The Impact of European Integration on the Labor Market in Albania: Challenges, Opportunities, and Perspectives

The article deals with the current state of unemployment in Ukraine. Comparison of the unemployment rates with the European countries is conducted. The employment policy in the European Union (EU) was analyzed. The analysis and generalization of features of labour market in countries of the EU are conducted. The scientific results and tasks for further research were outlined. The actual problems of the current development of the labour market in Ukraine and countries of the EU are revealed. The main purpose of the paper is to explore the theoretical aspects of the formation of employment system and to consider the European experience of employment systems regulation in selected countries. The study revealed that in today's conditions of development of the national economy the labour market occupies an important place. One of the most important tasks of any state is defined to be the regulation of the labour market. At the present stage, the problems of the labour market become the most urgent in countries of the EU. This is due to a change in the structure of the pan-European labour market, as well as to the globalization of the world economy. The study found that overcoming unemployment and increasing employment are the main tasks of the EU. The main drivers, motivations and consequences of undeclared work in the EU are identified. The impact of the European employment strategy was studied. Regulation of EU main programs and initiatives that concern the lowering of unemployment, the main aim of which is improving of the education and employability of people was examined. Based on the analysis of the relevant European experience, challenges have been identified that should be taken into account when developing the state employment policy of Ukraine in the medium and long run periods. The recommendations regarding the borrowing of Ukraine's positive experience of the EU towards the employment policy are provided. Analysis of the labour market in the EU and Ukraine showed that the European integration of Ukraine opens the possibility for sustainable economic development. Borrowing of foreign experience will allow Ukraine to create conditions for more efficient functioning of the system of employment. The practical value of the research presented in the article is in identification of promising directions for increasing the efficiency of employment policy in Ukraine on the basis of the experience of member countries of the EU.

This article discusses the extent to which it is possible to label European integration as a new critical juncture of politics in Central Europe by using four Central European countries of Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia as the focus of our investigation. The article presents the historical critical junctures of Central European efforts to liberalise and democratise politics and to create liberal democratic political institutions: the Revolution of 1848, the emergence of independent states in 1918, the Sovietisation of Central Europe between 1945–48 and democratic transition after 1989. We argue that after 2004, when the Central European countries entered the European Union (EU), the claims related to the liberal democratic nature of the EU polity triggered nationalist and illiberal opposition. Therefore, the EU membership has provided a new critical juncture impacting the consolidation or destabilisation of liberal democratic patterns of government. The article further argues that path dependence on the previous critical junctures of Central European politics plays a role in the political development of these countries’ stance on European integration. The authors show that there has been a contradiction between nationalism and liberal concept of democracy since the mid-nineteenth century and that this contradiction manifests in critical junctures based on European integration too.

The United Kingdom (UK) has always been sceptical towards the European integration initiative and European Union (EU) membership has been a controversial issue in UK politics throughout the decades. Following the historic referendum questioning the UK’s EU membership, the withdrawal of the UK from the EU (Brexit) has been on the top of the agenda both in the UK and the EU. Brexit referendum result raised concerns about the impact of UK’s exit from the EU on other EU member states’ (MS) perceptions on EU full membership and the future of EU integration. Thus, there were concerns whether Eurosceptic tendencies would increase among the political parties. In this framework, the purpose of the article is to discuss the extent to which the UK's decision to leave the EU has affected the Eurosceptic attitudes of political parties towards the EU. Although there were concerns whether Brexit would trigger a domino effect that would pose a threat to European integration, the public and political support towards EU integration and full membership remained mostly moderate. Devoting specific focus to the impact of Brexit on the future of Euroscepticism, this paper also discusses why Brexit appears to have less impact on Eurosceptic tendencies of political parties than it was anticipated. However, Euroscepticism in the MSs is likely to depend on the series of future crises the EU would face and the future success of the UK-EU relations.

Essays on the political economy of European integration

This article, in addition to providing information on and discussing lines of argumentation and probable developments, proposes an 'integrated' approach to the issue of migration. Public debate in some of the European Union (EU) member countries gives the impression of a deep East-West divide as far as migration movements are concerned. It is often feared that opening the EU towards the East will, by way of the expected migratory flows and low-wage competition, result in massive distortions on west European labour markets, accompanied by job losses and pressure on wages. Policy-makers and the public at large in applicant countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEECs) resent calls in some EU Member States for transitional periods for the free movement of persons, excluding the freedom of the new member's citizens to move in the enlarged Single Market. We hold that it is too short-sighted to look at the two sides merely as 'antagonists': First, a look at current data and projections about future developments should be conducive to dispel the diffuse fears in the current EU of being inundated by east European labour migrants once these countries accede. Secondly, flanking policy instruments, such as structural and regional policies, the fostering of social partnership in the CEECs and the introduction of active labour market strategies, all of which are still more or less in a stage of infancy, as well as close cooperation in Justice and Home Affairs will have to play their full role before and after accession, in order to mitigate possible negative effects in certain segments of the labour market. This paper also gives some insights into labour migration and the effects of the application of EU border control requirements in a number of accession countries, an aspect greatly overlooked in debates within the current EU

The purpose of the paper has to do with the level of influence of the labor force on the labor market in the countries of the Western Balkans. Labor force categories of which, age, gender, and education, can affect economic business. What social policies the countries of the Western Balkans have undertaken for the categories with a low level of employment? According to the research, the level of unemployment varies from around 30% to 35%, where the countries of the Western Balkans have constant problems in finding workers with the required qualifications, according to different profiles. From the research data, we found that the biggest shortages are in the production sector and the technical profile, which is also related to the level of professional training. In order to have effective results, in the paper, we used empirical and comparative analysis, of how the workforce in the Balkan countries affects the working business in the business sector for the period 2016–2019. In terms of research, various statistics were analysed, which were related to the causes of labor shortage in the labor market.

Iceland's application for European Union (EU) membership in summer 2009 suggests that the country's political parties had reconsidered their longstanding scepticism towards European integration and opted for closer engagement with the EU after the financial crisis. Applying Moravcsik's liberal theory of preference formation, this article investigates the European policies of Iceland's political parties from 2007 to 2010, focusing on four related European issues which have been prominent in the Icelandic EU debate: an application to join the EU with no reservations; the unilateral adoption of the euro; the inclusion of a clause in the constitution allowing a transfer of sovereignty; and the holding of a referendum on an EU application. It analyses whether the economic crash actually led to a change in the political parties' economic preferences and to a subsequent reformulation and adaptation of their long‐term European policy goals and, if not, then how Iceland's decision to apply for EU membership is to be understood. The article concludes that the parties' European policies have remained remarkably stable despite the EU application. This indicates that Iceland's EU membership application can only be understood through a thorough examination of domestic politics, to which liberal intergovernmentalism pays insufficient attention.

The Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) was a founder member of the European integration process, namely the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) created in 1952. However, the circumstances were very different from the 2010s. Germany was a divided and defeated state until 1990. Integration provided important political and economic support to West Germany. From the 1970s, it strengthened the FRG’s foreign policy reach, for the new state was constrained by Cold War politics as well as other legacies, notably the Holocaust. European integration provided a framework for building trust with western neighbors, particularly France. The collapse of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) in 1989 and its absorption into the FRG through unification in 1990 brought about significant change to Germany’s relationship to European integration. The unified Germany became the largest member state. Initial concerns about German power in Europe were allayed by Chancellor Helmut Kohl pursuing deeper integration to bind the unified Germany further to integration: through creating the European Union (EU) itself and setting a course toward monetary union. Specific concerns about German power only really emerged in the 2010s, as the EU was bedeviled by several crises. In seeking to offer a comprehensive understanding of Germany’s relationship with the EU, coverage is organized around four broad themes: the historical dimension of the relationship; the substance of Germany’s European policy; the sources of Germany’s European policy; and Germany’s role and power in the EU. The historical dimension of Germany’s relationship with European integration is important as a first theme. It is no exaggeration to suggest that European integration helped emancipate the FRG from the historical legacy of turbulent relations with France, Nazi tyranny, and the opprobrium of the Holocaust. European integration afforded a complementary framework for Germany’s political and economic order. The importance of embedding German unification in a context of European integration should not be underestimated. Germany’s European policy has displayed considerable consistency up to the contemporary era. Support for further integration, for enlargement, the market order, and the development of an EU “civilian power” have been key components. These policies are important contributors to understanding Germany’s role in the EU: the second theme. The political and economic system of the FRG forms an important backdrop to understanding Germany’s policy and role in the EU: the third theme. From the 1960s until the 2010s, EU membership was subject to cross-party consensus and permissive public support. These circumstances allowed the federal government autonomy in pursuing its European policy. However, the political climate of European policy has become much more contested in the 2010s. Germany’s role was placed in the spotlight by the succession of crises that have emerged within the EU and in its neighborhood in the 2010s, particularly the eurozone and migration crises. The fourth theme explores how the question of German power re-emerged. These four themes are important to understanding Germany’s role in the EU, especially given Berlin’s centrality to its development.

The Nordic states all participate in European integration, but to different degrees and through somewhat different institutional arrangements. Finland has been a full European Union (EU) member since 1995, and it is the only one of the four states discussed in this chapter that has adopted the EU's single currency. Sweden has been a full EU member since 1995, but it decided unilaterally not to adopt the Euro. Denmark, an EU member since 1973, has a formal opt-out from European Monetary Union (EMU) and three other policy areas (citizenship, civil law and defence). Norway is perhaps best describers as a 'quasi-member' of the EU: despite two referendum decisions against joining the EU, the country is closely involved in most aspects of EU policy through the European Economic Area (EEA) and Schengen. The fifth Nordic country, Iceland (which is not covered in the present chapter), applied for full EU membership in 2009 (and is in the EEA and Schengen). The four 'mainland' states have all held referendums on European integration, and all but Finland have seen their governments defeated by popular vote. This chapter explores the political processes and patterns of Euroscepticism that have produced these different forms of participation in European integration, and some of its practical consequences.1 KeywordsEuropean UnionEuropean IntegrationEuropean Monetary UnionEuropean Economic CommunityVariable GeometryThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Europe is a continent of extraordinary variety and diversity geographically, ethnically, nationally, culturally, economically and politically. Yet at the same time all its parts are and always have been so deeply linked by their destiny that this continent can accurately be described as a single albeit complex political entity. Anything crucial in any area of human endeavour occurring anywhere in Europe always has had both direct and indirect consequences for our continent as a whole. The history of Europe is, in fact, the history of a constant searching and reshaping of its internal structures and the relationship of its parts. Today, if we talk about a single European civilization or about common European values, history, traditions, and destiny, what we are referring to is more the fruit of this tendency toward integration than its cause.

ABSTRACTThe European Union (EU) literature sees increasing market liberalization as a challenge for models of national capitalism. EU liberalization, it is argued, erodes national employment regimes and social protection. However, other scholars highlight the ability of national institutions to reinvent themselves. This contribution assesses these claims by exploring an extreme case of labour market pressure driven by EU liberalization. Focusing on the meat production sector, it shows that low-wage labour migration has affected employment conditions in the meat production sector in Germany and Denmark in different ways: dualization has made Germany a destination country for low-wage work; in contrast, union solidarity in Denmark has kept wages high and Danish meat producers have outsourced work to Germany. The underlying industrial relations systems have shaped actors’ responses to the use of migrant labour.

ABSTRACTThe European Union (EU) literature sees increasing market liberalization as a challenge for models of national capitalism. EU liberalization, it is argued, erodes national employment regimes and social protection. However, other scholars highlight the ability of national institutions to reinvent themselves. This contribution assesses these claims by exploring an extreme case of labour market pressure driven by EU liberalization. Focusing on the meat production sector, it shows that low-wage labour migration has affected employment conditions in the meat production sector in Germany and Denmark in different ways: dualization has made Germany a destination country for low-wage work; in contrast, union solidarity in Denmark has kept wages high and Danish meat producers have outsourced work to Germany. The underlying industrial relations systems have shaped actors’ responses to the use of migrant labour.

Purpose The purpose of this study is to examine the impact of public governance quality on tax evasion levels in old (pre-2004) and new (post-2004) European Union (EU) members before and after the 2004 EU-enlargement. Design/methodology/approach This study uses panel data of 28 EU countries over the period 1996-2015. Tax evasion is measured using an updated version of the shadow economy size based on the light intensity, as calculated by (Medina and Schneider, 2018). The World Bank’s worldwide governance indicators are used as a measure of public governance. Findings The results indicate that new EU members have higher tax evasion levels compared to the old ones before and after the 2004 EU enlargement. The findings also report that the public governance quality is superior in old members throughout the 1996-2015 period. Furthermore, the authors found that after the EU enlargement, tax evasion levels decreased in both EU groups; however, the authors noticed an improvement in the public governance quality in new members and a deterioration in old ones. Additional analysis confirms the impact of public governance quality as an effective tool for reducing tax evasion behavior in both EU groups before and after the EU enlargement. Practical implications The findings are potentially useful for EU policymakers in identifying the most effective tools that can minimize tax evasion levels in EU countries. Additionally, the results are alarming as they show the negative consequences of the EU enlargement in old EU members. Thus, policymakers should consider them when setting their rules and regulations to reduce the significant differences between both EU groups to prevent member states from potentially exiting the EU. Originality/value To the best of the knowledge, this is the first study that examines the tax evasion behavior and public governance quality in the EU before and after the EU enlargement.

The present state of the European monetary integration process can be characterised as a period of intensive preparations for the creation of European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) and for the transition to a single currency. European Union (EU) member countries and EU institutions seem firm in their decision to proceed with the EMU according to the timetable agreed upon in Maastricht. EMU is almost certainly starting in 1999, at least for a group of best performing EU member countries. Presently, the efforts of the EU member countries are concentrated on achieving requested macroeconomic stability, as defined in the Maastricht convergence criteria.

In relation to the European integration process, Switzerland is sometimes called a cherry-picker, and sometimes a quasi-member of the European Union (EU). There are good reasons for both qualifications. Switzerland is the only Western European country that is not a member of the EU, and not even part of the European Economic Area (EEA). While all its neighbours shifted the control over national policy-making to some extent to the new centre in Brussels, Switzerland has resisted any delegation of authority to the EU. Does this mean that Switzerland is the last Gallic village in Europe? The subordination of EU member states to Brussels is neither total nor uniform across policies and countries. The same holds for Switzerland’s autonomy. The outsider concluded a large number of sectoral agreements with the EU and it has continuously transposed EU rules into domestic legislation. Theoretical and empirical studies of the European integration process research the different levels of European integration across policies and member states under the label differentiated integration. This paper proposes to study Switzerland as a case of differentiated integration and presents empirical data that measures the quality of Switzerland’s integration for the period 1990 – 2010. The empirical data shows that substantially, a broad range of EU rules have been extended to Switzerland either via sectoral agreements or via transposition into domestic legislation. This substantive rule extension became, however, only in recent years also legally linked to the EU.