The Immigration Crisis

Russian parties and the political internet

ABSTRACTCrisis, subjectivity and the polymorphous character of immigrant family detention in the United States. Territory Politics Governance. This article expands on research into the politics of ‘immigration crises’ by bringing feminist insights to bear on how one understands the political unfolding of immigration crises. In order to do so, it draws on ethnographic research and media and policy analysis to trace the 2014 ‘immigration crisis’ surrounding unauthorized family immigration and detention in the United States. In doing so, it is argued that in order to understand the shifting spatialities and mechanisms of border enforcement we must also attend to the way in which these processes play out in relation to different forms of subjectivity; cultural and legal frameworks surrounding precisely who can be detained and how detention can play out shapes the legal and practical options available to policy-makers and border enforcement agencies. Moreover, in examining both the proliferation of brick-and-mortar family detention centres as well as the adoption of geographically unfixed enforcement strategies, this article illustrates the constantly evolving and polymorphous character of immigrant family detention in the United States.

In The Immigration Crisis in Europe and the U.S.-Mexico Border in the New Era of Heightened Nativism, Victoria Cartycompares the immigration crises in the European Union and the United States. Beginning in 2014, the Arab Spring upheavals and failed states in Northern Africa and the Middle East overwhelmed many European countries which the European Union system was not prepared for. In the Americas, failed states in Central America such as Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador also led to an unexpected influx of immigrants to the United States, many of them unaccompanied minors, fleeing gangs, violence and poverty. In The Immigration Crisis in Europe and the U.S.-Mexico Border, Carty studies theories of immigration, social movements, and critical race theory to provide a better understanding of the current immigration crises in Europe and the United States. Carty shows that the high volume of immigration in both the EU and the United States has led to a resurgence of nativist sentiments and white supremacy groups.

In The Immigration Crisis in Europe and the U.S.-Mexico Border in the New Era of Heightened Nativism, Victoria Cartycompares the immigration crises in the European Union and the United States. Beginning in 2014, the Arab Spring upheavals and failed states in Northern Africa and the Middle East overwhelmed many European countries which the European Union system was not prepared for. In the Americas, failed states in Central America such as Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador also led to an unexpected influx of immigrants to the United States, many of them unaccompanied minors, fleeing gangs, violence and poverty. In The Immigration Crisis in Europe and the U.S.-Mexico Border, Carty studies theories of immigration, social movements, and critical race theory to provide a better understanding of the current immigration crises in Europe and the United States. Carty shows that the high volume of immigration in both the EU and the United States has led to a resurgence of nativist sentiments and white supremacy groups.

The U.S. Immigration Crisis and a Call for the Church's Lifeworld Politics: Why Should Hauerwas Collaborate with Habermas on the U.S. Immigration Crisis? Ilsup Ahn Introduction: Saying “No” to the State's Biopolitics Against the Undocumented Migrants According to the recent survey report published by the Washington, D.C.‐based Public Religion Research Institute, throughout 2013, there has been consistent bipartisan and cross‐religious support for creating a path to citizenship for immigrants living in the United States. While 14 percent percent of Americans support allowing undocumented immigrants to become permanent legal residents but not citizens, 63 percent favor providing a way for immigrants who are currently living in the United States without legal documentation to become citizens provided they meet certain requirements. They also discovered that nearly two‐thirds of Americans believe that the U.S. immigration system is either completely broken (34 percent) or mostly broken but working in some areas (31 percent). The report also shows that 41 percent of Americans believe immigration policy should be an immediate priority for President Obama and Congress, while roughly as many (42 percent) say it should be a priority during the next couple of years. Interestingly enough, only 14 percent of Americans say it should not be a priority at all. Despite the majority of the U.S. citizens favor some sort of comprehensive immigration reform, the Congress has failed to pass a comprehensive immigration overhaul to date largely due to the House Republican leaders, who recently unveiled their principles for an overhaul for the nation's immigration laws. These principles, however, do not clarify whether most undocumented immigrants would ever be able to become legal residents or U.S. citizens, while they would require tighter border security and more interior immigration enforcements. These principles seem to reiterate the problematic anti‐immigration mantra to continuously militarize our borders as well as to criminalize undocumented immigrants. The Obama administration has been increasingly criticized in regard to the inhumane deportation of many undocumented people, especially those parents whose children are U.S. citizens. Critiques argue that President Obama has overseen record levels of deportations, with ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement) repatriating about 2 million undocumented people since he took office in January 2009 (roughly 400,000 a year or 1,100 per day). Amid the increasing political turmoil relating to the immigration reform, the public media begin to notice that the real winners in immigration control are the prison industry. The Atlantic, for example, reports that since 2003, when ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement) was created and government crackdowns on undocumented aliens increased, private prisons have gained business, with industry profits more than doubling. Damon Hininger, CEO of CCA (Corrections Corporation of America), said during a conference call with investors in May 2010 that between 2007 and 2009, when earnings for the S&P dropped by 28 percent, the company's earnings drew by 18 percent. According to The Atlantic, the government spends more than $2 billion a year on immigration detention, while spending only $72 million on alternatives to detention. It also reports that the private prison industry, such as CCA, has spent more than $1 million on lobbying. Although private prisons say that their lobbying efforts are aimed at promoting their services, not shaping immigration policy, immigrant advocates argue that the private prison industry is always lobbying for more detention beds. Given that the cost of detaining an immigrant averages $159 a day and half of 34,000 beds are operated by private prison corporations, it is not difficult to see the connection between the interests of the private prison corporations such as CCA and the Geo Group and the criminalization of undocumented migrants. According to Lee Fang of The Nation, the controversial Arizona SB1070 was developed in consultation with private prison lobbyists through a group called the American Legislative Exchange Council. Unfortunately, as Aubrey Pringle reports, several pending immigration bills would increase the number of incarcerated immigrants even more. The ongoing political struggles related to the increasing border militarization, the widespread criminalization of undocumented migrants, and the massive deportation of undocumented parents are the explicit exemplification of what philosophers Michel Foucault and Giorgio Agamben call the...

Philis M. Barragán Goetz sheds a bright light on the neglected and yet invaluable histories of escuelitas in Texas. Adding significantly to the field of Mexican American and Tejano educational history, Barragán Goetz uses Mexican and U.S. archives, Spanish and English borderlands newspapers, oral histories, escuelita curricula and mementos, and interviews to trace the complexity and nuance of almost a century (1865 through 1960s) of escuelitas in Texas. Escuelitas were both informal and formal grassroots Mexican American community schools without a “governmental or communal body overseeing their development” (p. 1). Escuelitas served the purpose of “ethnic Mexicans’ attempts to educate their children” in Spanish, centering Mexican cultural knowledge and patriotism, and negotiating an “alternative narrative” (p. 17) in the face of two nations, discrimination, obstacles, neglect, and the oversight of the U.S. public schools in Texas.Barragán Goetz argues that the escuelitas created an imaginary dual citizenship whereby ethnic Mexican children were being educated in Spanish literacy and Mexican ideals while living and navigating U.S. schooling and economic advancement. Chapter 1 historicizes the escuelitas’ contexts and increasing Anglo dominance over, and subordination of, Mexican children in Texas through her analysis of the superintendents’ reports revealing the racist attitudes toward the Mexican children and their families. Amidst lack of access and segregated schooling, Barragán Goetz highlights El Colegio Altamirano, which remained open in Hebbronville for over six decades, as an icon of escuelita history in Texas. In Chapter 2, Barragán Goetz expounds on how La Crónica—a Laredo based newspaper published by the influential Idar family—documented the paradoxes of Mexican American experiences in the United States, calling for more just and equitable treatment and advancement through education both through escuelitas and inclusion in the public schools. Chapter 3 centers the lives of four women leaders and activists—Jovita Idar, Leonor Villegas de Magnón, María Villarreal, and María Rentería—whose feminist stances sustained the escuelitas and the education of Mexican children in Laredo, despite the social patriarchy and the “dislocating phenomena” (p. 16) of the Mexican Revolution, modernization in Texas, and progressivism in the public schools. These four laudable women saw childhood education as fertile ground for their social and political ambitions and the futurity of Mexican American communities in Texas. Chapter 4 explains the role of the Mexican Consulate in supporting the escuelitas and in advocating for Mexicanization of children in the United States through diplomatic criticism of U.S. public schools. Chapter 5 highlights how the escuelita experience and curricula became important for activists of the “first” Mexican American generation, who attended escuelitas and public schools and carried on legacies of advocacy and activism that were rooted in their early schooling. María Elena Zamora O’Shea and Texas historian Jovita González are aptly spotlighted in this chapter as educators, scholars, and revolutionaries. Barragán Goetz contends that this generation was the last to attend escuelitas and that their advocacy and success, in part, culminated in the decline of the little schools.Overall, Barragán Goetz traces an important and complex trajectory of escuelita history in Reading, Writing, and Revolution, making this book an essential read for those interested in Mexican American educational history. She also appropriately argues that escuelita history is the “origin story” (p.159) of Mexican American studies. Barragán Goetz corrects a century of history in this book, in showing that Mexican and Mexican American communities have always valued education and have taken on the necessary actions in sustaining the learning experiences of children.

It is seen that Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, which are the countries that attract attention with the economic developments recently in the world economy. These countries have surpassed the performance of many developed countries' economies and these countries are referred to as BRICS countries in the world economy. The main reason why these countries are referred to as a group is that they must have a young and growing population, have a chance of earning a high growth opportunity because they can earn direct foreign investment in the country economy, cheap labor and consequently low production costs. Judging from the forecasts of the future of the world economy, until the 2050s, BRICS countries will play an active role in the world economy, also known as the G-6, one of the world's largest economies of the United States, Italy, France; it is argued that the nation will have more than one national income than its national income. Made this first part of the BRICS countries and Turkey's economy will be assessed in terms of macroeconomic indicators studies will be compared later with the BRICS countries in that part of Turkey's economic indicators. A general evaluation will be made in the conclusion part. Article visualizations:

Rising crime, homicide, economic despair, infant mortality. The common narrative of the situation in the Northern Triangle nations of Central America, Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador, points to these grim circumstances to explain the exodus of families leaving for America. But it is not the case that conditions have worsened there in recent years; the best available data show improvement in many socioeconomic measures. This article draws upon the best sources from the Northern Triangle, Mexico, US, and international organizations. Socioeconomic studies and analysis by universities, policy groups, and government agencies from the region provide details on the day-to-day experiences of ordinary people, the realities of poverty, crime, and violence. The conclusions from these studies do not always match common suppositions. Homicides are down, but El Salvador and Honduras remain two of the most dangerous countries in the world. In the Northern Triangle, economic growth has been above the regional average, while the percentage of families living in poverty in Guatemala is actually increasing as income distribution worsens. More Central American families are migrating to the USA than ever before, but far fewer total immigrants are coming to America as the immigration from Mexico has declined. This article concludes with policy recommendations. Since the US economy is creating more jobs than entrants into the workforce. US immigration policies should be adjusted to match economic needs and must be changed to reflect its highest humanitarian values.

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes A. Bozóki and J.T. Ishiyama (eds.), The Communist Successor Parties of Central and Eastern Europe (Armonk, NY: Sharpe, 2002), pp.422–4. H. Kitschelt, Z. Mansfeldova, R. Markowski and G. Tóka, Post-Communist Party Systems: Competition, Representation, and Inter-Party Cooperation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp.383–9. R. Markowski, ‘The Polish SLD in the 1990s: From Opposition to Incumbents and Back’, in Bozóki and Ishiyama, p.81. S. Birch, F. Millard, M. Popescu and K. Williams, Embodying Democracy: Electoral System Design in Post-Communist Europe (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2002), p.178. R. Taagepera, ‘How Electoral Systems Matter for Democratization’, Democratization, Vol.5, No.3 (1998), p.86. Angelo Panebianco, Political Parties: Organization and Power (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988). P.G. Lewis, ‘Political Institutionalisation and Party Development in Post-communist Poland’, Europe–Asia Studies, Vol.46, No.5 (1994), pp.779–99. Z. Enyedi, ‘Organizing a Subcultural Party in Eastern Europe: The Case of the Hungarian Christian Democrats’, Party Politics, Vol.2, No.3 (1996), pp.377–96. I. van Biezen, Political Parties in New Democracies: Party Organization in Southern and Eastern and Central Europe (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2003), pp.214–17. I. van Biezen, ‘On the Internal Balance of Party Power: Party Organizations in New Democracies’, Party Politics, Vol.6, No.4 (2000), p.410. P.G. Lewis, ‘Recent Evolutions of European Parties East and West: Towards Cartelization?’, Central European Political Science Review, Vol.3, No.8 (2002), pp.16–17. R.F. Leslie (ed.), The History of Poland Since 1863 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), p.166. Lewis, ‘Political Institutionalization and Party Development’, pp.785, 791–2. R.A. Dahl, Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1971); see also R. Grew, ‘Crises and Their Sequences’, in R. Grew (ed.), Crises of Political Development in Europe and the United States (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1978), pp.3–39. J. Simon, ‘Electoral Systems and Regime Change in Central and Eastern Europe, 1990–1994’, Representation, Vol.35, Nos 2/3 (1998), pp.122–36. D. Perkins, ‘Structure and Choice: The Role of Organizations, Patronage and the Media in Party Formation’, Party Politics, Vol.2, No.3 (1996), pp.355–75. S.M. Lipset and S. Rokkan (eds.), Party Systems and Voter Alignments: Cross-National Perspectives (New York: Free Press, 1967). Markowski, p. 52.

Political parties reflect a democratic state, which is believed to be a condition for modern state life. As institutions for channeling interests, political parties are used as communication with a two-way function, namely, top-down and bottom-up. If this can be carried out well, then political parties' function as political socialization, political participation, political communication, articulation of interests, aggregation of interests, and policymaking can run well to realize the expected political development. The research method used in this research is qualitative research methods. Through qualitative research, the author has created a complex picture, examined words, reviewed detailed reports from the point of view of resource persons, and conducted studies on natural situations. This study aims to determine political parties' development in the Russian Republic of Tatarstan, political parties' function, and political development amid a society in this modern era. The problem in this research is that political parties in Russia tend to have their own interests, either from the central government or the state or Federation governments. In addition, there tends to be a mismatch between the central and state governments in decision making. In fact, in the context political parties can be a tool for realizing development in a country. Even though there are problems, the results showed that political parties in the Republic of Tatarstan rated quite well in carrying out their functions by the functions of political parties according to the Law of the Russian Federation and the Law of the Republic of Tatarstan concerning Political Parties. The development of political parties in the Tatarstan Republic has played a role in controlling conflicts of interest among the Republic of Tatarstan.

The Myth of Sustainable Development: Personal Reflections on Energy, its Relation to Neoclassical Economics, and Stanley Jevons

To what extent does the complex set of beliefs and practices relating to diseases, cures, health maintenance, and health care practitioners found in traditional Mexican culture influence the behavior of Mexicans seeking health care in the United States? In this paper I examine data gathered on Mexican immigrants in San Diego County, California, that support the growing consensus that socioeconomic factors affect this population's behavioral patterns regarding health care services much more than do cultural beliefs. Many of the members of this population find that access to conventional U.S. health services is limited by their socioeconomic condition and, for some, an undocumented immigration status. However, the evidence suggests that many Mexican immigrants believe in folk illnesses, perceive U.S. health care practitioners as lacking an understanding of folk illnesses, and feel that this lack of understanding does affect practitioner behavior when they seek health care. In short, the overwhelming significance of socioeconomic factors should not blind us to the importance of cultural beliefs and perceptions about health care, although the latter probably diminish in importance the longer that Mexicans and their descendants reside in the United States.

Political parties reflect a democratic state, which is believed to be a condition for modern state life. As institutions for channeling interests, political parties are used as communication with a two-way function, namely, top-down and bottom-up. If this can be carried out well, then political parties' function as political socialization, political participation, political communication, articulation of interests, aggregation of interests, and policymaking can run well to realize the expected political development. The research method used in this research is qualitative research methods. Through qualitative research, the author has created a complex picture, examined words, reviewed detailed reports from the point of view of resource persons, and conducted studies on natural situations. This study aims to determine direction of political parties' development in the Russian Republic of Tatarstan, political parties' function, and political development amid a society in this modern era. The problem in this research is that political parties in Russia tend to have their own interests, either from the central government or the state or Federation governments. In addition, there tends to be a mismatch between the central and state governments in decision making. In fact, in the context political parties can be a tool for realizing development in a country. Even though there are problems, the results showed that political parties in the Republic of Tatarstan rated quite well in carrying out their functions by the functions of political parties according to the Law of the Russian Federation and the Law of the Republic of Tatarstan concerning Political Parties. The development of political parties in the Tatarstan Republic has played a role in controlling conflicts of interest among the Republic of Tatarstan.

O F ALL POSSIBLE POLITICAL ACTIONS the voting decision has received the most attention from behavioral political scientists. Probably we have compiled and analyzed more data on candidate choice and turnout than on any other form of political behavior. Of course, this heavy emphasis comes as no surprise. The voting act is the fundamental political act in a democracy. It is the most widespread political act. Furthermore, on the surface, at least, the voting act would appear to be one of the simplest (and therefore, most understandable) political acts. A heavy scholarly focus on the voting act follows naturally from these considerations. While our data base expands, however, our theoretical superstructure remains far from finished. It is fair to say that political science has relied chiefly on models rooted in the sociological, and later the social-psychological tradition.' These models hold that

This slender volume recounts efforts to limit immigration throughout American history. Otis L. Graham Jr. argues that the restrictions, from the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 to the quota laws of the 1920s, benefited the country, and he urges that the United States reduce immigration today. Despite the book's subtitle, A History of America's Immigration Crisis, the book reads more like an article for a journal of opinion than a work of history; more than half of it is devoted to the contemporary drive to restrict immigration, which Graham favors because of the environmental, cultural, and economic problems immigrants allegedly cause. Light on evidence, Graham's Unguarded Gates makes many claims that are either wrong or insufficiently supported. “In the public debate” leading up to Chinese exclusion, he writes, “the arguments for continuing the laissez-faire policy on national immigration were remarkably puny” (p. 11). Support for immigration in the period was actually quite strong, and contrary to Graham's assertion that the “government had a responsibility to respond to overwhelming majority opinion” (p. 12), he provides scant evidence that such overwhelming opinion existed. Graham says he deplores discrimination, yet he applauds the discriminatory National Origins Act of 1924 that relied on the 1890 census—rather than the 1910 census—specifically to discriminate against eastern and southern Europeans. He justifies the refusal by the United States and other nations to admit Jewish refugees on the eve of World War II, arguing that “such a response would have encouraged Hitler and all ‘ethnic cleansing’ leaders in the future to expel undesirable populations” (p. 73). Better such people should perish than such a precedent be set.