The Home as Laboratory: Finance, Housing, and Feminist Struggle

This article aims to explore and analyze men's engagement with feminist struggles in Pakistan, especially in Aurat March since 2018. Based on participant observations and semi-structured interviews conducted with men/boys who have participated in Aurat March, this article attempted to understand men’s participation in social movements like Aurat March. It is reflected in the study that men who have been engaged with feminism and feminist struggles in Pakistan can not only relate to feminism or gender justice but also problematized issues like patriarchy and violence against women. For these men, such movements aiming for gender justice are not only women-centric rather are beneficial for the whole society. According to the respondents the Aurat March, as a gender transformative movement, has the potential to bring diverse groups together for the cause of women and gender rights. Men who have been actively participating in Aurat March have conceptualized feminism, problematized patriarchy, identified challenges faced by women, and necessitated more men to ally with such movements. This study also reflected a significant aspect that not all men are the same or relate to hegemonic forms of masculinity; rather some men resist those gender-oppressive ideologies and structures that are detrimental to the progress of society. Keywords: Feminisms, Aurat March (AM), Men and Masculinity, Gender Justice, patriarchy

Beyond relativism: Moving on — Feminist struggles with scientific/medical knowledges

The equal rights movements ushered by minorities, races, ethnicities and classes have gained momentum and achieved some success in past. As the world moves on to the eradication of disparities and procurement of more advanced rights, feminism is in the spotlight, advocating for equal rights for women, who are hardly seen as part of societies dominated by men. In order to secure their basic rights, women began to claim that they were persecuted and treated as second-class citizens bv patriarchy-dominated societies. This research paper sheds light on the feminist struggle and activism in Pakistan considering the historical background, and various methodological approaches, and brings forth major findings that need to be addressed. The article employed mixed research methods integrating a qualitative approach based on scholarly literature, policy formulation, surveys, and interviews and draws analysis about the role of feminist activism in raising awareness against the oppressive norms, culture, and traditions of Pakistan.

Introduction: In recent years, digital social networks have allowed for the visibility and organization of the feminist struggle, particularly around the marches on March 8th. However, anti-feminist discourses have also proliferated in this space, including those coming from some gay men. The central question of the research is how these subjects express themselves on social networks with regard to the feminist movement and analyzes their comments in the context of 8M 2023.Development: The study is based on a qualitative analysis of social network posts made by Mexican gay men. Two types of reactions are identified: the first shows rejection of feminism through mockery, disqualification and arguments that minimize the feminist struggle; the second, in which other gay men criticize these misogynistic positions within their own community. Through the analysis, it is evident that some homosexual men reproduce heteronormative and patriarchal patterns, promoting discourses of cybermisogyny.Conclusion: The study reveals that misogyny is not exclusive to heterosexual men and that certain gay men perpetuate patriarchal attitudes. The presence of hate speech on digital social networks highlights the need to reflect on the intersection between the feminist struggle and the LGBT+ community, as well as the importance of internal self-criticism to eradicate sexist behavior.

In recent years, feminism has gradually become a buzzword in the global hyper-commercialized popular culture. Young women and girls are encouraged to please and empower themselves through consumption and/or ‘leaning in.’ On the other hand, feminist activism and movements against gender inequality and injustice continue to flourish at the local, national, and transnational levels. Yet, as systematic oppression and violence persist and intertwine, neither the depoliticized gendered popular culture nor the single-issue feminist advocacy and resistance can overturn the unequal power structures. This article explores feminist struggles and discourse in historical and contemporary China as a case to argue that feminist scholars and activists urgently need to revalorize the radical and political potential of feminisms as emancipatory ideas and actions. In response to the popular western-centric perception of feminism, I trace back to women’s movements in revolutionary and socialist China in the first half of the twentieth century. Following the critique of the enduring masculinist power and the rising prevalence of post-feminism in post-socialist and reforming China, I analyze the current popular discourse and public debates of feminism, feminist and queer activism, the grassroots NGOs for rural migrant women, and state-sponsored gender development programs. Built upon the analyses, the article calls for a re-articulation of feminisms through three strands: Engaging the great mass, making the broader range of feminist thoughts and praxis accessible to the general public, and recounting the historical legacy of feminist movements in specific contexts. Forming allies with various underprivileged and marginalized groups are still imperative for feminist struggles in present conjunctures.

WorkingUSAVolume 16, Issue 3 p. 425-428 BOOK REVIEW Federici, Silvia. Revolution at Point Zero: Housework, Reproduction and Feminist Struggle. Oakland, CA: Common Notions/PM Press, 2012. 208 pp. $15.95 (paperback). Laura Schwartz, Laura SchwartzSearch for more papers by this author Laura Schwartz, Laura SchwartzSearch for more papers by this author First published: 02 September 2013 https://doi.org/10.1111/wusa.12066Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Volume16, Issue3September 2013Pages 425-428 RelatedInformation

Interview I

In the late 2010s, the United States experienced a period of widespread silencing. Protests of unsafe drinking water have been met with tear gas; national park employees, environmentalists, and scientists have been ordered to stop communicating publicly. Advocates for gun control are silenced even as mass shootings continue. Expressed dissent to political power is labeled as "fake news." DREAMers, Muslims, Trans military members, women, black bodies, the LGBTQI+ community, Latina/o/x communities, rape survivors, sex workers, and immigrants have all been systematically silenced. During this difficult time and despite such restrictions, advocates and allies persist and resist, forming dialogues that call to repel inequality in its many forms.

Este texto forma parte de la reflexión y el debate entorno a los conceptos de democracia y ciudadanía desde una perspectiva feminista. El sistema económico capitalista y la lógica patriarcal son responsables de las profundas desigualdades, injusticias y opresiones en las que se encuentran millones de mujeres en el mundo. La lucha y resistencia feminista por el derecho a tener derechos se convierte en una dinámica tensa y contradictoria en escenarios que se afirman democráticos y que buscan incidir en la construcción de políticas públicas para las mujeres.

Esse artigo tem como objetivo apresentar uma discussão acerca da violência de gênero enquanto contribuição do movimento feminista– a trajetória, sua historiografia até a publicação da Lei n.º 11.340/2006, conhecida como Lei Maria da Penha. Como recurso metodológico nos valemos da pesquisa bibliográfica (GIL, 2002) com as contribuições de Pinto (2003); Saffioti (2004;1987); Scott (1989); Louro (1997), entre outras/os.A partir dos estudos feministas, as relações de gênero foram sendo discutidas com o intuito de denunciar a desigualdade entre os sexos e problematizara dominação masculina e a submissão feminina, em que as mulheres se restringiam apenas no âmbito doméstico e muitas vezes sofriam diversos tipos de violência de seus parceiros. Concluímos que, as lutas feministas foram e continuam sendo de grande importância para a ampliação da discussão e criação de políticas públicas para garantir o direito da mulher. Entendemos também que por meio da educação se pode pensar em avançar cada vez mais no caminho da desconstrução de estereótipos construídos historicamente em relação à concepção da mulher na sociedade.

Many of the problems Jo Freeman identified in her 1970 essay, Tyr anny of Structurelessness, persist in today s feminist struggles and have been exacerbated by nonprofitization. Concentration of leadership, elit ism, lack of accountability, and lack of transparency in social movement formations have worsened in the past four decades as hierarchical, staffed nonprofits have become the most dominant form for social justice work in the United States. The 2007 anthology The Revolution Will Not Be Funded: Beyond the Non-profit Industrial Complex, edited by the activist organiza tion INCITE! Women of Color Against Violence, raised the volume on the conversation about the problems of nonprofitization for groups and organizations seeking transformative change. With many contributors coming from feminist and antiracist, antiviolence, and prison abolition frameworks, the book provides particular insight into how the rise of non profit norms shifted feminist antiviolence work toward stateand corpo rate-funded forms. Throughout the decades that have led to this unsavory alliance between cops, prosecutors, and antiviolence organizations, those most affected by violence—such as immigrant women, women of color, poor women, indigenous women, people with disabilities, and queer and trans people—have consistently critiqued the criminalization solu tions to violence, naming criminalization and immigration enforcement as dominant forms of gender violence, not solutions to it (see Crenshaw 1991; INCITE! 2006; Munshi 2010). A significant divide is now visible in many of the movements related to these issues in the United States, such as the antiviolence movement

This article studies gender roles in Philip Roth’sAmerican Pastoral, published in1997. It addresses the housewife condition in 1960s America through the character of Dawn Dwyer,drawing fromBetty Friedan’s The Feminine Mystique, published in1963,and the second edition of Silvia Federici’sRevolution at Point Zero: Housework, Reproduction, and Feminist Struggle, published in 2020. Moreover, it analyses how American history is told and fictionalized in Roth’s work, comparing the scenes from the novel to Friedan’s non-fiction narrative of the 1960s. This analysis builds on previous works on gender roles in Roth’s literature, aiming to contribute to the body of literature on the American celebrated author

Starting in the early 1970s, many documentaries began addressing the shifting cultural climate surrounding the issue of abortion in the United States. While some consideration has been given to how abortion has been represented on television and in motion pictures, scant attention has been paid to how the documentary genre has forged the public space for this controversial issue. This chapter briefly maps and assesses how feminists have documented and utilized the documentary genre to recover women’s history and reclaim public space for reproductive justice and the failures to accomplish these aims as access to reproductive care continues to erode. The chapter tracks how women, engaged in feminist struggle, create documentary commons specific to the collision between lived experience and social expectations. The chapter focuses particularly on a moment in 2005 when Third Wave feminist and activist filmmakers attempted to engage abortion politics through the documentary confessional mode. Tracking the move from public confession to representations of an escalating and violent antichoice movement brings the struggle into sharper focus. Analysis of these documentaries and their parallel activist interventions includes interviews with three directors, archival material, and ethnographic research.

Mass incarceration is a feminist struggle. Not only are women the fastest growing population in correctional facilities in the United States but they also face institutional regulations that aim at "correcting" their gender and sexual "deviance." Correction, within women's correctional facilities, refers to the structural attempt to enforce a gendered, class-based, and racialized order. The mechanism that allows the gender correctional machine to be enacted functions through two branches: correctional industries and library content. This study examines the extent to which regulatory programs, such as limited labor options and libraries, are actually constructed through male-gaze-dominated norms. By looking at the connection between vocational programs and the prison-industrial complex, it is evident that labor-oriented programs not only exploit women but do so in a gendered way. Low-waged, traditionally feminine, and potentially racialized training within the facilities showcase the regulatory mechanism to keep women "were they belong." Furthermore, this study imports the theoretical lens of Laura Mulvey's notion of the male gaze into the area of sociology of law, and seeks to understand how prison libraries enforce patriarchal norms. By looking at denied and permitted library publications in the Philadelphia Department of Prisons, this study shows that the male gaze functions as a normalizing and correcting force in the ways that gender and sexuality are visually portrayed in publications' covers. Thus, the study unveils the regulatory mechanisms of the gender correctional machine, and proposes radical resistance as an alternative to it.

The article theorizes on and offers an alternative explanation for the manifestation of feminist philosophy in the Asian context. Its focus is on the cultural representations of women and the values of feminity in the popular media. Feminist philosophy has its origin in the West. In Asia feminism is rooted in human rights and gender equality, its development has taken different forms, with outcomes very different from those of the West. The author argues that Asian women's movements face many dilemmas and contradictions, and that the processes are less smooth and more indirect. The separation of the economic sphere from deep-seated indigenous systems in Asia may have retarded the development of feminism and gender equality, and in particular, its equal representation in media that rely heavily on market responses. Whereas Asian markets have developed and expanded, social and cultural values have remained more or less unchanged in the course of social development. Such traditional values are also translated into the dominant market forces that account for the continued stereotypical and unequal representation of females in the media. Given the paramount importance of media economics in developing capitalist-like communities, feminist struggles have come to rely on the initiatives of a few elite producers within the media corporations.