The Cuban Exodus

Without a Castro as the head of the Cuban government for the first time in over six decadesthe international community is getting to know a different image of Cuba. In this context, the Cuban diaspora in Florida has also changed and divided into two contrasting groups: the “hardliners,” who completely oppose the Cuban government and do not want any softening in the U.S.–Cuba relationship; and a newer generation whose members do not support the government on the island but prioritize their support for the Cuban people and are in favor of building new relationships on the island. The younger community approves the traveling of Cubans to the island, the possibility of supporting their relatives at home through remittances, and the idea of, potentially, achieving the end of the long-lasting U.S. embargo imposed on Cuba since 1960. The emergence of this second group, or “new Cuban diaspora,” has changed the way in which the Cuban diaspora performs its public diplomacy roles in the United States. Diaspora activist organizations exist in both groups, but the “hardliners”—an older and more conservative generation—seem destined to fade through time.KeywordsCuban diasporaCubans in floridaCubans in miamiPublic diplomacyCastro regimeHardlinersNew cuban diaspora

This paper adopts the generalized autoregressive conditional heteroskedasticity model to examine the relationship between the weekly returns of shares of the international airlines in 1996–2010. It also incorporates major international crisis events and observes the influence of different aspects on the volatility of returns of company shares. Different events exhibit significantly different regional volatility impulses in the countries in which the airlines are located. The Asian financial crisis enhances the returns volatility effects of Asian airline companies. The global financial crisis significantly intervenes with the returns volatility of airline companies around the world. The results suggest that major international events may all have risk effects on the returns on the share prices of airlines.

Chapter Four explores the origins of the Antonio Maceo Brigade, an organization composed of Cuban American students and intellectuals who broke with the anticommunism of their parent’s generation to seek reconciliation with the Cuban government, the reunification of the Cuban diaspora, and the normalization of U.S.-Cuba relations. Shaped by experiences in the Civil Rights and anti–Vietnam War movements, these émigré youth rejected the anti-Castro rhetoric of Cuban exile communities, provoking a campaign of intimidation and terrorism by rightwing Cuban American hardliners. Members of the Brigade traveled to Cuba to reunite with family, learn about the Cuban Revolution’s social achievements, and perform volunteer labor. In the brief warming of diplomatic relations encouraged by the Jimmy Carter administration, visits to Cuba by progressive Cuban Americans helped catalyze a shift in the Cuban government’s relations with the Cuban diaspora, initiating an unprecedented space for Cuban American leftwing politics.

In the mid-1960s, Cuban exiles in the United States devised creative means to send care packages to their relatives and loved ones on the island to alleviate material scarcities. In doing so, they circumvented the spirit, if not always the letter, of a broader US sanctions regime meant to deny material lifelines of any kind to the island's socialist economy. This essay uses promotional materials from and press coverage about this shipment business to illustrate one of the ways the ideological, diplomatic, and material “Sugar Curtain” dividing the “two Cubas” in the wake of the Cuban Revolution was more permeable than many realise. Notwithstanding the unavailability of pertinent Cuban government records, I also draw on the island press and a set of Cuban laws passed in 1968 to illustrate how political apprehensions over the fairly robust flow of parcels in the 1960s did eventually prompt a Cuban government response.

Reviewed by: Literary Culture in Cuba: Revolution, Nation-building, and the Book by Parvathi Kumaraswami, and Antoni Kapcia Ignacio López-Calvo Kumaraswami, Parvathi, and Antoni Kapcia. Literary Culture in Cuba: Revolution, Nation-building, and the Book. Manchester: Manchester UP, 2012. 265 pp. This book is a historical study of the role of literary culture (processes, institutions, policies, spaces, circuits) within the Cuban Revolution’s nation-rebuilding project that began in 1959. Instead of the traditional route of studying specific authors and works, the authors reach their conclusions through documentary research and the information gathered by interviewing over one hundred members of the Cuban literary world from 2004 through 2011. The introduction argues that the revalorization of literary culture had a basis in pre-1959 Cuba, with the literary groups around the magazines Orígenes and Ciclón, as well as the group Nuestro Tiempo. The first five chapters are devoted to the exploration of the program to create a literary culture among the masses, focusing on key actors, periods, and spaces. Kumaraswami and Kapcia claim that despite the tensions and economic crises, there is evidence of a sustained vision for the production, distribution, and consumption of literature since 1959. Chapter one provides the wider context of the evolution of the Cuban Revolution as a backdrop against which one can understand a parallel literary culture. Among several other landmark events, the authors mention Castro’s Palabras a los intelectuales speech in 1961; the Final Resolution of the notorious 1971 Congress on Education and Culture, where homosexuality was condemned and art was defined as a weapon of the Revolution; the Lunes and Padilla affairs; and the 1971-76 quinquenio gris. In their view, these events should not determine the interpretation of this period, as “cultural policy was not always defined” (22). We learn that the letters of protest against the treatment of Padilla sent by European and Latin American intellectuals were seen by the Cuban government as cultural imperialism, which was “slavishly European in their thinking” (28). Then, Kumaraswami and Kapcia mention the creation of important institutions, such as the Instituto Cubano de Artes e Industrias Cinematográficas, Casa de las Américas, Ministerio de Educación, Centro de Estudios Martianos, and Casas de Cultura. Other events discussed are the debates about cultural authority between the Nuestro Tiempo and Lunes groups, the camps for misfits (such as religious or homosexual youth) held by the infamous Unidades Militares de Ayuda a la Producción, and the Mariel exodus that encouraged some intellectuals and artists (including Arenas) to leave Cuba. The second chapter articulates the theoretical approach of the book, which is based on cultural studies, Du Gay, Bourdieu, Appadurai, and Frow. It then proposes an alternative way to interpret Cuban literature and culture on the island since 1959 (the Cuban diaspora is excluded). According to the authors, despite the changing sociopolitical contexts, there has been an ideological continuum in the relationship between the individual and the state throughout the five decades of the Revolution. They also address the tension about the prioritization of political or aesthetic value. The chapter presents an overview of existing scholarship on Cuban literature since 1959, dismissing most of it as inadequate and simplistic. In their [End Page 657] view, it tends to focus either only on the moments of extreme conflict or on a supposedly all-powerful monolithic state, with the goal of showing evidence of the subjugation of art by socialist ideology. Incidentally, if the authors wanted to combat this purported stereotype, perhaps they should have chosen a different photo for the cover, where one can see a large photo of Castro at the entrance of a second-hand bookstore. They maintain that other books tend to assess Cuban literature using external paradigms (thus ignoring Cuban exceptionalism) and focusing on selected individual writers or on genres. Then, Kumaraswami and Kapcia sarcastically decry the “selective memory” of memoirs of exile that forget any sort of commitment to the Cuban system or the opportunities brought by the Revolution, to obey foreign publishers’ demand for “readable narratives that reinforce the horrors of the Caribbean gulag” (40, 41). The following three chapters analyze the evolution of Cuban literary culture from...

In the aftermath of 1959, Cuban citizens’ social behaviour became subject to political interpretation and emigration practice was openly defined as a form of political dissent. Since then, the Cuban Government has maintained a rigorous control over exits from the island and emigrants have been excluded from the nation and been branded as “counterrevolutionary”. This resulted in strict politics of mobility control and in the creation of the juridical category of Emigrado [lit. emigrant], a status defining “counterrevolutionary” emigrants and which implied important restrictions of citizenship rights in Cuba. Nowadays, even if de facto it is a figure no longer considered a political traitor but an “economic migrant”, de jure the Emigrado is still political, because the normative and juridical corpus concerning migration has remained almost unchanged since 1961. Tracing the origin of these divergent interpretations of the Cuban migration - as political or economic act - to the different phases of the Revolution, this paper aims to analyse the polar perspective regarding Cuban exodus and discuss the meanings of this case as a migration phenomenon. DOI: 10.5901/mjss.2013.v4n10p347

While sport is playing an increasingly important role in society in the Middle East, there has been limited research on the perceived social impact of the hosting of major international events in this region. This study evaluates the main factors affecting youth residents' perceptions of hosting major international sport events, by measuring the psychic income in particular, generated within subgroups shaping their support toward hosting these events. Psychic income refers to the emotional and psychological benefit residents perceive they receive from hosting an international sport event. The study is of significance within the context of residents' perceptions studies given that the large majority of residents in Qatar are non-Qataris. Furthermore, the youth were the target population for this study given that they have been identified as the custodians of the next generation and as an essential force in molding national development; and extends the few residents' perception studies in Qatar which comprised the general population. Using the 2019 IAAF Athletics World championships as an example, a framework by Kim and Walker was adopted. Data were collected from 316 university students' from different nationalities residing in Qatar; a month after the event took place. After conducting confirmatory factor analysis, this study was subject to structural equation modeling. Overall, the results show that the perceived impact on Qatari youth nationals was higher compared to Arab youth, and non-Arab youth, respectively. Likewise, the perceived impact was higher for females compared to males. By evaluating the psychic income received by youth from different nationalities residing in Qatar, this study provides decision-makers and organizers with a better understanding of the outcome generated from hosting major international sport events, and how they can leverage these going forward. Of importance is that even if youth residents do not attend the event in person, these events may still generate positive psychic income which is particular relevant to the 2022 FIFA World Cup given the limitations related to purchasing tickets. With Qatar establishing itself as a regional sport hub by attracting a diverse range of international sport events, a cumulative approach to understanding psychic income is recommended.

In elite sport, the Athlete Biological Passport (ABP) was invented to tackle cheaters by monitoring closely changes in biological parameters, flagging atypical variations. The hematological module of the ABP was indeed adopted in 2011 by World Athletics (WA). This study estimates the prevalence of blood doping based on hematological parameters in a large cohort of track and field athletes measured at two international major events (2011 and 2013 WA World Championships) with a hypothesized decrease in prevalence due to the ABP introduction. A total of 3683 blood samples were collected and analyzed from all participating athletes originating from 209 countries. The estimate of doping prevalence was obtained by using a Bayesian network with seven variables, as well as “blood doping” as a variable mimicking doping with low-doses of recombinant human erythropoietin (rhEPO), to generate reference cumulative distribution functions (CDFs) for the Abnormal Blood Profile Score (ABPS) from the ABP. Our results from robust hematological parameters indicate an estimation of an overall blood doping prevalence of 18% in 2011 and 15% in 2013 (non-significant difference) in average in endurance athletes [95% Confidence Interval (CI) 14–22 and 12–19% for 2011 and 2013, respectively]. A higher prevalence was observed in female athletes (22%, CI 16–28%) than in male athletes (15%, CI 9–20%) in 2011. In conclusion, this study presents the first comparison of blood doping prevalence in elite athletes based on biological measurements from major international events that may help scientists and experts to use the ABP in a more efficient and deterrent way.

Soft tennis has four major international events, and to date, 29 official international events have been held. During this period, 576 medals have been awarded. In this study, a two-stage analysis was conducted to explore the factors that contribute to the awarding of medals. Due to the highly skewed distribution of medals, decision tree induction was employed. First, five potential variables were examined for the 10 countries that have experienced medal awards. The results showed that the "Host" effect is not a factor for winning medals, but just a norm of international soft tennis events due to the data bias caused by the extreme concentration of host countries among top four. On the other hand, we found that participation in at least 16 international events is necessary to win a medal. An interesting result for Chinese Taipei (CTP) was found that whether the court surface type is “Hard” or not was a contributing factor for winning more medals. In the second step, we examined the distribution of gold medals for the top four countries which have experienced gold medal awards. The results showed that South Korea (KOR) has won more gold medals on clay courts, and CTP on hard courts than the other courts, respectively. This study determines the effect of court surfaces on winning medals at a national level. It was also found that KOR has won more gold medals at the World Championships and Asian Games than at the other international events. Japan, on the other hand, has won more gold medals at the Asian Championships.

Purpose The relationship between China and the United States has been in freefall in recent years. Both the Covid-19 pandemic and the U.S.-China trade war contributed to more negative perceptions of China among the American public. This study analyzes how Americans’ news consumption and personal traits affected their general perceptions of China before and after the outbreak of Covid-19 in 2020 to explore how major international events might influence people’s perceptions of foreign nations. Design/methodology/approach This study relied on data from two national online surveys conducted in the United States in early 2019 (N = 1,250) and 2021 (N = 1,237). Both surveys measure the respondents’ media use, personal traits, and their perceptions of China. Findings The findings indicate that perceptions of China were mostly shaped by exposure to partisan and social media—rather than consumption of mainstream news media. However, these relationships were significantly stronger in 2021 than in 2019, pointing to a growing influence of the U.S. news media in U.S.-China relations. This study also found that partisanship and personal traits were strong predictors of Americans’ attitudes toward China. Practical implications Researchers can learn from this study which variables should be included in surveys that focus on public perceptions of foreign affairs. Social implications This study shows that media effects and personal traits interact in complex ways to shape Americans’ perceptions of China. Originality/value This study analyzes and compares data from two national representative samples, offering insights into how major international events might influence public opinion. It also measures the possible impact of the Chinese social media platform TikTok on Americans’ perceptions of China.

GERALD BELL previews this triennial conference – the major international event in the thermal spraying calendar – which is shortly to takeplace in Kobe.

The paper presents the developments on the formation of power supply schemes (PS) for responsible consumers at major international events. The analysis of the reliability and efficiency of the PS is based on the experience of building and operating facilities: the Universiade in Kazan-2013, the World Aquatics Championships in Kazan-2015, the Summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in Ufa-2015, as well as the 2018 FIFA World Cup, etc. Within the framework of the concept of guaranteed power supply [], the classification of groups of electric receivers at the event facilities is compared with the categories of power supply according to Rules of the device of electrical installations (RDE) in the Russian Federation. Expressions for the criterion of the effectiveness of invested funds and the assessment of damages by consumer groups are given. The variants of the PS, formed in tabular “coordinates”, are proposed: the level of reliability and quality of electricity - the multiplicity of redundancy of load coverage. The features of the algorithm are considered for constructing the architecture of the failure tree for the generated local PS is considered and the reliability indicators (risks) are calculated. The comparison of the costs incurred by the organizers of the events with the calculated values of the probabilistic damages is carried out. The values of specific damages are assumed to be equal to the cost of TV broadcasts.

This study uses the event study methodology adjusted for thin trading, to explore semi-strong form market efficiency in the context of thin trading. The paper does this by investigating stock price reaction to major national and international news events in six frontier stock markets, which are among the least active in the world. The national events studied include natural disasters, parliamentary elections and credit rating reviews, while the international events studied include international terrorist incidents, major events surrounding the 2007/2008 sub-prime mortgage crisis and the United Kingdom’s referendum on membership in the European Union (Brexit) The results show that in sharp contrast with more active traded markets, stock prices on these thinly traded markets did not react to the vast majority of major news events, and only tended to react to rare events with major consequences. In almost all cases where there was a stock price reaction to a news event, the reaction was significantly delayed, which is inconsistent with semi-strong form market efficiency, The implication is that thin trading may be associated with semi-strong form inefficient markets, and as such stock prices in thinly traded markets prices may not fully reflect all relevant available information, and may be of limited value to a variety of decision makers.

BackgroundMajor international sports events will provide great group psychological encouragement to citizens. This study attempts to explore the impact of major international sports events on national positive psychology and symptoms of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD).Subjects and Methods The research subjects were 268 patients who underwent PTSD treatment at a domestic public hospital between June 2020 and June 2023. These patients were randomly and evenly divided into an experimental group and a control group. In the experiment, the control group was required to observe major foreign sports events for at least 30 minutes every day, but there were no Chinese teams present during the events. The experimental group needs to watch international major sports events of the same type as the control group, but there are Chinese team matches included in the viewing content. The intervention lasted for 14 days, and the PTSD Symptom Scale Interview (PSS-I) and Self-Rating Depression Scale (SDS) tests were conducted on both groups of patients before and after the experiment.ResultsBefore and after the experiment, there was a significant difference in the PSS-I and SDS scale scores between the two groups of patients. Moreover, the overall scale data of the experimental group was significantly better than that of the control group.ConclusionsWatching major international sports events that are conducive to building China’s national image can enhance the positive psychological level of the people and treat PTSD symptoms.

When the Fort Lauderdale Sun-Sentinel's new full-time correspondent debuted her weekly news column 2001, she focused on an independent Cuban journalist, highlighting the stark contrast between working conditions for journalists the United States and those Cuba. In the first installment of Cuba Notebook, reporter Vanessa Bauza presented a vision of independent journalist Raul Rivero typing a story his modest Havana apartment.' Rivero, 55, had his previous typewriter seized by the state police. His stories must be published abroad or posted on the Internet because the constitution of his native only allows tor freedom of the press in keeping with the objectives of a society.2It is into this socialist society that U.S. news organizations have slowly been re-emerging since the late 1990s, thanks to licenses granted by both the U.S. and Cuban governments. There had been no permanent U.S. media presence since 1%9, when Fidel Castro's regime expelled the Associated Press from the island nation.1 The re-establishment of U.S. news bureaus came with goals of encouraging democracy by the U.S. government, criticism from the Cuban exile community and promises of objectivity by news organizations.This article compares these goals, criticisms and promises with news reported by the Sun-Sentinel's correspondent stationed Cuba.U.S. Press Coverage Of CubaOn Jan. 1, 1959, Fidel Castro and his rebel army overthrew the U.S.-supported government of Fulgencio Batista.4 The U.S. press' role the revolution was scrutinized both during and after the revolution. The New York Times correspondent Herbert L. Matthews said at the annual conference of the American Society of Newspaper Editors 1960 that he had never seen a big story so misunderstood, so misinterpreted and so badly handled as the Cuban Revolution.5Ten years after the revolution, the Cuban government expelled the Associnh'd Press from the island, marking what would be the end of a permanent U.S. news presence for three decades. In November 1996,CNN convinced the Cuban government to allow it to set up a full-time bureau on the island. Because of the U.S. economic embargo against Cuba, CNN required permission from the U.S. government to set up a branch of its business on the island.In February 1997, the administration of President Bill Clinton announced that it would approve the applications of 10 news organizations. The Office of Foreign Asset Control granted special licenses to CNN, ABC News, CBS News, the Miami Hernhi, the Associated Press, Dow Jones & Company, the Chicago Tribune, the Fort Lauderdale Sun-Sentinel, Univision and Johns Hopkins University.*1 They would have the opportunity to join approximately 87 other foreign news organizations operating at the time, including the BBC and Reuters.7 Only CNN, the Associated Press, the Sun-Sentinel and the Dallas Morning News (a part of the Tribune Company) would be successful setting up bureaus.The Clinton administration's motive for issuing the licenses was articulated by press secretary Michael D. McCurry:The administration believes that news gathering and reporting by U.S. news organizations will keep international attention focused on the situation and on the realities of economic and political conditions there and will bring greater public exposure to those who are advocating a democratic change Cuba.8CNN opened its Havana bureau March 1997.9 The Associated Press was next to gain approval by the Cuban Foreign Ministry late 1998.10 The Chicago Tribune, the Sun-Sentinel and the Dallas Morning News were approved by September 2000. The Dallas Morning News opened its bureau 2001 and closed 2005.11 The Sun-Sentinel opened its bureau January 2001 and is currently the only daily newspaper with a bureau Cuba. The Fort Lauderdalebased paper has an average daily circulation the Fort Lauderdale/Boca Raton area of 259,941 ; its average Sunday circulation for this area is 347,726. …