THE ECONOMIC AGENDA OF THE ORGANIZATION OF THE BLACK SEA ECONOMIC COOPERATION AND THE SUSTAINABLE FUTURE OF THE WIDER BLACK SEA REGION ROMANIA’S IMPLICATIONS AND THE GEOPOLITICAL CONTEXT

The Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) was established in 1992 to strengthen regional co-operation, particularly in the field of economic development. In June 1998, at a summit meeting held in Yalta, Ukraine, participating countries signed the BSEC Charter, thereby officially elevating BSEC to regional organization status. The Charter entered into force on 1 May 1999, at which time BSEC formally became the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation, retaining the same acronym. Sectoral Dialogue Partnership status has been granted to Iran, Japan, the Republic of Korea, Montenegro and Slovenia, and 10 intergovernmental organizations. The Council of Ministers of Foreign Affairs is BSEC's principal decision-making organ. Chairmanship of the Council rotates among members every six months; the Chairman-in-Office co-ordinates the activities undertaken by BSEC. In April 2008 the Council adopted the modalities for BSEC fast-track co-operation, aimed at enabling sub-groups of member states to proceed with policies that other member states were unwilling or unable to pursue.

The article examines the organizational and legal structure of the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC), the stages and features of its development. The main areas of cooperation between the BSEC member states are revealed. Considerable attention is paid to the issues of ensuring transport links in the Greater Black Sea region, to the development of transport infrastructure, energy cooperation and promotion of projects for the development of environmentally clean energy. The activities of the Black Sea Trade and Development Bank (BSTDB), a regional international financial institution which is a part of the BSEC system, are analyzed. The growing importance of the Black Sea region as a link between Europe and Asia is emphasized. Special attention is paid to the study of the EU Black Sea strategy, the purpose of which is to integrate the Black Sea countries into the system of foreign policy priorities of the European Union. Unlike the EU, the Black Sea region is of greater interest to the United States as a "link" between Europe and the Middle East. The relevance of the work is determined by Russia's membership in the BSEC, its role in the formation of the organization, the desire to establish its own sphere of influence in the region and to prevent the implementation of the goals of the European Union in the integration territory in the context of a complex geopolitical situation.

The Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) was established in 1992 to strengthen regional co-operation, particularly in the field of economic development. In April 2008 the Council adopted the modalities for BSEC fast-track co-operation, aimed at enabling sub-groups of member states to proceed with policies that other member states were unwilling or unable to pursue. In September 2020 an informal meeting of BSEC ministers responsible for foreign affairs was held, in a virtual format, to address collectively supporting the BSEC region's recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic in priority sectors such as transport, health, trade and tourism. BSEC aims to develop the regional research infrastructure, foster innovation, and advance the regional digital and green economy. BSEC has focused on promoting an interdisciplinary approach to the exploitation of cultural heritage, as a means of supporting regional economic development.

The Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) was established in 1992 to strengthen regional co-operation, particularly in the field of economic development. In June 1998, at a summit meeting held in Yalta, Ukraine, participating countries signed the BSEC Charter, thereby officially elevating BSEC to regional organization status. Chairmanship of the Council rotates among members every six months; the Chairman-in-Office coordinates the activities undertaken by BSEC. In April 2008 the Council adopted the modalities for BSEC fast-track co-operation, aimed at enabling sub-groups of member states to proceed with policies that other member states were unwilling or unable to pursue. In November 2012 the first BSEC Tax Forum was held, in Antalya, Turkey, with participation by ministers responsible for finance, senior tax policy officials, tax specialists and academics. In December 2016 the BSEC Council agreed an Collaboration in Emergency Assistance and Emergency Response to Natural and Man-Made Disasters, and a related Additional Protocol.

This article presents an overview of regionalism as is being developed within the framework of the Organization of Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC). It examines the character of BSEC regionalism arguing that significant diversification of its core business (i.e., trade facilitation) towards non‐economic issues has occurred since BSEC’s conception in 1992. The article further concludes that given BSEC’s limitations and its members’ priorities, it becomes vital for the future of the Black Sea regionalism that the BSEC develops a structured and constructive relationship with other regional and international actors, particularly the EU, which possesses both the resources and the expertise to move ahead with regional projects. Turning the BSEC into a credible partner with a clear strategy will give a new meaning to the notion of Black Sea regionalism in a united Europe.

This article deals with the relationship between globalization trends and the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) region. Its key argument is that BSEC role and dynamics with respect to globalization are strictly related to and largely dependent on the relationship between BSEC and the European Union (EU). The article assumes that BSEC performance in the framework of globalization is related to and mostly affected by its relations with the EU. These relations are about to be regulated by the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) recently adopted by the EU with a view to tackling the consequences of the 2004 Eastern and Southern enlargement. The ENP will affect the BSEC directly and indirectly— that is by means of EU policies towards BSEC itself as well as those towards BSEC neighbouring regions and countries. In particular, it will affect two regions that are very significant to the BSEC: the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East. The article comments on such indirect effects and concludes by recommending the establishment of contractual relations between the EU and the BSEC in a form similar to that of the Northern Dimension, so as to allow the BSEC to take due advantage from the ENP process.

The lifelong geostrategic significance of the Black Sea region is indisputable. It has been an inalienable trade routes factor between Europe and Asia for centuries, as well as a distinct bridgehead for influence in the Middle East. Quite often the Straits connecting the Black Sea with the Mediterranean Sea cause conflict of interests and clashes between the Great Powers. Unlike the Mediterranean basin or the Baltic Sea, the Black Sea region is not historically and culturally homogeneous. During the Cold War, the border between East and West passes here. Today the Black Sea region is a kind of border between the Euro-Atlantic and Russian security system, as the main power factors in the arena are the actors with global and regional claims: USA, EU, Russia, China, Turkey. The globalization process and the development of the neo-liberal doctrine outlined a new multipolar world with various security risks and threats. The Black Sea region is a classic example of two parallel existing processes. With the attempt to integrate − by establishing regional trans-national institutions – the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC), Black Sea For, as well as the vigorous opposition to the interests of the global forces and their impact on the behavior of regional players and small countries.The Black Sea region is a zone of confrontation of geopolitical players, and their opposition has its regional and national dimensions. The regional geo-economic project “Trimorie”, as well as the Russian initiatives (“Turkish Stream”, “Blue Stream”) once again assign the Black Sea Basin the status of a serious arena of conflict of interests of major global players. Given the current energy aspects of security, the Black Sea undoubtedly plays an important role in regional and international security.

What kind of region is the wider Black Sea area (WBSA)? Is it constructed by practices of regionalism framed by the Organisation of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC), or does it follow a more inclusive scheme of integration, propelled by European Union (EU) policy instruments such as the Black Sea Synergy? This paper investigates the very nature of regionalism in the Black Sea region by focusing on trade integration. It measures and compares how patterns of intra-regional and cross-regional trade have been diverted in the WBSA by the BSEC and the EU between 1993 and 2008. The paper argues that the WBSA, overall, has inherited strong intra-regional trade preferences, but it questions the actual capacity of the BSEC to act as an effective promoter of regionalisation. It shows in particular that the EU has been reshaping the patterns of trade in the WBSA in a more significant manner than the BSEC. This indicates a shift from regionalism à la BSEC (nesting the WBSA within Europe), to EU-driven regionalism (interweaving differentially the WBSA states within a larger continental-scale scheme regionalism).

Noting the growing strategic importance of the wider Black Sea area and specific European Union (EU) interests, this article reviews the recent developments within and around the region and the existing EU policy instruments. The emergent Black Sea identity is illustrated by the growth and institutional maturity of regional cooperative arrangements, in particular the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC), which warrant a more structured approach on the part of the EU. It is further argued that there are already practical instances of constructive EU involvement in, and interaction with, Black Sea regional structures. These are indicatively grouped in seven thematic clusters: security and stability; energy; transport; environment and sustainable development; science and technology; justice and home affairs; democratic institutions and good governance. The authors conclude that, based on the current EU experience and practice of regional engagement, the time has come for a real breakthrough by developing a coherent Black Sea dimension of EU’s regional policies.

This article examines how inter-governmental institutions such as regional organizations may affect cross-border cooperation. In doing so the focus of analysis becomes the wider Black Sea area where there is a parallel process of border areas cooperation and of regional, inter-governmental policy coordination, the latter led by the organization of Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC). Institutionalized collaboration between sub-state actors across borders has been encouraged in the Black Sea area as a means of practical problem-solving in a broad range of fields reflecting a top-down approach. Still, regional, inter-governmental institutions such as BSEC by adhering to politics of state interest have played a limited role in providing resources for cross-border cooperation as they have been neglecting the role of non-state actors. The securitization of cross-border cooperation comes as the outcome of the seriousness of transnational organized crime harbored, destined to or transiting the Black Sea countries and the high security dilemma among the Black Sea states.

Bibliography

Assessing the impact of the digital economy on sustainable development in the underdeveloped regions of western China

The authors consider the integration of the concept of sustainability in the member countries of the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC). The concept of sustainable development is viewed through the prism of economic, social and environmental approaches. The subject of the study is the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in the BSEC countries. The purpose of the research is to study the integration of the goals and indicators of sustainable development in the national policies of the BSECcountries. The relevance lies in the international community’s growing attention to forming a vector for balanced socio-economic development, taking into account current social, demographic and environmental factors. The scientific novelty lies in the analysis of the advancement of the concept of sustainable development in the BSEC countries, as well as the level of integration of the SDGs in the national policies of states. As part of the study, the authors used the methods of institutional analysis, system analysis, analysis of statistical data and official documents. Based on the results of the analysis, it was revealed that despite the high level of integration of the SDGs within the framework of the BSEC, not all goals and indicators of sustainable development formed by the United Nations (UN) are tracked in countries. The authors concluded that the national characteristics of the economy, the social sphere and the environmental situation push states to adapt individual indicators to national specifics.

Situated at the crossroads between Europe and Asia as well as Russia and the Middle East, the Black Sea is more than a region of local strategic significance, representing an axis of increasing geo‐political importance to the European Union. With its mosaic of problems, the wider Black Sea region is one of the more important challenges that the enlarged EU will face. Once Bulgaria, Romania and Turkey become members, the EU will directly border the Black Sea, accounting half of its coastline. As such, it will have to develop policies for regional issues and problems. Finding ways to prevent likely destabilizing factors to come to the fore in regional level and dealing with them before affecting the EU area would be a trial for the EU, which so far resisted calls to develop a regional approach towards the Black Sea and to actively participate in the Black Sea Economic Cooperation organization. It might be the right time now to reconsider that position in the ‘wider Europe‐neighbourhood’ context.

Editorial 10 (1)