedgwick, with introduction by Eric Ashby and Mary Anderson THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: Chartism. A New Organisation of the People. By William Lovett and John Collins, with introduction by Asa Briggs THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: The Medical and Legal Aspects of Sanitary Reform. By Alexander P. Stewart and Edward Jenkins, with introduction by M. W. Flinn THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: The Bitter Cry of Outcast London. By Andrew Mearns, edited with an introduction by Anthony S. Wohl THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: The Czech Revolution of 1848. By Stanley Z. Pech THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: Studies in the Government and Control of Education since 1860. Edited by D. C. A. Bradshaw THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: The Education of the People. By Mary Sturt THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: Russian Economic Policy under Nicholas I. By Walter Mckenzie Pintner THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: Gladstone and Kruger. Liberal Government and Colonial ‘Home rule’, 1880–1885. By D. M. Schreuder THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: Entente Cordiale: The Origins and Negotiations of the Anglo‐French Agreements of 8 April 1904. By P. J. V. Rolo THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: Milner's Young Men: The ‘Kindergarten’ in Edwardian England. By Walter Nimocks THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: The central theme of the Foreign Office and Foreign Policy 1898–1914 by Zara S. Steiner THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: Origins of the First World War. By L. C. F. Turner THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: First Sea Lord. An Authorized Biography of Admiral Lord Fisher. By Richard Hough THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: Ireland and Anglo‐American Relations, 1899–1921. By Alan J. Ward THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: The Politics of Grand Strategy: Britain and France Prepare for War 1904–1914. By Samuel R. Williamson THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: Hankey, Man of Secrets, Volume One: 1877–1918. By S. W. Roskill THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: Empire to Welfare State: English History, 1906–1967. By T. O. Lloyd THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: Courtaulds—An Economic and Social History. By D. C. Coleman THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: The Soviet Achievement. By J. P. Nettl THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: The Impact of The Russian Revolution. 1917–1967. Issued under the auspices of the Royal Institute of International Affairs THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: The Irish Convention, 1917–18. By R. B. McDowell THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: The Political Diaries of C. P. Scott, 1911–1928. Edited by Trevor Wilson THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: Communism and the British Trade Unions 1924–1933: A Study of The National Minority Movement. By Roderick Martin THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: The British Economy, 1870–1939. By Derek H. Aldcroft and Harry W. Richardson THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: The Abc of Communism. By N. Bukharin and E. Preobrazhensky; introduction by E. H. Carr THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: The Trial of Bukharin. By George Katkov THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: Lenin's Last Struggle. By Moshe Lewin THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: The Berlin Police Force in the Weimar Republic. By Hsi‐huey Liang THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: MacDonald Versus Henderson: The Foreign Policy of the Second Labour Government. By David Carlton THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: The latest two volumes of Documents on British Foreign Policy, 1919–1939 (Edited by W. N. Medlicott, Douglas Dakin and M. E. Lambert. London: H.M.S.O.) deal wi

Fetishizing the Foot: Mobility and Meaning in Indian Ocean Sandals

Visitors who dcribed the Lake District in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries saw its society as distinctively different from the rest of England and were struck by the survival of a numerous group of small, independent owner-occupiers. These farmers were often called ‘statesmen’, a term applied by outsiders rather than locals and not of great antiquity. Lakeland owner-occupiers preferred to use ‘yeomcn’. A good deal has been written about this social group. However, much of this relates to the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries or has focused on problems of nomenclature. Research on parliamentary enclosure in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries has established some general trends regarding changing numbers of small proprietors, while census enumerators' books have provided the basis for work on Cumbrian owner-occupiers in the second half of the nineteenth century. Less attention has been paid to, how this society changed in the later eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, when the Lake District was drawn into the mainstream of English society and economic life. The use of the term ‘peasant’ in the title of this article is deliberately contentious as there has been considerable debate on whether the term can be justified for English society after medieval times. Marshall has suggested that one has to go back to the early eighteenth century to find a real peasant society in the Lake District. but Searle has claimed that a peasantry with a near subsistence economy, little penetration of market forces, much mutual assistance and collective regulation of assets survived until the end of the eighteenth century.

British Logwood Extraction from the Mosquitia: The Origin of a Myth

Joseph Smith Jr. found himself in court many times throughout his life. Historians argue that his problematic relationship with the law began in 1826 when he faced disorderly person charges in Bainbridge, New York. According to the pretrial sources, some of Josiah Stowell's family members charged that Joseph Smith claimed to have supernatural powers: Horace Stowell and Arad Stowell claimed that he used seer stones to see lost, stolen, and hidden things and to seek treasure.1 An additional disorderly person hearing followed in 1829 in Lyons, New York. In 1830, a disorderly person charge brought Joseph Smith back to court in Bainbridge, New York. In the same year, a final disorderly person charge took him to court in Colesville, New York.2 Since these events, there has been a vigorous discussion over whether Smith's implication in these practices should disqualify his prophetic claims. This framing of the charges has sometimes overshadowed the legal debates.3Previous attempts to understand these legal events have assumed that these cases were built upon early examples of anti-fraud legislation.4 The basis of this interpretation is the use of the word "pretended" and allegations of "juggling," or sleight-of-hand, which appear in both New York's 1813 disorderly person statute and the accounts of Joseph Smith's court proceedings. However, reading these cases in terms of fraud may result from a cultural misunderstanding between modern researchers and their nineteenth-century subjects. For instance, Dan Vogel noted that Justice Neeley, who oversaw the 1826 case, was interested in allegedly pretended powers not economic deception.5This article proposes that Joseph Smith's early trials were about "pretended witchcraft and magic"6 and the related thoughtcrime of "pretended religion," categories of crime generated during the Enlightenment to categorize unorthodox religious traditions as witchcraft while negating their claims to miraculous or supernatural powers. Smith's defense that he really was a seer was irrelevant because the legal system categorized the spiritual practice of treasure seeking as pretended witchcraft and magic.To understand Joseph Smith's interactions with New York's 1813 disorderly person statute, historians must evaluate the historical and cultural trends associated with the legislative precedent that contributed to the 1813 statute. This comparative method has been a standard in witchcraft studies for decades.7 Throughout the analysis of these laws and charges, I use evidence from Joseph Smith's life outside the courtroom to demonstrate that fear of witchcraft motivated these charges while expressions of that fear were suppressed in the later narratives of these legal persecutions. Evidence outside the courtroom demonstrates that the conspiracies and persecutions endured by Joseph Smith were echoes of the witchcraft belief exemplified more than a century earlier in Salem, Massachusetts.The New York disorderly persons statue belongs to a specific legislative history aimed at magic and witchcraft. Legislation aimed at policing treasure seeking, the use of seer stones, and finding lost and stolen items through a gift from God or other supernatural means was meant to curb the influence of "the cunning-folk."8 Cunning-folk were folk-Christian healers whom religious authorities conflated with "diabolical witches" in early modern Europe, an imaginary category of people who were alleged to renounce their baptism and swear loyalty to the devil and his war on Christendom.9 Folk-Christian beliefs covered a range of magical practices. The King Henry Witchcraft Act of 1542 marked the earliest Anglophone legislation aimed at curbing treasure seeking. Queen Elizabeth's Witchcraft Act of 1563 repealed and replaced King Henry's Act and was subsequently superseded by the King James Witchcraft Act of 1604.10 All three intended to control the diabolical witch, but their language reveals their intent to penalize the cunning-folks' spiritual practices. This was also true of other acts passed throughout the British Isles.11 In 1692, the Massachusetts colony passed a witchcraft act based on the King James Act of 1604, explicitly targeted cunning-folk practices, including treasure seeking.12 This was the cornerstone upon which all Anglophone witchcraft legislation was founded, including the pretended witchcraft legislation of the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth centuries.The cultural conversation around demonology informed this legislation's development. Early modern demonologies began in a Roman Catholic environment obsessed with controlling heresy.13 These works fused ideas from the Bible, Patristic writings of the early church, the Lives of Saints, Greco-Roman literature, and classical poetry to construct a historical foundation of the "witch" stereotype. This stereotype combined with diabolized depictions of popular fairy belief, folk-Christianity deemed superstitious by religious authorities, heresy, and popular concerns about maleficium. Continental believers' demonologies targeted the folk-Christian observances of the cunning-folk as examples of superstition and a living tradition of witchcraft.14 This tool could be abused against a wide variety of people regardless of the content of their beliefs and practices. For example, demonologist Nicholas Rémy claimed that a woman whose practices were completely orthodox could still be guilty of witchcraft, that witches were guilty of imitating Elijah and Elisha, and that witches were guilty of using religion to mask their alleged diabolism.15 Thus folk-Christian practices were easily distorted into diabolical witchcraft by religious and legal authorities.English demonologies appeared in the decades after the English Reformation when religious leaders led "a Henrician assault on popular religion."16 Fear of cunning-folk carried over to North America, where Cotton Mather attributed the rise of witchcraft in New England to the arrival of Quakers, cunning-folk, and Native American shamans.17 When Richard Boulton wrote one of the last significant believers' demonologies in England, paraphrasing Exodus 22:18, he asserted, "wise Women are not fit to live," without elaboration.18 He fully expected his eighteenth-century audience to understand that the cunning-folk were the witches targeted in English demonology and anti-witchcraft law. At the beginning of the Second Great Awakening, Ezra Stiles would preach a sermon conflating cunning-folk activities and Native American spiritual practices with witchcraft. He did so to "lay this whole Iniquity open, that all the remains of it might be rooted out."19 Concerns over the diabolical witch and the cunning-folk would continue in the Anglophone world into the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.20Belief in the "diabolical witch" was the orthodox position between the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries, but there were also detractors. The Dutch physician Johann Weyer argued that the devil took advantage of imbalances in the humor of black bile to produce a mental illness (melancholy). He argued that the devil did so to generate illusions that deceived people into believing that witches were real and that magic was efficacious.21 Weyer still targeted cunning-folk practices and conflated them with necromancy, but he denied their efficacy. English skeptic Reginald Scott argued that the sorcerers of the Bible, the religious authorities of the pagan world, Catholic priests, and cunning-folk—whom he called "cozening witches"—all utilized sleight of hand and deception, not actual demonic powers, to lead people into idolatry or to deceive them.22 These skeptical demonologists described the beliefs and practices of pagan religions, Catholicism, Christian enthusiasts, and the cunning-folk as false prophecy, legerdemain, juggling, and pretended powers. They remained a vocal but marginalized position within demonology throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.By the eighteenth century, skeptical demonology replaced believing demonology as the dominant view, and unorthodox spiritual practices came to be defined as pretended by those in power. In the Anglophone world, this included the practices of cunning-folk, gypsies, Catholics, and Indigenous peoples. However, it also included the beliefs and practices of charismatic Christians pejoratively labeled "enthusiasts." For example, Reverend Francis Hutchinson cited the beliefs and practices of radical Protestants known as the French Prophets as pretended. In his book on this religious minority, he consistently defined charismatic Christian claims to spiritual power as enthusiasm, pretended, legerdemain, and juggling.23 The King George Witchcraft Act of 1735 ended diabolical witchcraft as a legal category in England and Scotland and made "pretended" the legal standard in Enlightenment England.24The King George Witchcraft Act of 1735 developed within a broader legal environment that had produced similar statutes throughout Europe.25 The first of these was the French Edict of 1692, which reclassified witchcraft into crimes like poisoning, sacrilege, and pretended powers. Notably, a similar law produced in the same environment defined Protestantism as a pretended religion and penalized Protestant leaders for advocating pretended religion.26 In colonial America, the state used anti-vagrancy legislation to control religious deviants like Jesuits, Quakers, and Enthusiasts by labeling them vagabonds and disorderly persons, then penalizing them for breaking vagrancy law.27Skeptical witchcraft legislation continued to be developed in the American colonies and then the United States into the nineteenth century.28 When New York drafted the 1813 disorderly person statute, it continued this trend by utilizing the language of early European witchcraft legislation. The relevant portion of the law addresses vagrancy and defines a disorderly person as "all jugglers [those who cheat or deceive by sleight of hand or tricks of extraordinary dexterity], and . . . all persons pretending to have skill in physiognomy, palmistry, or like crafty science, or pretending to tell fortunes, or to discover where lost goods may be found."29 This statute had much in common with the anti-vagrancy and pretended witchcraft legislation of the Anglophone world of the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth centuries, a product of a larger legal environment that employed the King George Witchcraft Act of 1735 as a model.30 This model preemptively defined religious and spiritual unorthodoxy as pretended witchcraft, magic, or religion. By categorizing people's beliefs and practices as pretended this legislation allowed the state to discriminate against unorthodox spiritual traditions by deliberately conflating them with criminal deception.Legislation based on skeptical demonology continued in nineteenth-century England with the 1824 Act for the Punishment of Idle and Disorderly Persons, and Rogues and Vagabonds, in that Part of Great Britain called England.31 This act criminalized "every person pretending or professing to tell fortunes, or using any subtle Craft, Means, or Device, by Palmistry or otherwise, to deceive and impose."32 According to Owen Davies, the clause was "widely used in prosecuting rural cunning-folk."33 Throughout the British Empire and its former colonies, the government used anti-vagrancy legislation and skeptical witchcraft legislation to categorize people's genuine beliefs and religious practices as "pretended" as late as the twentieth and twenty-first centuries.34Besides Joseph Smith, only one other well-known example of disorderly person prosecution for treasure seeking in early America employs the word "pretended" to describe alleged supernatural gifts—the disorderly person charges against Dr. Luman Walters.35 Walters's case is only known due to newspaper articles discussing a documented case in New Hampshire.36 Because the notes from Luman Walters's trial are not available, it is impossible to explore how the court used "pretended" in disorderly person trials in the nineteenth century. But through Walters's alleged conviction in New York we can see how this legislation was used to penalize Walters for cunning-folk practices.37 Later allegations that Walters was a necromancer reveal the underlying religious bias which conflated cunning-folk with witches.38Although it is tempting to read "pretended" as fraud, there is reason to be cautious. According to Lynne Hume, in Anglophone witchcraft legislation "'pretends to exercise' means something else. The presumption is that people are not able to do these things and therefore whoever says they can is acting in a fraudulent manner."39 In previous generations, legal authorities and religious authorities superseded the cunning-folks' beliefs and practices by presuming that the cunning-folk were diabolical witches. After the Enlightenment, the same psychological process allowed Anglophone legal authorities to recategorize genuine belief and practices as pretended witchcraft. In both cases the legal system deliberately conflated unorthodox spiritual traditions with another crime to enable the policing of unorthodox spirituality. This tells us more about the beliefs of those in power than it does about the traditions these legal categories were designed to punish.Despite legal skepticism, belief in diabolical witchcraft continued into Joseph Smith's lifetime and beyond.40 The nineteenth-century repeal of Ireland's 1586 witchcraft statute inspired the publication of the anonymous pamphlet Antipas, which conflated Catholicism and Dissenters with witchcraft and urged Parliament to restrict both groups' religious activities. The pamphlet would have had a broad audience. As Andrew Sneddon has explained, "for the vast majority of those placed lower down the social ladder, especially those living in small, close-knit rural areas, the existence of the malefic witch continued to be regarded as a threat to their property and persons in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The same holds true for North America."41The diabolical witch doctrine still had its believers in Joseph Smith's early nineteenth-century environment, although the law no longer recognized diabolical witchcraft as a reality. Smith's critic Alexander Campbell argued for a synthesized demonology that allowed for pretended necromancy and diabolical necromancy to coexist as two different kinds of witchcraft.42 Campbell's use of necromancy charges in witchcraft allegations was a standard pattern within the Second Great Awakening.43 Likewise, treasure seeking became a primary target of witchcraft fear and belief during this period.44 People who feared cunning-folk, alleged false-prophets, Catholics, Atheists, non-white spiritual practices, and religious movements like the Quakers, the Shakers, and the Wilkensonians saw the practices they feared most as both pretended and diabolical, often describing these groups as practicing necromancy.45 In the early nineteenth-century environment of legal skepticism and the common suppressed belief that diabolical witches existed, one would expect to find the categories of pretended witchcraft and diabolical witchcraft used to label Joseph Smith's folk-Christian practices of treasure seeking in 1826 as well as charismatic expressions of Christian belief in 1830.When Joseph Smith, a young treasure seeker, had his first visionary experience, local religious leaders reacted negatively in ways that Smith family members considered surprising.46 At the age of fourteen, an unnamed assailant fired a bullet at Joseph Smith as he returned home.47 In 1823, Joseph Smith experienced an envisioned visitation of an angel, who declared that Smith would be a prophet and uncover a buried scripture. Within a year of this experience, rumors began to circulate that someone had disinterred and dissected his older brother Alvin's body.48 Dan Vogel and Michael Quinn believe that these were allegations of utilizing part of Alvin's body to acquire the golden plates. These rumors portrayed the act of acquiring the golden plates as a form of necromancy.49 These allegations may have been an initial, failed, attempt to charge Joseph Smith with a crime. As William Morain points out, "violating a grave" was "a felony offense for which, in 1824, he could have been incarcerated in the New York state prison for five years."50 A year later, in 1825, Josiah Stowell heard about Joseph Smith's gift for using his seer stone, perhaps tied to rumors of Joseph's 1823 vision of an angel who led him to the gold plates. Josiah Stowell requested that Joseph reside at his home as a farmworker who would aid Stowell in his treasure seeking. Joseph's parents agreed, perhaps to remove him from a dangerous environment. However, trouble followed Joseph Smith Jr. to Bainbridge, New York. In 1826, Stowell's nephew took Joseph Smith to court as a disorderly person.51Allegations of witchcraft continued after the trials as well, with some ascribed to Joseph's life in the 1820s. In 1834, testimonies ascribed to Smith's neighbors appeared in the anti-Mormon book Mormonism Unvailed.52 The affidavits in this book describe Smith's activities through the paradigms of pretended and diabolical witchcraft. In one of these affidavits, discussing a period between the 1826 and 1830 hearings, Sophia Lewis, who also served as Emma Smith's midwife, reported that Joseph and Emma's child died horribly deformed at birth. Her affidavit is notable because the diabolical witch's doctrine and folklore viewed deformed births and stillbirth as evidence of witchcraft.53 Shortly after Alvin's death, Emma Smith returned to her parents' Methodist church in Harmony. When Joseph Smith attempted to attend, it sparked a controversy that included church members' allegations of necromancy and other witchcraft practices. In the 1879 remembrances of these events, Emma's relatives made it clear that those involved in this controversy believed Joseph Smith "was a conjurer" and "a sorcerer," clarifying that these were forms of "witchcraft."54 This same Methodist congregation later threatened violence against Joseph Smith, which forced him to move to the home of Peter Whitmer Sr. in Fayette, New York.55Beginning in 1830, Joseph Smith's restorationism utilized the example of the Christian curses used by Old Testament Prophets, as well as Jesus and the Apostles in the New Testament. Joseph instructed his missionaries and followers to employ ritualized dusting of feet and clothing as a testament against those who persecuted them and rejected their message. This practice continued into the 1890s and would have provided ample material for those who believed that Joseph Smith and his followers were witches.56 Allegations of witchcraft continued in February 1831 with Alexander Campbell's publication of "Delusions," an anti-Mormon article in his periodical the Millennial Harbinger.57 In this article, Campbell uses familiar skeptical tropes and employs demonology to compare Joseph Smith and Mormonism with false prophecy, enthusiasm, and witchcraft. He directly compared Joseph Smith to Simon Magus and Elymas, the sorcerers of the Bible.58 Campbell leaves no room for equivocation: "I have never felt myself so fully authorized to address mortal man in the style in which Paul addressed Elymas the sorcerer as I feel towards this Atheist Smith."59 During the same year, mobs pursued Joseph Smith's followers as they left New York for Ohio.60 In 1832, Campbell's was as a In anti-witchcraft violence can be in the that Joseph Smith and in this Joseph Smith that these which he as a to their As a of a by Smith may have of Joseph Smith to Simon they Joseph Smith, the attempted to his to therefore or Joseph the it . . . us his They attempted to a of into his Joseph claimed that the not to but they would . . . All were and one man on and body with his like a Smith had to the from his to more The easily use of has In the nineteenth century, the was believed to be a means of a witch's powers and was a common of anti-witchcraft of witchcraft belief continued later into Joseph Smith's life. In 1834, the would the affidavits in his Mormonism This like a of skeptical and believers' describing Smith's alleged folk-Christian activities through the pretended and diabolical witchcraft As late as Smith of Campbell's continued witchcraft The year, Joseph Smith's last treasure ended with a that his to the more and of this For there are more than one for in this This treasure took in Salem, that the that had followed Smith to this in could be through a of early American witchcraft belief and In Smith's Joseph of to He claimed that Smith, the of had two who of when they the of the false and to their and are that they were not left to the power of the devil and Smith, to their with a crime so would appear that many of Smith's him of witchcraft and magic throughout his early life and to the by and there are three of in witchcraft The first and most of court and of The is These that the these often the beliefs and of the historians of witchcraft these by controlling for allegations of into these accounts by their The category are In Joseph Smith's 1826, and 1830 disorderly person only the court into the category of do not have the trial notes or sources, only of the used to the 1826 pretrial are known as the and the The only in articles to the pretrial The first of these articles appeared in with in and The is by William as a of his alleged as at the 1826 was in for the 1830 there are accounts by Joseph Smith, his and other a in witchcraft An additional related to the 1830 disorderly person cases is a ascribed to Justice of the George who oversaw the disorderly person of As with all sources, these accounts should be read events they describe may not took in They may also or of these As in all accounts of witch we must for the of in of Joseph Smith's alleged accounts of the 1826 disorderly person pretrial evidence that they into the larger pattern of In the there is evidence about Joseph his and his folk-Christian The Joseph Smith as a a for cunning-folk who compared to Old Testament The addresses the cunning-folk practice of utilizing seer also that these were Stowell and as believed As an the claims that Josiah Stowell's and two . . . or to of Joseph Smith's of his seer stones folk-Christian practices. claims that after a vision of a stone, Joseph Smith to find his seer stone, and the significant about how he the after he found This is when one the writings of a modern Dutch In his book on his folk-Christian practices, provided a for the of miraculous stones to God and for upon the This a larger pattern of Joseph Smith his other seer stones, as by This may be a of Joseph his first seer The also the powers within a folk-Christian that when Joseph had the stone, one of the of an an earlier of Joseph Smith's alleged as a seer as an According to this Joseph Smith Sr. his alleged gift and many of his finding hidden and stolen and that he that both he and his were that this power that God had so him should be used only in of or its in and with a he his to his was to this power. He that the of would some the of the and enable him to see testimonies of Smith's powers were a in the The was Josiah who the testimonies of Joseph Sr. and Joseph examples of the Joseph Smith's Stowell many other not to that Smith the he and many to his The then that Justice Stowell's belief in Joseph Smith's alleged as a treasure I believe says I believe it is not a of I it to be claims Joseph Smith his treasure that the treasure not be by by after with and they to the by These are a of the folk-Christian utilized by treasure of which Joseph Smith Sr. is believed to have According to both the and these were to a placed on the treasure by the person who buried When their attempts to acquire the treasure the at the folk-Christian for the treasure a against the devil over the of seeking from some five feet in had been without a of war against this of was and they that the of or of some mental was the of their between folk-Christian and for Joseph Smith's and depictions of these practices as When demonologists argue against of cunning-folk beliefs and practices, they described the common that practices were by the Christian would then attempt to by that folk-Christian practices were forms of false an with the For those who believed demonologists than evidence of folk-Christian was evidence of the is on this of the 1826 it Joseph Smith's seer use and treasure seeking, it does not a of power he ascribed these to that would us to compare his alleged practices to the In of these it Joseph Smith's and activities

book reviews477 century Ireland.We are fortunate in having Patrick Fagan's edition. His footnotes provide valuable biographical information on the correspondents as well as cross references to related documents in the collection. Moreover, he includes a very comprehensive index at the end ofVolume II. Thomas F. Moriarty Elms College Chicopee, Massachusetts The Diocese of Killaloe. Volume I: In the Eighteenth Century; Volume II: 1800-1850; Volume III: 1850-1904. By Ignatius Murphy. (Dublin: Four Courts Press. 1991, 1992, 1995.Pp. 373,488, 527.) These three volumes by Ignatius Murphy on the history ofthe Diocese ofKiIlaloe in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries are not only a very significant contribution to knowledge, but they will long remain a rich resource for all who will venture to research and write about the modern Irish Church. The Diocese of Killaloe (pronounced likeWaterloo) extends in a broad band across the middle ofIreland from the Atlantic coast eastwards to include virtually all of County Clare, the northern third ofTipperary, and a large part of King's County. In the eighteenth century, Killaloe was one of the twenty-six dioceses that constituted the Irish Church, and while it was one ofthe largest in terms ofarea and population, it was among the poorest in regard to wealth and resources. The diocese was mainly rural, containing a considerable amount of mountain and bog and only a half-dozen towns of any importance, ff Killaloe was representative of anything, therefore, in the Irish Church in the eighteenth century, it was its poverty.This continued to be the case for the greater part of the nineteenth century, and especially in the western reaches of the dioceses.These three volumes , then, are a true witness not only to the courage but to the endurance of the Catholics of Killaloe between 1700 and 1900. The recent and untimely death of the author of these volumes at the age of fifty-five in 1993 was both a sad and a serious loss for Irish historical scholarship .When Monsignor Murphy initially conceived his history of the Diocese of Killaloe, he structured it in terms of two volumes—one on the eighteenth century and the other on the nineteenth century, and he published his first volume in late 1991.The enormous amount of material available for the volume on the nineteenth century, however, had resulted in a manuscript of twenty-five chapters , compared to the ten that had comprised his very substantial first volume. Monsignor Murphy then decided to divide his manuscript into two volumes, breaking his narrative at 1850, and in late 1992 he published his second volume , 1800-1850, which consisted of the first eleven of these twenty-five chapters . By that time, however, he had learned that he was seriously ill, and set to work to prepare his third volume, 1850-1904, for publication. He proposed to revise the remaining fourteen chapters, and then write a concluding chapter 478book reviews that would serve to sum the significance ofhis work on the nineteenth century. He was only able, unfortunately, to revise the first two chapters before his death, and never wrote the concluding chapter.The diocesan publication committee , which had been formed to see the third volume through the press, wisely decided, in consultation with Monsignor Murphy before his death, to publish the fourteen chapters as they then stood, and the third volume was finally published in 1995. The first of these volumes, on the eighteenth century, is undoubtedly Monsignor Murphy's masterpiece. It is in terms ofits conceptual framework and the great learning that informs it, a model of what an artful and thoughtful historical presentation ought to be. After a graceful prologue, which sets the scene, Monsignor Murphy opens his eighteenth century in 1697 with the passing of the first ofthe penal laws affecting the Church in the banishing of all those secular clergy, bishops, deans, and vicars general, exercising ecclesiastical jurisdiction in Ireland and all the regular clergy without exception, and closes it in 1815 with the end of the Napoleonic wars. During that extended eighteenth century,the Irish Church, and its microcosm in the Diocese ofKillaloe, emerged from the darkness of a severe persecution into the light of a...

Crazy Rich Asians

Racism and Modernity: Festschrift for Wulf D. Hundt

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