The Education-Industrial Complex Going Global

As the three quotes above suggest, neither the Obama administration nor the most powerful teachers’ union has complete power. Mainly, this chapter concerns power, but it must start out with basic facts. There are numerous misconceptions about the nature, role, and relative success of American public schools, and one cannot properly evaluate President Obama’s plans without knowing the basic facts of schooling. As the late Daniel Patrick Moynihan put it, “Everyone is entitled to his own opinion, but not to his own facts.” Ironically, given that the subject is education, to a surprising degree, discussions of education policy occupy data-free zones. Indeed, some scholars in the field argue that the key determination of how a policy should be viewed is not whether the data indicate it will help children, but rather who proposed it, with voices outside traditional education policy networks as immediately suspect (Glass 2008 , 146). Those on different sides remain convinced of their opinions, even when measurable facts show otherwise; hence, our second maxim: you have to measure. We feel that to a significant degree the public acceptance of misinformation reflects the power of the Educational Industrial Complex (EIC), though increasingly, education reformers have spread myths of their own. Accordingly, this chapter will begin with basic myths spread by the EIC (as well as one myth spread by reformers), and brief refutations of those myths.

Most citizens of the United States are unaware of the extent to which public schools are controlled by private interests such as publishing, food, and pharmaceutical companies, for-profit education management organizations, and corporate lobbyists (Kohn and Shannon, 2002; Molnar, 2005; Molnar et al., 2006; Saltman, 2000, 2005). The stealth onslaught of privatization and commercialization of this vital institution should come as no surprise given that education reform over the past few decades has been masterminded, in large part, behind closed doors, by a handful of corporate executives, politicians, and media moguls who have already profited handsomely from the over six hundred billion dollars a year education industrial complex (Bacon, 2000; Gluckman, 2002; Humes, 2003; Miner, 2005; Olson, 2005; Rees, 2000).

Digitization initiatives in the field of education always correspond with developments in the education industry. In recent years, globally networked development dynamics have emerged that are essentially characterized by an education-industrial complex and are also relevant in Austria. While on the one hand the corona-induced developmental boosts of 'digital' education are welcomed, especially in edtech contexts, on the other hand the international discourses on the problematic role of the global education industry can no longer be ignored. This contribution ties in with these discourses and explores the current state of affairs in Austria. The lack of alternatives to an innovation path, which is often suggested by industry, education policy and education technology, is questioned.

This book provides a critical analysis of the neoliberal reform agenda of the economic governance of schools. Focusing on the role of the United States in this process, it explores the transformation of schools in this agenda from educational establishments to enterprises in a competitive education market. The study uses Bourdieu to apply a field-theoretical framework to a detailed empirical analysis of the current changes of school government. Chapters explore education bureaucracy, reform and the effect of outside organizations on pedagogy and testing. The book reveals how far the promises of corporate education reform are from reality and concludes with a plea for a realistic view of school’s capabilities. It goes beyond the state of the art with its focus on how the governance of education, school and instruction is changing with the replacement of educracy by an education-industrial complex. The book will be of great interest for academics, postgraduate students, administrators and politicians in the field of education policy, the governance of school systems and schools. The book also has an international appeal as it studies a global transformation of the field of education.

abstract: The ideology of cost effectiveness is altering the nature of American educational policy. The impact of this belief system is measured in the literature, and in practice, by following vast sums of private money. The public nature of fiscal policymaking in US education is transformed, and policymakers throughout the nation are mesmerized, by false promises and undelivered results camouflaged by cash. An overview of the factors fueling this transformation, and the lack of substantive improvement in achievement that accompanies it, are examined. Establishing the misdirection of dollars and educational outcomes inherent in traveling the road to the educational-industrial complex leads to the stipulation of policy directions necessary to restore the public nature of policy and fiscal responsibility for American education.

The View of the Japanese Enemy 75 Years after the End of World War II Kirsten L. Ziomek (bio) Waldo Heinrichs and Marc Gallicchio, Implacable Foes: War in the Pacific 1944–1945. New York: Oxford University Press, 2017. 711 pp. Maps, notes, bibliography, and index. $34.95. After the defeat of Germany in May 1945, the United States wanted to end the war with Japan as quickly as possible. But Waldo Heinrichs and Marc Gallicchio contend that this was impossible as the United States was not in the position to launch a successful invasion of mainland Japan. One of the questions that Implacable Foes sets out to answer is how the conflict arrived at the point that the United States needed to be saved by both the atomic bombs and Hirohito's intervention in favoring surrender, because the prospects of a successful U.S. invasion of Japan did not look good. The book's premise is novel in that it challenges a common narrative that the dominant United States, with all its industrial might, men, and matériel was the certain victor in 1945. The authors depict a United States government and military that still considered themselves the underdog versus the Japanese who had not won a battle since the loss of Midway in 1942. Despite the Japanese fighting a two-front war in China for eight years and for four years in the Pacific theater, with a dwindling amount of supplies, trained pilots, and resources necessary to wage war, the United States still did not like its chances in launching an invasion of the Japanese mainland. Japan had 69 cities that had already been firebombed prior to the atomic bombings, and their military had to resort to kamikaze tactics in 1944 as their primary strategy from the air out of their sheer desperation caused by their lack of skilled pilots and planes. That the Japanese posed such a formidable threat raises questions: was the United States really incapable of launching a successful invasion of Japan or was it that the government and public simply did not have an appetite for further fighting with boots on the ground? The authors argue that both are true. This substantial book is primarily focused on the American order of battle, the personalities of several "great men" like General Douglas MacArthur and George Marshall, and detailing the internal wrangling that U.S. government officials and military leaders went through when confronted with the prospect [End Page 582] of continuing the Pacific war well past the end of fighting on the European front. References to Japanese soldiers, which are relatively rare, often rely on depictions of them as fanatics who fought to the death: "[The Americans] were engaged in a war of annihilation against an enemy resigned to his own death and determined to fight on for the sole purpose of killing as many Americans as possible" (p. 8). Although the authors try to provide balance by pointing out that American soldiers—like the Japanese—also committed brutalities during the war, (pp. 77–80) brief mentions do not obviate the overwhelming sense that pervades the book that the Japanese were an enemy of a sort that American soldiers had never encountered before. Refuting John Dower in War without Mercy: Race and Power in the Pacific War (1987), which argues that the Pacific War was a race war that fueled hatred on both sides, the authors contend that Japanese soldiers were unique and unlike their American counterparts. "That war with the Japanese was a battle for survival, a struggle without sanctuary, came as a shock to the American soldier. Surrender meant barbaric death, to survive meant killing" (p. 79). While it is true that official Japanese military doctrine discouraged soldiers from surrendering, whether this resulted in American soldiers being less willing to fight for their lives than the Japanese is debatable. More groundwork and substantial evidence would help advance their argument against Dower's. Regardless, the book was never intended to be about the foes of America, but instead the focus was meant to be (and is) on how the American government and military officials saw their options to end the war in light of the...

PHYSICIANS HAVE A KEY ROLE IN REFORMING US MEDIcal care. The fundamental problem with the health care system is its high, uncontrollable cost, and that cost is largely determined by the elective decisions of physicians to use medical resources. Health policy experts increasingly suggest that controlling these physiciangenerated costs will require a change from fee-for-service to some type of global payment, and the formation of accountable care organizations (ACOs) in which integrated multispecialty groups of physicians will be able to share global payments with hospitals and other providers. In March 2010, Congress passed the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, which greatly extended public and private insurance coverage but did not replace fee-forservice payment or change the organization of medical practice. The act does provide support for trials of ACOs and for experiments with improving fee-for-service payments but most physicians are not organized or ready for ACOs, and Congress is unlikely to mandate the general use of global payments for government programs anytime soon. However, without waiting for new legislation, physicians could begin a transition to a major change in medical practice needed to save the imperiled US health care system. Before fee-for-service could be replaced nationally by some form of global payment and before ACOs could become a mainstream feature of US health care, there would have to be a reorganization of medical care delivery. All physicians would need to become part of medical groups that included most or all specialties. These groups could then receive global payments rather than fee-for-service reimbursement, and in collaboration with 1 or more hospitals could function as ACOs, capable of providing all services for a patient over a specified period or for a given episode of illness. That such reorganization of physicians may be starting to occur is suggested by the current experience of the American Medical Group Association (AMGA), which represents multispecialty group practices. According to the AMGA’s president and other association officials, the organization’s membership now consists of approximately 370 groups, the majority of which are owned and managed by physicians (D. W. Fisher, PhD, oral communications, October 2010). Membership is increasing at the rate of approximately 10% annually—much more rapidly than in past years. The median number of physicians in an AMGA group is 127 and the total number in all AMGA’s groups is approximately 109 000 full-time equivalents. Because many group physicians work less than full time, the total number of physicians working in AMGA groups is probably much larger, perhaps approaching 200 000. If this estimate is accurate, it would mean that nearly 25% of all practicing physicians in the United States may be practicing in multispecialty groups. Any existing multispecialty groups not currently members of the AMGA (estimated at approximately 50) would increase that estimate. The growth of multispecialty practice does not mean that physicians are on the verge of abandoning the fee-forservice model. Fee-for-service is still the predominant form of payment for the physicians in the AMGA multispecialty groups. However, most of these groups pay physicians a base salary, and there are well-known exceptions that rely solely or largely on salaries (eg, the Mayo Clinic, Geisinger, Scott and White, Kaiser Permanente, and the Cleveland Clinic). These groups also own or partner with 1 or more hospitals. Nearly half of the AMGA groups are legally organized as forprofit entities—another sign that many physicians practicing in multispecialty groups have not yet abandoned the business approach to medical care. Nevertheless, the growth of multispecialty group practices may represent a significant step toward the much-needed reform in the health care system. In addition to the growth of such physician-managed groups, the number of multispecialty physician groups owned by hospitals is also increasing. More physicians are now being recruited to salaried employment in hospitals that want to be positioned as ACOs qualified to accept global payments. However, most physicians probably would prefer to be employed by physician groups because relationships between hospital management and staff physicians are often strained. With the possible exception of teaching hospitals and certain not-for-profit community hospitals, ACOs managed by hospitals would probably have different incentives from those managed by not-for-profit physician groups. Many

Introduction. Today, the topic of Ukraine's interaction with its strategic partners is quite relevant and is becoming increasingly popular. Each country, developing friendly relations with strategic partners, has certain guarantees of stability and development. Long-term economic relations should be built on a clear foundation, so it is necessary to create a concept that reflects the problems and prerequisites for the formation of such relations, interests, goals and priorities of both countries. One would also need to keep in mind the ideals and principles of strategic and economic partnerships, considering also the interdependence between Ukraine’s and the US’s developmental and external factors that would impact such relations. The process of developing relations with the United States is quite long and has started before the independence of Ukraine. In the context of globalization, the solidification of cooperation between the United States and Ukraine is a very important process for the following reasons: the United States, as a powerful player in the international arena, has significant opportunities to support Ukraine; entering the US markets is an important condition for the development of Ukraine's export potential; establishment of investment cooperation will increase the competitiveness of domestic industries. Therefore, in our opinion, the United States as a strategic partner for Ukraine, especially in modern conditions, having certain misunderstandings with Russia, plays a decisive role in protecting the national interests of Ukraine. Purpose. The study aims at the main dynamics of trade relations between Ukraine and the USA. Results. The research aims to substantiate the peculiarities of trade relations between Ukraine and the United States and the directions of the one's solidification. The main problems and reasons for the negative balance of Ukraine are identified. The causes of instability and deterioration of relations are revealed. The degree of dependence of Ukrainian GDP on foreign trade with the United States is analyzed. The unrealized potential and the main ways of its fulfillment are pointed out. Recommendations for trade intensification are offered. The further development of relations is determined. Originality. Implementation of the characteristics of Ukrainian-American cooperation in trade, as well as the disclosure of recommendations for improving Ukraine's international relations with the United States as a strategic partner. Further developed: substantiation of the role of trade relations between Ukraine and the USA in intensifying economic development of Ukraine by determining the correlation-regression dependence between foreign trade turnover of Ukraine and the USA and GDP of Ukraine and determining the role of US assistance to Ukraine in the process of structural modernization of the national economy. Conclusion. The results of the research can be used in the activities of public authorities, local governments in order to improve further cooperation between Ukraine and the United States, as well as in writing term papers and abstracts by higher education students.

Evaluating financial performance of commercial service airports in the United States

Economic Grand Rounds: Trends in Managed Care, 2000 Edition

Reviewed by: Hairs vs. Squares: The Mustache Gang, the Big Red Machine, and the Tumultuous Summer of '72 by Ed Gruver Brian E. Campbell Ed Gruver, Hairs vs. Squares: The Mustache Gang, the Big Red Machine, and the Tumultuous Summer of '72. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2016. 408 pp. $29.95 (cloth). Journalist Ed Gruver's Hairs vs. Squares chronicles the 1972 Major League Baseball season. In doing so, he provides a window for exploring broader tensions in national culture and identity in the United States following the turbulent 1960s. Gruver shows how the media framed the 1972 World Series matchup between the Cincinnati Reds and Oakland Athletics as a contest between conservative midwestern values and emerging liberal politics on the West Coast. Citing how the media portrayed differences in style, dress, and appearance, Gruver's book shows that by studying the Reds/A's series, we can trace the origins of contemporary debates over culture in public discourse. Each chapter moves the story forward chronologically, beginning with baseball's off-season in February and culminating in the Reds/A's series in November. Along the way, Gruver stops to comment on pivotal moments during the spring and summer months. He is at his best in this regard when describing the 1972 labor strike that occurred during the opening week of the season—the first of its kind in MLB history. Gruver rightly argues that while brief, the April strike "set the stage for future labor disputes in each of America's four major sports" (53). It would still be two years before MLB abolished the reserve clause, finally giving players the opportunity to negotiate contracts with other teams in free agency. But in 1972, players realized their labor power in an unprecedented way: Baseball owners would have to contend with a powerful players' union moving forward. The Cincinnati media responded to the labor strike with great animosity towards the ballplayers. Gruver explains that Reds owner Francis Dale—who also owned [End Page 188] the Cincinnati Enquirer—used his newspaper to undermine the players' strike and generate the sentiment among fans that greedy athletes were cheating hard-working, blue-collar fans out of their national pastime (63). Throughout Hairs vs. Squares, Gruver suggests that differences in style and dress were central to media depictions of the Reds and A's. He writes that in an "era in which one's personal appearance was oft en a political statement, the free-spirited, long-haired, and mustachioed A's represented the California youth movement, campus protests at UCLA, and the counterculture" (3). The team's anti-establishment look and attitude "conjured up images of Berkeley students taking on the military-industrial complex," according to Gruver (301). In contrast, the Cincinnati Reds embodied the conservative history of baseball as the team of traditional values and midwestern sensibility. Conservative sportswriters in Cincinnati negatively referred to Oakland's ballplayers as "hippies and Yippies" in contrast to the home team's more straight-laced, traditional appearance (3). The World Series, then, became more than just a sporting event—it represented a drama played out in public discourse about differences in regional cultural identity. Hairs vs. Squares also examines how baseball's demographics changed as Latino stars like Tony Pérez, César Gerónimo, and Dave Concepción emerged as key players for the Reds in 1972. Latino ballplayers made up 9 percent of major leaguers that year, and that number was estimated to rise to 11 percent by the end of 1973 (132). The 1972 season represented a turning point as Latinos changed the racial makeup of baseball in the U.S. for good. In chapter 12, Gruver elaborates on the Latino experience by profiling former Pittsburgh Pirates catcher Manny Sanguillén. Sanguillén was born in Panama and broke into professional baseball with the Columbus, Ohio, minor league team in the late 1960s. Sanguillén spoke little English when he first arrived in Columbus, but he soon met other Spanish-speaking players who helped him navigate life in the Midwest (261). Hairs vs. Squares reminds us that by 1972, Latino players were living and working in various midwestern cities, creating a network that...

Early in his Meditations, Descartes suggests that, at least once, one should set one’s epistemic bushel in order, as if beliefs were apples to be sorted. But that is not quite right, even though he uses the image in his replies to the seventh set of objections. Descartes’s principal concern is not each and every belief but the ways in which he justifies them. It is thus not a stretch to find a kind of ethics of belief in the Meditations, at least with regard to scientia. (Regarding the epistemic challenges of everyday life, Descartes is quite clear in his synopsis that “no sane person ever seriously doubted these things,” i.e., “that there really is a world, and that humans have bodies and so on” [1984, 11].) At its heart, then, and all doctrine aside, Cartesian philosophy responds to a call that asks us to formulate a rational basis for our epistemic commitments. I feel a similar obligation, though my concern does not lie with how to conduct myself in the way of belief or, better yet, with how to formulate commitments to assertoric speech acts. In its briefest form, it runs, “Am I an American philosopher?” though that wording is infelicitous insofar Essaying America: A Declaration of Independence

The health benefits of regular physical activity and the relation between physical inactivity and chronic disease morbidity and mortality are well established. Also clear is the fact that efforts to increase physical activity at the population level will require collective action by government, nongovernment, for-profit, and nonprofit entities working together at the local, state, and national levels. The US National Physical Activity Plan (NPAP), developed by the National Physical Activity Plan Alliance, of which the American Heart Association (AHA) is a member, is designed to facilitate this collective action, to help organizations from all sectors of society work together to increase physical activity in all segments of the American population. The purposes of this advisory are to summarize the data that describe the health benefits of regular physical activity and the public health burden of low levels of physical activity, to describe the NPAP and the role it will play in increasing population levels of physical activity, and to encourage readers of Circulation to join the AHA’s efforts to promote its implementation. As summarized in Table 1, there is substantial evidence supporting the benefits of regular physical activity to prevent a wide variety of disease conditions and to enhance quality of life. Interestingly, there is less of an appreciation of noncardiovascular benefits of lifestyle physical activity and structured exercise, and this is an area of great opportunity for educating the public and healthcare practitioners. View this table: Table 1. The Health Benefits of Regular Physical Activity Physical inactivity is rapidly becoming a major global concern and is the fourth leading cause of death worldwide.2,3 As noted by Kohl and colleagues, “In view of the prevalence, global reach, and health effect of physical inactivity, the issue should be appropriately described as pandemic, with far-reaching health, economic, environmental, and social consequences.”4 According …

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Reflections on AIDS, 1981–2031