The Integration of Bugis Cultural Values and Islamic Teachings in Digital Media

This chapter is the result of a series of collaborative reflections between three colleagues who have each conducted research broadly in the field of sport, social movements, change and activism, and increasingly by considering the role of (digital) media. We use the chapter as an opportunity to reflect upon and consider the intersections and divergences of this diffuse, complex and oft-changing subset of the sociology of sport. Our overall contention in this chapter is that the field of sport, social movements and digital media is diverse and regularly in flux, and therefore calls for and requires approaches to theory and method that are nimble, adaptable and ready to embrace both the changes that have occurred but also the changes that we hope to see. We conclude with questions still to be answered by critical scholars about the role of digital media in relation to dominance and normativity, including white supremacy.

This research is a study of the local cultural tradition integration in Islamic education that focuses on the Malam 1 Suro tradition in Petanusugi Village, Indonesia. The research was conducted through a qualitative case study, and data were gathered via in-depth interviewing, participant observation and document analysis. Key informants were also purposively selected and were religious teachers, community leaders, and educational officers. The study examines how Islamic educational structures can be made to align with culturally embedded practices while preserving theological coherence, especially the doctrine of tawhid. Results indicate a range of attitudes between firm support and outright refusal of the tradition, depending on its perceived conformity with Islamic norms. Others, such as congregational prayer or religious sermons, were considered pedagogically compatible with Islamic values. Still, other rituals that include influential gestures, such as tapa bisu (silent puberty fast), had to be revisited in theological terms. The study notes that Islamic educational values, tazkiyatun nafs, muraqabah, silaturahmi, and tauhid, can be found in traditional formats, indicating that, in fact, learning from local wisdom can be placed in the context of character and spiritual education. This research contributes to the literature on contextual Islamic pedagogy and supports the indigenization framework by providing empirical evidence of culturally responsive religious education. Practical implications include the need for policy frameworks that support curriculum adaptation, capacity-building for educators, and the development of an Islamic Cultural Education (ICE) model. These findings affirm that Islamic education can be made more inclusive, dynamic, and contextually relevant through dialogical engagement with local traditions under theological guidance.

Purpose – This study aims to analyze the impact of animated content on the NU Kids YouTube channel on traditional Islamic education for early childhood by examining viewership metrics, community engagement, behavioral changes in children, and how these animations integrate character education, appreciation for local traditions, and the formation of a moderate religious identity. Design/methods/approach – A netnographic approach was employed to observe and analyze 7 out of 13 available videos on the NU Kids Sumenep channel. These 7 videos were selected based on their thematic relevance to the research objectives, focusing on the portrayal of Nahdlatul Ulama’s history, character education, and the development of religious identity. Thematic analysis was used to identify key themes in these videos, including representations of Nahdlatul Ulama history, character education, and the development of religious identity. Findings – The findings indicate that NU Kids animations successfully promote traditional Islamic values rooted in local traditions. For instance, episodes such as "The Founding of Nahdlatul Ulama" and "The Story of Kiai Hasyim Asy'ari" emphasize respect for elders, community solidarity, and the integration of Islamic principles with local customs, which resonate deeply with audiences. The channel effectively builds a strong digital community and strengthens the collective identity of the NU community in the era of globalization. Research implications/limitations – The study is limited to the community analyzed, which may be confined to those already affiliated with Nahdlatul Ulama. The research primarily relies on public data such as view counts and comments, which may not fully reflect long-term impacts. Practical implications – This study demonstrates that digital media, such as YouTube, can be an effective tool for disseminating traditional Islamic teachings to young audiences. The findings could influence the development of educational content based on local values in the future. Originality/value – This research provides new insights into the role of digital media in traditional Islamic education, particularly in early childhood education, by demonstrating how platforms like NU Kids integrate local cultural narratives with religious teachings, employ storytelling and digital tools to foster collective identity, preserve traditional values, and shape the younger generation's identity in a rapidly globalizing world. Paper type Research paper

Colombia’s Internet connectivity has increased immensely. Colombia has also ‘opened for business’, leading to an influx of extractive projects to which social movements object heavily. Studies on the role of digital media in political mobilisation in developing countries are still scarce. Using surveys, interviews, and reviews of literature, policy papers, website and social media content, this study examines the role of digital and social media in social movement organisations and asks how increased digital connectivity can help spread knowledge and mobilise mining protests. Results show that the use of new media in Colombia is hindered by socioeconomic constraints, fear of oppression, the constraints of keyboard activism and strong hierarchical power structures within social movements. Hence, effects on political mobilisation are still limited. Social media do not spontaneously produce non-hierarchical knowledge structures. Attention to both internal and external knowledge sharing is therefore conditional to optimising digital and social media use.

It is very important to understand the nature of digital media and its various categories and the position of this media and modern communication technology in the present social and political interactions. Explaining different kinds of discourses and different principles, theories, and conceptual models of the society along with the role of digital media is one of the most effective tools of information and culture in introducing the political system of Islamic Republic of Iran which is a religious democracy. A religious democracy is one of the aims of this study. In this study, a role of digital media in discourses of Islamic revolution was identified with a descriptive method. Also, there is no boundary in the virtual space. Therefore, relevant articles and studies were published about digital media and virtual diplomacy during the years of 2009 to 2013. Also, some of the relevant scientific books were studied. Digital diplomacy is a new tool in the world, to change attitudes and influence the thinking and beliefs of people today without invasion and war. In this context, digital media, because of the exceptional features like power to influence public opinion, international and cross-border charm and diversity, have great influence on the shaping of social changes and changing discourses. Hence development programs of making discourse using digital media, civil society and the international community can contribute to the development of the religious discourse of democracy. In this article, digital media and their effectiveness and usage in an introductory and discussion process were posed. Since people’s ideas are influenced a lot with digital media, digital media have a lot of effects on forming the social developments and discourse changes. Therefore, developing discourse programs with the use of digital media in internal and international communities can be effective in the development of Islamic revolution discourse.

The relationship between Islam, culture, and attitudes towards gender roles in Indonesian society is a complex and dynamic phenomenon that requires a nuanced and interdisciplinary approach to be fully understood. This study aims to explore the interplay between Islamic teachings, cultural values, and attitudes towards gender roles in Indonesia through an interpretive case study. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with a purposive sample of 20 participants, including religious leaders, scholars, activists, and members of the general public. Documentary sources such as religious texts, academic journals, and news articles were also analyzed. The collected data was analyzed using a thematic analysis approach, and the findings were synthesized and interpreted to provide answers to the research questions. The study reveals that the relationship between Islamic teachings, cultural values, and attitudes towards gender roles in Indonesia is complex and multifaceted. Islamic teachings emphasize modesty, respect for elders, and traditional gender roles, significantly shaping attitudes towards gender equality and women's roles in society. However, local cultural beliefs and practices with strong patriarchal underpinnings also reinforce gender inequalities. This dynamic interplay between Islam and culture requires a nuanced and interdisciplinary approach to be fully understood. The study underscores the importance of understanding how religion, culture, and gender roles shape societal attitudes and values. It also highlights the need for further research to deepen the understanding of Indonesia's social, cultural, and religious dynamics and their impact on women's positions in society.

English Language Teaching (ELT) materials are significant as tools in facilitating a second language teaching and learning including for preschool level. Also, it is necessary for teachers to opt for appropriate ELT materials which encompass cultural and local identity to generate a meaningful and relatable context of teaching and learning. Nonetheless, most of the materials currently available for preschool education in the publishing market are foreign and therefore little focus on local context. It is more evident in Islamic preschools, as the ELT materials need to be infused with Islamic values to align with the philosophy of Islamic preschools. Hence, this paper presents and discusses a part of a study on Islamic preschool teachers’ perception of the Soleh English (SE) teaching materials developed in the attempt to integrate Malay culture and Islamic values with ELT. The study employed a Case Study design involving five female Islamic preschool teachers in the Klang Valley Region. They were purposely chosen based on their experiences using the SE teaching materials. The data was obtained through semi-structured interviews and triangulated with a questionnaire and document analysis. The interview data reported in this article were thematically analysed. Findings illuminated four key themes for each research question which indicated that there is an integration of cultural and Islamic values in the SE teaching materials as well as in ESL teaching. This enabled the teachers to instil Islamic and cultural values in their English language teaching in contribution to generate noble citizens.
 Keywords: materials, ESL teaching, integrated values, islamic preschool, cultural.

The topic of the paper is the role of digital media in the process of socialization of children. Digital media are becoming an increasingly important agent of socialization, they are an indispensable part of everyday life and as such greatly influence our identity, thoughts, political beliefs, and image. Children are the most susceptible to media influence to which they are exposed. Available research conducted on this topic shows that children spend most of their free time on media content. The aim of the paper is to present some of the risks and benefits of using digital media based on a secondary analysis of the literature, but also to point out the importance of media literacy and educational competence of parents in the area of protecting children from the harmful consequences of using digital media. The risks of use are not only related to the time spent with digital media, but also to the quality of the content that children choose. The presented risks of using digital media relate to violent and inappropriate content, social comparison theory, and security threats. The benefits of using digital media are mainly included in learning processes. Media literacy and media pedagogy as interdisciplinary areas are important in the formation of a critical attitude towards media discourse at an early age. Their inclusion in educational systems will contribute to the development of democratic values in society and the fight against racial, religious, gender and other stereotypes. Parents' educational competences and parental mediation are important factors in protecting children from the risks they face on digital platforms. Of the numerous types of parental mediation in controlling children's access to digital media and the use of various applications and tools for those purposes, as an extremely effective method, it is recommended to talk about the dangers of using different media content and the joint use of digital media.

This chapter analyzes what happens to media use when everyday life is suddenly disrupted, focusing on how the COVID-19 pandemic transformed work, socializing, communication and everyday living. The empirical case is changing media use in Norway during the pandemic, building on a qualitative questionnaire survey conducted in early lockdown, and follow-up interviews eight months later. Expanding on the ideas of destabilization of media repertoires developed in the former chapter, this analysis discusses transforming media repertoires as more digital, as less mobile (but still smartphone-centric) and as essentially social. The chapter further explains new concepts for pandemic media use practices, such as doomscrolling and Zoom fatigue. Can you remember when you first heard of COVID-19, and did you think it would change your life? 'They started talking about it on the news', said Inger, a Norwegian woman nearing 70, whom we interviewed in late 2020. She continued: 'I still found people were quite relaxed. Who would have thought such a thing could happen to the whole world? It is like science fiction'. 'We talked about it when they speed-built that hospital in China', said Einar, a man in his 40s working in the cultural sector, 'but no one thought it would come here. Former epidemics happened elsewhere'. He added: 'It is like that with a lot of things'. School employee Karla remembered a conversation at work about the need for kids to stay home at the smallest sign of cold symptoms: 'Parents would never get to work! We laughed about it, thinking it was impossible. And then it took three weeks, and the country shut down'.

This study aimed to evaluate the relationship between the roles of digital media and its ability to enhance awareness of cybersecurity threats in the banking sector in the Kingdom of Bahrain. This study employed a descriptive method and relied on a questionnaire as a data collection tool from a sample of the study. The researcher formulated a questionnaire consisting of 20 items in addition to the demographic data of the participants. The study sample comprised 400 participants from the banking sector in the Kingdom of Bahrain, which was divided into an exploratory sample of 35 participants and a main sample of 365 participants. This sample was collected intentionally. Through statistical analysis, the study reached a set of results, the most important of which is that employees in the banking sector in the Kingdom of Bahrain have a high level of awareness of cybersecurity threats that could disrupt the services provided by banks and represent a danger to the confidentiality of customer data and their banking transactions. Digital media, through its various means, plays important roles in raising awareness among banking sector employees to enhance cybersecurity. One of the most prominent roles is to enhance the awareness of workers in the banking sector about the importance of protecting personal information and customers' banking data. There is a statistically significant relationship between the digital media used in banks and the level of awareness among employees about countering cyber-attacks. There are no statistically significant differences in the opinions of banking sector employees regarding the role of digital media in enhancing awareness of cybersecurity threats attributed to variables (gender - age - position - type of bank). It has been recommended to employ digital media more effectively to simplify the digital content published about cybersecurity and make it more engaging and interesting. It has also been suggested that there should be interaction with the digital content published about the cyber threats faced by banks and inquiring with specialists about the nature of threats that are difficult to understand.

This chapter presents the research questions, approaches, and arguments of the book, asking how our everyday lives with media have changed after the smartphone. I introduce the topic of media use in everyday life as an empirical, methodological, and theoretical research interest, and argue for its continued centrality to our digital society today, accentuated by datafication. I discuss how the analytical concepts of media repertories and public connection can inform research into media use in everyday life, and what it means that our societies and user practices are becoming more digital. The main argument of the book is that digital media transform our navigation across the domains of everyday life by blurring boundaries, intensifying dilemmas, and affecting our sense of connection to communities and people around us. The chapter concludes by presenting the structure of the rest of the book, where these arguments will be substantiated in analysis of media use an ordinary day, media use in life phase transitions, and media use when ordinary life is disrupted. Citation Ytre-Arne, B. (2023), "Introduction: Media Use and Everyday Life in Digital Societies", Media Use in Digital Everyday Life, Emerald Publishing Limited, Bingley, pp. 1-16. https://doi.org/10.1108/978-1-80262-383-320231001 Publisher: Emerald Publishing Limited Copyright © 2023 Brita Ytre-Arne License Published by Emerald Publishing Limited. This work is published under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY 4.0) licence. Anyone may reproduce, distribute, translate and create derivative works of this book (for both commercial and non-commercial purposes), subject to full attribution to the original publication and authors. The full terms of this licence may be seen at http://creativecommons.org/licences/by/4.0/legalcode. Can you remember your first smartphone, and did it change your life? I bought my first smartphone in the early summer of 2011, right before the birth of my first child. I can safely say that life was never the same again. Although the new phone was hardly the most significant change that happened, it became part of how I reconfigured everyday life. My coincidental timing of these events might be a personal particularity, but the early 2010s, only a little more than a decade ago, was a period in which smartphones became part of everyday life for lots of people. This happened in Norway where I live, and in other countries in the Global North, soon followed by broader proliferation worldwide (Avle et al., 2020). In 2021, it was estimated that more than 90 per cent of people had smartphone access in a growing number of countries around the globe (Deloitte, 2021). ‘Smartphones changed everything’, wrote the Wall Street Journal in 2020: ‘smartphones upended every element of society during the last decade, from dating to dinner parties, travel to politics. This is just the beginning’ (Kitchen, 9.9.2020). But while all of this was happening, people lived their lives, using smartphones along with other media old and new, interwoven with what was going on in their lives, and in the world around them. This book explores the role of media in our everyday lives in digital societies, after the proliferation of smartphones and in conditions of ubiquitous connectivity. I analyze everyday media use across platforms, content types and modes of communication, taking the perspective of how we live our lives with media – how we manage plans and practicalities, keep in touch with friends and family, seek information and entertainment, work and learn, take part in shared experiences, and connect to our social lifeworlds. We might do all of this in the space of one single day, and we might experience such a day as ‘ordinary’ – just normal everyday life. But media technologies are also part of our less ordinary days, important to how we manage life-changing transitions and special events in our personal lives, and to how we relate to local communities, political processes or global events. We use media to connect to each other, and to society – throughout an ordinary day, across the life course, and in times of disruption. The smartphone is emblematic of how our everyday lives with media are changing in a digital and hyper-connected society, and as such it is essential to the topic of this book. A central question I discuss is what it means that most of us now have a smartphone to reach for, from where we are and what we are doing, to manage multiple aspects of our daily lives: A mobile, flexible device we rely on to communicate, find information, entertain and assist us, often used in combination with other media, but also a device that enables tracking and surveillance of our movements and engagements, informing feedback loops based on our personal data. How has digital media use in everyday life changed after the smartphone? To answer these questions, I draw on classic scholarship on media and communication technologies in everyday life (Baym, 2015; Silverstone, 1994), and on recent analysis of digital ambivalence and disconnection (Syvertsen, 2020). With a user perspective, I situate smartphones and other kinds of digital platforms as part of broader media repertoires (Hasebrink & Hepp, 2017), with an interest in the totality and internal relationships of any kind of media that people use and find meaningful in their everyday lives. I further understand everyday media use as central to public connection (Couldry et al., 2010), to how we orient ourselves to a world beyond our private concerns. The book provides an updated perspective on media in everyday life after digital media has become increasingly embedded and ingrained in society. A purpose for the book is to fill a gap between classic (but old) discussions on everyday media use, and recent (but sometimes narrowly focused) studies of new technologies. Our understandings of everyday media use are still shaped by theories developed before the internet, before digital and social and mobile media. This book highlights rather than discards these understandings, but moves forward in tackling dilemmas of technological transformations, and by considering recent crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic. I untangle how media becomes meaningful to us in the everyday, connecting us to each other and to communities and publics. The book offers empirical, methodological and theoretical insight on media use in digital everyday life. Why Everyday Life? ‘Everyday life’ is one of those concepts that everyone understands, but which is still difficult to define. The term is not internal jargon belonging to a particular research field, but instead recognizable across a range of contexts – we might even describe it as an ‘everyday’ term. One of the early ideas behind this book was to answer the questions: ‘But what do you mean by everyday life?’ and further ‘Why do you [meaning media use researchers] go on about everyday life?’. These are good questions. Let us start with the latter: Why everyday life? More precisely, why would someone interested in media use find it important to refer to everyday life for contextualization? In media and communication studies, interest in everyday life has a long history. The idea of everyday life has been central to approaches and research interests in cultural studies (Gray, 2002; Morley, 1992), media phenomenology (Pink & Leder Mackley, 2013; Scannell, 1995) or media ethnography (Hermes, 1995; Radway, 1984). The term has been particularly central to theories of domestication (Haddon, 2016; Silverstone et al., 2021) focused on processes of gradually integrating media technologies in the home. Roger Silverstone wrote a classic volume on Television and everyday life (Silverstone, 1994), arguing that in order to move past debates on television as ‘good’ or ‘bad’ and actually understand what it is, we have to consider television as embedded in tensions and dynamics of everyday life. Shaun Moores (2000) applied everyday life as a framework for understanding the historical development of broadcast media, and Maria Bakardjieva (2005) analyzed the domestication of computers and internet technologies in everyday life. Elizabeth Bird (2003) wrote The Audience in Everyday Life to argue for the relevance of ethnographic methods to understand our media-saturated reality, while Tim Markham (2017) wrote an introductory textbook titled Media and Everyday Life to present topics and thinkers in media studies through their relevance to daily life. All of the above are books on media with ‘everyday life’ in the title. Moreover, the term keeps popping up in journal articles on a variety of topics regarding media use: A comparative study of why people read print newspapers in the digital age refer to how different media are integrated into everyday life (Boczkowski et al., 2021), while a study of people who prefer online media at home find that digital alternatives are perceived to be better integrated into domestic everyday life (Müller, 2020). In analysis of how and why we follow news, the idea of the everyday provides a way of situating ordinary users at the centre of attention, by discussing everyday news use (Groot Kormelink & Costera Meijer, 2019) or everyday public connection (Swart et al., 2017). In debates about datafication and emergent technologies, the notion of the everyday is used to highlight human and social experiences with for instance self-tracking (Lomborg & Frandsen, 2016), smart homes (Hine, 2020) or algorithmic media (Willson, 2017). What do these different contributions have in common? They refer to everyday life to signal a position, because referencing ‘everyday life’ holds some empirical, methodological or theoretical implications. The term can be invoked to answer the ‘so what’-question: A compelling reason for why we need to study media at all is its relevance to everyday life (Silverstone, 1999). Today we can adapt this argument to why we need to study the smartphone – it is part of everyday life. Through such statements, we frame the smartphone as a technology and research topic that is recognizable and relevant to experiences and dilemmas each of us encounter. The smartphone has transformed society, but it has done so through our everyday interactions. Similarly: Why does it matter if people read international news or look at cat videos online, watch Netflix or Linear TV, listen to music on Spotify or prefer vinyl records? If you are interested in media business models or media policies, and find the choices users make a bit puzzling, you might need to look into motivations and contexts in everyday life to gain a deeper understanding of what goes on. Attention to everyday contexts can both complicate and enhance insights gained from other types of tracking and measurements of media use (Groot Kormelink & Costera Meijer, 2020). To understand new technologies, or connect critiques of these phenomena to people’s experiences, everyday life is an essential framework: It is easier to grasp the idea of ‘the Internet of Things’ (Bunz & Meikle, 2018) as having to do with whether your refrigerator needs internet connection, than through concepts such as machine learning or smart sensors. Sometimes the position signalled by referring to everyday life is explicitly normative. A key example is the debate on everyday experiences with datafication, or ‘the quantification of human life through digital information, very often for economic value’ (Mejias & Couldry, 2019). The idea of so-called ‘big data’ as more precise or valuable has been met with critical questions (Boyd & Crawford, 2012), and with concern for how audience engagement can be harvested and utilized for opaque purposes (Ytre-Arne & Das, 2020). In criticizing these developments, the notion of ‘everyday life’ is central to put the human experience of living in datafied conditions front and centre (Kennedy & Hill, 2018), or to focus on the people rather than systems (Livingstone, 2019). This interest further corresponds to feminist (D’Ignazio & Klein, 2020) and postcolonial critiques (Milan & Treré, 2019) of datafication and power. We can also signal analytical and methodological interests by referring to everyday life: The term is used to prioritize context over generalizability, and ordinary user perspectives and experiences over media professionals and institutions. This could imply attention to small acts of engagement in social media (Picone et al., 2019), and inclusion of seemingly mundane practices of media use (Hermes, 1995; Sandvik et al., 2016). An everyday life perspective is a backdrop for cross-media research (Lomborg & Mortensen, 2017; Schrøder, 2011) rather than pre-selecting which media to study based on the researchers’ preconceived notions of what matters. Qualitative researchers and ethnographers also draw on ‘everyday life’ as a term that points towards preferred methods: Talking to people about a day in the life (del Rio Carral, 2014), ‘capturing life as it is narrated’ (Kaun, 2010) with diary methods, and exploring experiences and reflections in informants’ own words. Some quantitative studies of media use also use the term (Hovden & Rosenlund, 2021) and research on everyday media repertoires can combine qualitative and quantitative approaches (Hasebrink & Hepp, 2017). I am also someone who often explain and position my key research interests through the notion of everyday life. A long-running interest in everyday life has informed my preference for qualitative and user-focused methods, in the studies I draw on in this book and in other projects. I have used the term ‘everyday life’ in the title of publications (Moe & Ytre-Arne, 2021; Ytre-Arne, 2012), and also explored how media use changes with biographical disruption to everyday routines (Ytre-Arne, 2019) or discussed audience agency in everyday encounters with digital and datafied media (Ytre-Arne & Das, 2020; Ytre-Arne & Moe, 2021a). For me, the everyday signals a perspective on why and how to study media use: it is important because it is part of daily life, it is interesting because everyday life is diverse and meaningful, and it is impossible to be done with because it changes constantly. I do not think there is any necessary contradiction between an everyday perspective versus a societal or political perspective on media use – instead, everyday life is where political dimensions of media are experienced, interpreted, and acted upon. This point runs as an undercurrent through the analyses of this book and is highlighted in the concluding chapter. What is Everyday Life? We have established that media are part of everyday life, and that research on media use is interested in everyday life. That is not to say that definitions everyday life abound in the literature referenced above, or in the field at large. Even classic contributions observe that commenting on the topic of everyday life might seem simplistic (e.g. Silverstone, 1994, p. 19). There is considerable variation in how precisely or extensively the concept is explained: Some works develop distinct philosophical understandings (e.g. Bakardijeva in Sandvik et al., 2016), or ground the term in substantial discussion of different theoretical positions (e.g. Cavalcante et al., 2017). Some authors define the term and how it connects to methodological and analytical frameworks in their studies). Others explain adjacent concepts to the everyday, such as the study mentioned above of why people still read print newspapers (Boczkowski et al., 2021), which draws on theories of ritualization, sociality and cultural contexts. Nevertheless, everyday life is theorized in disciplines from human geography (Holloway & Hubbard, 2001) to psychology (Schraube & Højholt, 2016). Some central philosophical contributions are Henri Lefebvre’s Critique of Everyday Life (1947), which formulates a Marxist-inspired argument about the importance of this sphere of human conduct in the face of capitalism and technological change, and Michel De Certeau’s The Practice of Everyday Life (1984) which emphasizes the concept of potentially subversive tactics in people’s navigation through daily life. Another key work is The Structures of the Lifeworld (Schutz & Luckmann, 1973) which formulates Alfred Schutz’ theory of the lifeworld in which everyday life is enacted, including spatial, temporal and social dimensions, and how we move through ‘zones of operation’ where people and places beyond our immediate surroundings are yet within ‘restorable reach’ to us, through the familiarity or routines in the everyday which we take for granted (1973). This understanding has been particularly important to phenomenological and sociological studies of media and technologies in everyday life. Such philosophical works on everyday life are briefly to referenced in studies of everyday media use, a understanding that is more or less For (1984) to discuss the role of media in daily on and a growing as as philosophical interest in everyday life as a research that media are not used in from one or from personal an example of the of media use in dynamics at that media are an part of the way the everyday is p. and points that have been up in discussions of media (Hasebrink & Hepp, and of media use as mundane but yet meaningful in everyday (Hermes, 1995; Sandvik et al., 2016). In study of early internet use at Bakardjieva provides a theoretical discussion of how and Lefebvre’s theories relate to communication technologies, the idea of a critical phenomenology to understand users as as Roger work on everyday life also Schutz’ understanding of the and further of the in a discussion of whether this lifeworld is different in conditions of (Silverstone, Silverstone debates about order and in a world of societal and new communication with an that television is we have seemingly to take for as a technology and social and as part of our everyday lives. these Silverstone emphasizes the of routines and familiarity in in the of the world at and a sense of these are the of social order and everyday life. the and for as as through the and our lives take and within those and and we to go about our or for the most the and the that to our and (Silverstone, 1994, p. In this everyday and a sense of a concept to describe of and in people’s experience of the world and sense of central to how people position in the world and to life is also a key concept in more recent theory of digital communication as when we through digital media, and in have our continued in the world 2021). discussion how of or through digital media can to the of the these theories of everyday life, some key dimensions Everyday life has to do with the of space and people and through which we make and relate to the and our position in it I draw on these dimensions to further situate media use in everyday life, how we use media for navigation across social Media Use in Everyday Life To understand media use – applied as an term for all kinds of relationships and with media and communication technologies – we need to situate media use as part of everyday life, in people’s lifeworlds. on the ideas above, of familiarity and and of spatial, social and dimensions, we can different and positions for media. I am particularly interested in how we use media to orient ourselves as we move through our everyday lives, as part of what I navigation across social What does this Everyday media use is because we do not it from – we rely on that we are regarding media use as as other aspects of everyday up in the and not you have done before – instead of the same of and the same on your smartphone. other and and media use practices are particularly essential to the of everyday life by Silverstone, Markham and are also a central concept in media and communication psychology and central to studies to grasp user over or across We everyday in and around – including media Everyday life multiple social domains – such as work and life – that are meaningful to us and that we with and that also important contexts for how we use media. There are research that of media use in different social for instance focused on life such as or experiences such as (e.g. Das, & 2020). between life such as a or a are so significant because the social domains of our everyday lives change with these events. These social domains are essential to the we find in life, the conduct of everyday life an We with social domains in – including media use and A interest I in this book is how we use media across and social for what I refer to as Everyday media use navigation across multiple social domains because an ordinary day can an of and in which we different social with different people. Everyday life can be and with to at or or but whether we have plans for or go with the some of and navigation is both and We conduct such navigation in – including media use and Digital technologies have become to this navigation – and but also and to We have established that media are part of daily and that such routines are essential to everyday life We can also discuss if and how the social domains of everyday life are or and how these processes (Couldry & Hepp, 2017; Hepp, 2020). But my main interest in this book is how our navigation across the social domains of everyday life changes with digital media – how we use digital media to connect to different social orient ourselves to what goes on and across contexts. Media use is essential to the navigation of everyday life, and the role of media in this navigation holds for how we experience our lives as meaningful, for how we understand and situate ourselves in the How we conduct this navigation is changing with the and datafication of the media, particularly after the smartphone. Media Use in Everyday Life The theories of everyday life that are most central to media and communication studies from an of and the domestic sphere is the social that has the most dynamics and the of the home are central to analyses from discussion of who the to what when the people television also have and computers & 2016). we can as Silverstone could in classic that is a domestic It is at home. at home. at (Silverstone, 1994, p. and mobile and social media a of the established when living and for a question in internet studies of whether and how people would actually to make space for computers in their homes is more not just by and but also by and technologies. The home is still but our navigation with media and beyond the home has A broader point is that the proliferation of digital media has it more difficult to make about how to situate media in everyday life, while media might be more important than to how we across our daily lives. This also has for the analytical concepts and approaches we to study everyday media To analyze media in everyday life, it is to a particular or media and look for its and in everyday to into how the cultural role of television in people’s everyday lives. But to for the for variation in everyday media use, it is more relevant to start with people and how we live our lives, and how media matters. of the scholarship discussed in this chapter for the of less approaches to media studies – media might need to be in order to understand what it I will particularly draw on approaches to situate media use in everyday life through a user Media repertoires and public Media repertoires is a concept to the totality and meaningful between media a (Hasebrink & & Hepp, 2017). the essential insight that are a key of approaches is to focus less on experiences with The of or using and instead how these or different are to each other in the context of a everyday media media approaches which media users have a how prioritize between different and how people and the totality of their media Media research has from how to of repertoires towards growing interest in repertoires as and how are and change over & Schrøder, et al., 2021; et al., Ytre-Arne, 2019). connection is a concept that people’s to society, in a sense – how people connect to public life, or (Couldry et al., et al., 2017; Ytre-Arne & Moe, The of a public connection – as to a focus on whether people follow news or – is to more what people are interested and how follow those across but also beyond (Couldry et al., & Ytre-Arne, 2021). Media is important to public connection, but not the only means of societal and public connection can take and define public connection as ‘the shared of that to and in and political in everyday life’ (Swart et al., and that relevance and engagement are dimensions in how media becomes meaningful in everyday life. of these perspectives imply that there is answer to or why media in everyday life – it is and perspectives are up to analysis of the that have to everyday media In this book, I draw on media approaches to analyze everyday media use from the perspective of and on the public connection concept to discuss how people connect to society through everyday media A More Digital Everyday Life A different way of situating media in everyday life is to if one the other, and if which way

This study aimed to identify the role of digital media in disseminating information about behavioral deviation in the kingdom of Bahrain and discuss the level of awareness of the risks of behavioral deviation and determine the existence of differences in the opinions of the sample members about the role of digital media in promoting awareness of the risks of behavioral deviation among young people in the kingdom of Bahrain and attributed to variables (gender - age - educational level). Where the descriptive analytical approach was used, and we were selected for a sample represented in all university students in the kingdom of Bahrain, which is the available sample of those who use digital media tools consisting of (100) single university students in the kingdom of Bahrain, who were selected in the available way, including (47) males and (53) females by choosing (the questionnaire method) in the analysis of the study. The study found that digital media has a significant impact on the behaviors of university youth, and that young people are able to express their awareness of the importance of digital media and its roles in contemporary societies, and university students express a high level of trust in digital media. The study recommended those concerned to produce digital content that promotes positive moral and social values, such as educational videos, blogs and awareness articles that explain the dangers of behavioral deviation and its impact on the individual and society.

Amidst the rapid development of information technology, the existence of digital platforms has become an inherent part of the dynamics of children's lives, including elementary school students. Ideally, these technology-based tools are expected to be a bridge for the internalization of Islamic values through educational content with religious nuances. However, the reality in the field shows that the use of these media is often unfocused, tending towards entertainment consumption that does not provide significant benefits. This condition raises concerns regarding its negative influence on the formation of Islamic morality in children. This study seeks to explore the variety of digital platforms used by elementary school students in their daily activities and understand their contribution to shaping Islamic character. The approach used is a library research method with thematic analysis to explore relevant academic sources. The results of the study revealed that elementary school students generally use internet-based short video applications and online education platforms as the main medium. In addition, digital media has great potential as a vehicle for internalizing Islamic values if used wisely. The recommendation given is the need for assistance from parents and educators in selecting and directing the use of digital media towards holistic development goals

Though the role of digital media in protest movements has received plenty of attention since the onset of Occupy Wall Street and the Arab Uprisings a decade ago, the way that protest movements have enabled the institutional development of independent digital news media has received less attention. How do protest movements enable the rise of independent digital news media? How do these emerging outlets interact with components of pre-existing media? And what techno political constraints do these outlets face? To answer these questions, we zoom in on Lebanon where an uprising broke out in 2019 and gave rise to a network of independent and interdependent digital media outlets. We focus on the rise of Megaphone, an independent social-media-native news outlet that left its mark on the country’s political and media scene. Based on a politico-economic analysis of the emerging digital media scene in Lebanon, a historical analysis of the distinctive meaning of media independence in that context, and a case study of Megaphone, we examine the notion of independent digital media in the context of protest movements and analyze the distinctive travails of social-media-native outlets. We also show how, in Lebanon, independence movements, protest movements, and uprisings have historically contributed to introducing new media forms and outlets and shaping Lebanon’s media. Our paper contributes to a techno-political and algorithmic notion of media independence and begins to theorize social-media-native independent news outlets as a peculiar form of emerging, and increasingly prevalent, media institution.

Digital media have enabled people with disabilities (PWDs) to connect with each other, but online relations and gaming have been found escapist. We propose the analytical lens of social access to examine how the role of digital media in PWDs’ social relations is shaped by (1) affordances of digital media, (2) mixedness of relations and (3) interaction of online and offline worlds. This article presents an ethnographic study in a school for young PWDs and highlights two observations. First, visual profiles on social media platforms could aggravate the social exclusion of young PWDs online and offline, marked by intra-disability and intersectional differences. Second, the co-presence afforded by digital media enabled young PWDs to resort to digital interactions in unwelcoming offline environments without changing the latter. Social access underlines the importance of studying how digital media interweave with offline social relations and inequalities, rarely altering but sometimes augmenting and ameliorating them.