The Greek Revolution, Thomas Gordon and the Aberdeen Committee

Russia and the Greek Revolution Yanni Kotsonis Lucien J. Frary, Russia and the Making of Modern Greek Identity, 1844–1844 304 New York: Oxford University Press, 2015. ISBN-13 978-0198733775. $100.00. We do not have an obvious need for studies of Russian involvement in Greece in the decades surrounding the Greek Revolution of 1821. What became the Kingdom of Greece in 1832 was a small territory on the southern tip of the Balkan Peninsula, while Russia had strategic interests spanning three continents. The existing works of Grigorii Arsh, Norman Saul, I. M. Smilianskaia, Olga Petrunina, and Avgusta Stanislavskaia are careful and good. Together they cover the geostrategic, cultural, and institutional-religious importance of the region in this period, roughly 1770 to the 1840s. Russia became a Black Sea naval power under Catherine II and acted intermittently to extend that power in the Mediterranean. Russian armed forces intervened in the Morea (Peloponnese), where they stimulated the Orlov Rebellion of 1770–71; in the Ionian Islands in 1799–1807, where they evicted the French Republic and established the Septinsular Republic; and in different parts of Italy from the 1790s on, where they sparred with revolutionary and imperial France.1 We need a reason for further engagement. [End Page 661] Things do become interesting when we consider that Greek speakers at the time were extremely active in multiple regions of the world, pertained to flows and loci sooner than states and nations, and had very little respect for borders. The examples are myriad, from the Italian states to which Greek speakers and Orthodox migrated to study, soldier, and trade to France after 1789, where they joined the army and commanded forces in the Caribbean, at Waterloo, in Algeria, and later still in the Franco-Prussian War. In the Ottoman Empire after Greek independence Greeks owned most of the merchant marine, and the Greek-speaking, Orthodox Phanariotes continued to manage major aspects of the state, its moneys, and its foreign relations. They manned the fleets and irregular forces that defended the Porte against foreign attack, rebellions, and revolutions, Greek ones included.2 Russia, too, was a powerful magnet and had been since the time of Ivan III. A generation of scholars trained by the estimable Theofanis Stavrou have been documenting these movements with an emphasis on the 18th and 19th centuries. Lucien Frary is one of those scholars, and his book goes far in tracing networks of Greeks in connection with Russia from the time of the Greek Revolution to the 1840s. Most of Russia's Mediterranean diplomatic missions were manned by Greeks. Greek merchants were based as often in Odessa and Azov as in Cephalonia, Syros, or Piraeus, and behind references to Russian shipping were often Greek captains (and their Albanian crews) from all around the eastern Mediterranean.3 The Russian navy and the corsairs sponsored by Russia were stacked with Greek commanders. Lambros Katsonis was the most famous of the corsairs, and the military leader of the Greek Revolution in the 1820s, Theodoros Kolokotronis, had a spell as a pirate under the Russian flag before 1810. The regular army also attracted hundreds of Greek soldiers and officers like the Ypsilantis brothers, who later organized the Greek uprising of 1821—to the chagrin of Nicholas I.4 Greek theologians populated Russian seminaries and went on regular missions to St. Petersburg. Presumably the Russian emperors valued their language skills and trusted their Orthodox religion, while for a time their oath to the tsar trumped fears of nationalist parochialism. [End Page 662] What to call these people was not at all obvious and the multiple labels invite query. In Russia the terminology still includes greki (the catchall), pontiitsy (from the Black Sea region), ellintsy (from the country, Greece), and in earlier centuries grechane, with further subcategories for certain spaces in today's Caucasus region and Ukraine. In the Ottoman Empire, they called themselves Romans (Romioi), as many Greeks do today, while Turkish-speakers called them Rum, all in reference to the Eastern Roman Empire and the Orthodox Church it spawned. It was the category under which the Ottomans organized the Orthodox millet, no matter what language they spoke. Greeks arriving in the Balkans...

The state does not carry out direct financing of innovation activities of enterprises, but it is possible and appropriate to use indirect methods of financing innovations embodied in budget and tax policies, which requires clear regulation of the relevant principles. The purpose of this article is to study the current practice of taking into account the goals of socio-economic and, first of all, innovative development in the principles of the budget and tax systems of Ukraine and substantiation of approaches to its improvement. It is substantiated that goals of socio-economic and innovative development is not properly reflected in the principles of both the budget system of Ukraine and in the principles of the tax system (basic principles of tax legislation). It is determined that direct and indirect state financial support and taxes as fiscal instruments should help stimulate economic development, stimulate and intensify innovation, but the choice of forms and methods of such stimulation needs to be justified taking into account the need to achieve specific goals. An analysis of the practices of the World Tax Code and the world practice of applying measures to support small and medium enterprises in terms of Covid-19 showed that direct state financial support is preferred in comparison with tax benefits due to clearer procedures of administration and control and further stimulation of development. It is proved that the combination of direct financial support with the using of investment and innovation tax credits with the possibility of their clear tax administration and control is the optimal mechanism in modern conditions. The directions of reforming the system of local taxation in the context of stimulating socio-economic and innovative development in the region are offered. The need to expand the powers of local governments, local authorities and local communities to establish elements of local taxes and fees, develop a mechanism for investment and innovation tax credits and other types of tax benefits that would enhance innovation in the region are substantiated. Due to the author's emphasis on the importance of clear administration and control of financial and tax support, the prospects for further research are the development of economic and mathematical models for evaluating the effectiveness of such systems.

As a result of changes in housing policy in the 1990s, social landlords in the Netherlands operate largely independently from the government. Without direct financial support, with less government regulation and decreasing demand for social housing, they are adopting a market-oriented approach in housing management. In doing so, they may use methods from 'commercial' business theory. This paper focuses on the method of portfolio analysis and answers the question how this method can be used by Dutch housing associations. On first sight, the usefulness of the classic forms of portfolio analysis known from business theory seems to be limited. These analyses put emphasis on financial performance, which is not conclusive for social landlords, and on diversification while housing associations have little possibilities to diversify out of housing. However, financial performance has become more important for the Dutch housing associations since they have to operate without direct financial government support. Furthermore, Dutch housing associations manage a wide variety of dwellings, so the analysis can be useful to diversify within their residential portfolio. The usefulness of the method may improve by using portfolio analyses which have been specifically designed for housing management, but will remain restricted. At a strategic level in the organization the method offers general directions for strategies to follow but does not offer conclusive actions that should be taken. Furthermore, there will always be discussion about the performance measures that social landlords should use, and in particular about how they should weigh social and financial performance against each other. For social housing managers, it might be best to use classic forms of portfolio analysis as a mirror for their decisions. If they choose a path differing from the one suggested by the portfolio analysis, they have to explain why, referring to their social objectives.

Virtually every publication on the Greek Revolution signals the Battle of Navarino (20 October 1827) as a turning point in international involvement with events in Greece. What the historiography tends to ignore, however, is the significant degree of military intervention that preceded 1827, particularly at sea. Yet, the Greek Revolution was six years underway and had already taken to the sea by the time of Navarino. Several naval actors at Navarino had been involved in the maritime handling of the revolution since its very beginning, including the Royal Navy captain Gawen Hamilton, the French Vice-Admiral Henri de Rigny and the Algerine commander Mustapha Bachalî Raïs. What had they been doing before then in the seas around Greece? By looking at the first phases of the Greek Revolution, from 1821 to 1827, this article clarifies how different imperial powers tried to manage the uncertainties and threats that the rebellion brought to the waters of the Mediterranean. It draws from source material on the navies of Great Britain, France, Austria and the Ottoman Empire. The piece provides three insights that highlight the significance and contingencies of imperial involvement in the first phase of the revolution. These insights relate to: (a) belligerency at sea; (b) the security threats of piracy and privateering; and (3) naval interventionism.

The Greek Revolution 1821-1829 contributed to the beginning and development of the Eastern crisis of the 1820s, which led to the military confrontation in the Russian-Turkish relations in 1828-1829. The Russian government was forced to closely monitor the unfolding events in Greece, repeatedly expressing the Sublime Porte condemnation of her repression against the Greek population. During the crisis the Petersburg Cabinet has repeatedly attempted to settle the Greek-Turkish conflict diplomatically by means of a joint statement of the European powers addressing the Ottoman government. The agreements adopted at the St. Petersburg (1826) and London (1827) conferences of the powers were aimed at "pacifying" the Greek problem through the joint efforts of the European powers. Ineffective European actions resulted in the fact that Russian government was forced to radically change its policy on the Greek issue and declare its determination to take independent steps to resolve the Greek issue and start military operations against the Ottoman Empire. The Greek uprising of 1821 became the central event of the 1820s. in the Balkans. Standing in the same row with the revolutionary movements in European countries, the Greek revolution led to a change in the entire foreign policy doctrine of the Russian government. It was forced, despite the adherence of the Russian emperors to the principles of the Holy Alliance, not only to provide the rebel Greeks with material and moral support, but also to openly declare to the allies about the existing interests in the Balkans. Match of these interests with the demands for independence of the Greek movement leaders led to a more decisive steps taken by the Russian government in the Greek issue. The Russian Empire took path of an independent policy in the Eastern question, which contributed to the victory of the national interests of Greece.

ABSTRACTThis paper explores the effectiveness of policies ‘in’ attracting the foreign research and development (R&D) of multinational enterprises (MNEs) to specific countries in Europe. We develop a macroeconomic investigation covering 29 European countries during the period between 1990 and 2012 in order to address: (a) whether the provision of direct financial support for business R&D is effective for the attraction of foreign R&D; (b) whether direct support is more effective than indirect support for this purpose and (c) whether the link between direct financial support for business R&D and the foreign R&D of MNEs is conditioned by the context within which the support is provided. The results of the analysis show that, first, the provision of direct financial support is generally effective for the attraction of foreign R&D by MNEs. Second, direct support for business R&D is more effective for this purpose than indirect support. Third, the provision of direct financial support for business R&D yields greater returns in contexts that are more socio-economically suitable for knowledge-intensive, innovative activity.

The Greek Revolution was unquestionably one of the most important affairs between the Napoleonic Wars and the revolutionary year of 1848. Contemporaries as well as historians have often agreed that it represented an important violation of the post-war order established at the Congress of Vienna in 1815, notwithstanding that the Ottoman Empire did not formally belong to it due to its omission in the Final Acts of the Congress. The exceptional historical importance of the Greeks' struggle for independence was also acknowledged by Austrian Chancellor Klemens Wenzel Nepomuk Lothar, Prince of Metternich-Winneburg, who, after his political downfall in March 1848, wrote a short account of the uprising in the form of a memoir; he regarded it as one of the most important international events during his long political career, referring to its significant impact on the political situation not only in the Ottoman Empire but also generally in Europe.

This article examines British foreign policy towards the Greek Revolution (1821–1828), with a particular focus on the policies of Lord Castlereagh and George Canning. It uses Henry Kissinger’s 1954 scheme of the ‘statesman’ and ‘prophet’ to examine the intellectual antagonism between the Greek policies of Castlereagh and Canning. While Castlereagh saw the Greek Revolution as a threat to the principles consecrated at the Congress of Vienna, Canning saw the Revolution in isolation, not in relation to other European insurrections. While Castlereagh was willing to allow the war to continue rather than risk the principles underpinning the European order, Canning was willing to compromise those principles for peace in Greece. The debate that surrounded these policies further drew the Greek cause into a broader matrix of political associations: conservatives backed the Ottoman Empire while liberals opposed it, reflecting the dispositions of both towards the political status quo in Britain and in Europe. The article argues that the dialectics that their two approaches represented—universal and systemic versus particular and contingent, and order versus peace—became recurrent themes in British policymaking throughout the Eastern Question.

The present study aims to discuss the connection between the Modern Greek Enlightenment and the Greek Revolution. It reveals the decisive effect of this intellectual movement upon the Greek subjects of the Ottoman Empire supporting that the Greek Enlightenment contributed to the awakening of the Greeks who eventually revolted against the Ottomans establishing a new independent national state. Additionally this paper reveals the position of the Orthodox Church and its reaction towards the Enlightenment and moreover highlights certain actions taken by the Church against the Enlightenment thinkers. Finally, an attempt is made and to the reasons that led the Church to adopt this position against the Enlightenment movement and the Greek Revolution. This paper derives from an in-depth study of the bibliography relevant to the aforementioned issues.

There are almost 50,000 archival documents related to the Greek Revolution in the Ottoman State Archives (OSA) in Istanbul, however, scholarly research based on these sources remains extremely limited. In all these documents, the Sublime Porte’s efforts to mobilize the Muslim Albanian provincial magnates-cum-warlords against the Greek insurgents stand out as a central theme. Having exhausted its pool of military manpower in its fight against the provincial magnates (the ayans) in the decade prior to the Greek Revolution, the Ottoman central state was literally at the mercy of Albanian warlords and mercenaries for the suppression of the Greek uprising until the advent of the Egyptian forces in 1825. Yet, the Albanians followed their own survival instincts and agendas, and their averseness to put on a united Muslim front against the Greeks proved to be another failure of the Sublime Porte’s already crumbling system of imperial allegiances. There are innumerable documents in which the Ottoman administrators assessed the Albanian counteraction as the chief impediment to the suppression of the Greek insurrection. Historians’ reluctance to grant the Albanians of the early 19th century the qualities of a people capable of pursuing its own interests – as opposed to being a mere agglomeration of mercenary tribes – has largely prevented a clear understanding of their key role in the Greek Revolution. The research explores the ways in which the actors of the post-Tepelenli order shaped the course of the Greek Revolution, putting special emphasis on the Muslim Albanian element. Making extensive use of severely understudied Ottoman archival material, the research follows the careers of the bewildered Albanian warlords endeavouring to find their place between the Greek revolutionaries fighting for independence and the agents of the Ottoman central state trying to reestablish imperial authority.

In this article, the author studies the current state of the system of direct financial support of the media in Luxembourg and further prospects for its development. Direct government support for the press has existed in the Grand Duchy since 1976. In accordance with the law for the promotion of the print media, newspapers receive subsidies, however, the press subsidy system is currently in the process of reforming. In 2017, grants for online media were first made available. In addition, discussions are underway to change the criteria for receiving financial assistance: if before the amount of the subsidy depended on the volume of publication (number of published pages), in the future it will depend on the number of journalists in the editorial office and, possibly, on the circulation or number of subscribers. Since 2021, the government plans, like press support, to allocate subsidies for RTL TV channels, but this decision is often criticized, because it is essentially a monopolization of RTL and threatens the disappearance of economically weaker broadcast stations, such as “L’essentiel Radio”, “Radio 100,7”. In this regard, many politicians are in favor of expanding the social and legal media sector, which is currently represented in the Grand Duchy only by the socio-cultural radio station “Radio 100,7”. In general, direct state support of the press (and from 2021 on television), which exists in Luxembourg, on the one hand, is one of the guarantees for the survival of economically weak media in a small market, on the other hand, it can be a danger to their political independence.

Objectives: To determine the extent, type (staff, equipment, etc), and sources of funding for published cardiovascular research. Background: Important cardiovascular research is often performed without direct financial support. The degree to which medical research is performed on an unfunded basis remains uncertain. Methods: We sent an electronic survey (Survey Monkey) to 938 authors who published papers in the Journal of the American College of Cardiology in 2007-2009. The data sought included the authors’ characteristics (age, institution, type of research, etc), funding, sources of funding, and types of support for their research. Results: The response rate was 41% (388/938). The percentage of authors who were fully funded was 26%, partially funded 44.1%, and those without any direct funding amounted to 29.9%. Most funding came from government (41.8%) and industry (35.1%), whereas institutional, foundation, association, philanthropy, and other grants contributed the remaining. More authors received supplies (43.6%), staff (41.5%), and salary (39.7%) than equipment (27.3%) or administrative (24.7%) support. Significantly fewer authors age 40 years or younger (24.3%) were partially funded (p<.05). Significantly fewer authors from a community hospital (0%), from Europe (16.7%), or performing interventional (7.3%) or heart rhythm (11.5%) studies were fully funded (p<.05). Although only a trend, clinical investigators were more likely to be unfunded (35.7%). Those significantly more likely to be fully funded were authors from the United States (35.3%) and working in a government or VA hospital (45.9%) (p<.05). The authors who were 50 years of age or older, from the United States, had PhD degrees, doing basic as well as clinical research, or studying genetics/genomics had significantly more sources of funding and types of support (p<0.05). Conclusion: Considerable published cardiovascular research is currently being performed without direct financial support. This is particularly true for young clinical investigators. The inability to accommodate this investigation in the medical enterprise would substantially diminish the amount of new knowledge coming forth.

The Magnitude and Nature of Unfunded Published Cardiovascular Research

<p>The use of phosphorus (P) fertilizer has been one of the defining contributors to productive agriculture since the green revolution during the middle of the last century. However, these increased yields have come at the cost of dependency upon the declining resources of P rock reserves and eutrophication of water bodies downstream. In this context, it is important to understand the long-term effects of these P fertilizer additions on soil chemistry over ~50 years in order explain past and current patterns in fertilizer usage and so to better inform future soil management.</p><p>We tested the hypothesis that phosphorus forms and availability in mixed use (arable and grazed) agricultural soil have changed over a period of 50 to 80 years of agricultural intensification. Spatially matched samples of soil from 34 agricultural sites in North East (NE) Scotland were collected at two timepoints. The first samples were taken between 1951 and 1981 and in all cases the resampling took place in the autumn of 2017. The soils sampled were representative of agricultural soils in NE Scotland.</p><p>The hypothesis was tested by employing a range of soil tests on the ‘old’ and ‘new’ time points.  These included water extraction for inorganic and organic P, nitrate and ammonium and dissolved organic carbon, acid ammonium oxalate extraction to investigate the soil P exchange complex and NaOH-EDTA extraction as a strong alkaline extractant which preserves organic P forms. Analysis by <sup>31</sup>P NMR was conducted on the NaOH-EDTA extracts from 5 pairs of samples, to investigate the organic P chemistry of in greater detail.</p><p>Phosphorus concentrations for stronger extractants (NaOH-EDTA, acid ammonium oxalate) did not increase significantly (P<0.05) over time. However, water extraction results showed increases in total P (P<0.01) and inorganic P but decreases in organic P. Additionally, analysis by <sup>31</sup>P NMR detected changes between timepoints in α-glycero-phosphate and pyrophosphate.</p><p>These results indicate that differences in the various chemical forms of P present in soil between the timepoints can be detected many decades apart. This indicates changes in the functioning of the P cycle in these soils under intensive agricultural land use over time. Knowledge of the P-cycling response of soils under agricultural land-use over decades provides an opportunity to understand changes in soil nutrient concentrations, balances and availability and inform studies seeking to improve the sustainable management of soil fertility.</p>

Reviewed by: Religion and Politics in the Orthodox World: The Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Challenges of Modernity by Paschalis M. Kitromilides Roderick Beaton Paschalis M. Kitromilides, Religion and Politics in the Orthodox World: The Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Challenges of Modernity. London and New York: Routledge, 2019. Pp. xiv + 130, 10 illustrations. Cloth $136.00. In his magisterial study, Enlightenment and Revolution: The Making of Modern Greece, Paschalis Kitromilides presented the fullest evidence to date to support his case that "the witness of the Greek intellectual experience … illustrates the transition of a population defined … primarily by religion and secondarily … by language … to a modern national community, primarily defined by language and rigidly delineated by its attachment to a modern nation-state" (Kitromilides 2013, 12). In the collection of essays that make up the present volume, he returns to that primary function of religion, in the pre-national Hellenic world, and follows its vicissitudes through a longer time period than in the earlier work to bring it very nearly up to date. The volume consists of seven essays, originally published between 2004 and 2014, with a new introduction by the author and a foreword by Metropolitan John of Pergamum, also known to the academic community by his secular name, Ioannis Zizioulas. In his own preface, Kitromilides explains that he has "come to the study of religion and politics from the road of intellectual history" and writes "in order to clarify to myself as a secular scholar and understand the opposite side with which the Enlightenment had to come to terms" (xi). He brings to the individual case studies that follow all the intellectual rigor that might be expected from the foremost scholar of the Greek Enlightenment. But the Emeritus Professor of Political Science and the Metropolitan of the Orthodox Church share a common purpose: not merely to discover but to a large extent also to justify the role of the Church, and particularly of its most exalted institution, the Ecumenical Patriarchate, in its interaction with secular ideologies—first, that of the Enlightenment and then, from the late 1790s onward, of nationalism. In the introduction, the author takes aim at two fundamental misconceptions which he argues have vitiated much modern scholarship on Balkan nationalism: first, that the Orthodox Church was inherently opposed to the Enlightenment and the more general cause of secular education for the faithful; second, that Orthodoxy has historically, in modern times, been "'particularly prone' to nationalism" (3). The first misconception has been very thoroughly refuted in previous works by Kitromilides (2007; 2013; 2016). It is the second misconception that is most thoroughly and vigorously addressed in the present volume. Broadly, the counterargument set out here is that the Church in its core principles, and specifically, in accordance with its name, the Ecumenical [End Page 246] Patriarchate, have been driven by a universalist worldview which has only ever compromised with the fragmenting forces of nationalism under pressure from contingent historical forces. The chapters follow a chronological progression from the early nineteenth century to the first decade of the twenty-first. The very brief Chapter One homes in on little-known details of the correspondence of Ignatios, Metropolitan of Hungrowallachia, during the Greek Revolution. That enigmatic and influential spiritual champion of Greek liberty was, according to the evidence presented here, no tub-thumping nationalist in the conventional mold, but rather a product of the Enlightenment convergence between secular learning on the one hand and the Orthodox tradition on the other. The second and third chapters offer valuable insights into the role of the emerging national churches in the Balkans, including Greece, from the 1830s to the little-remembered flourishing of church building in the Ottoman Empire in the wake of the Tanzimat reforms of 1856. For those more familiar with the Greek story than with what was happening elsewhere in the Orthodox Balkans, there is valuable and insightful information on Serbia, Romania and Bulgaria. Chapter Four, on the "end of empire," shows how the Ecumenical Patriarchate did, for a brief space at the end of World War I, lend itself to the nationalist agenda of the Great Idea at the very time when that idea was about to come crashing down...