The Coming of War

Book Review| July 01 1951 And the War Came: The North and the Secession Crisis, 1860-1861 by Kenneth M. Stampp And the War Came: The North and the Secession Crisis, 1860-1861. By Stampp, Kenneth M.. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1950. Pp. viii, 331. $4.50. Robert H. Woody Robert H. Woody Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google South Atlantic Quarterly (1951) 50 (3): 421–422. https://doi.org/10.1215/00382876-50-3-421 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Permissions Search Site Citation Robert H. Woody; And the War Came: The North and the Secession Crisis, 1860-1861 by Kenneth M. Stampp. South Atlantic Quarterly 1 July 1951; 50 (3): 421–422. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/00382876-50-3-421 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search Books & JournalsAll JournalsSouth Atlantic Quarterly Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. Copyright © 1951 by Duke University Press1951 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Reviewed by: Broken Glass: Caleb Cushing and the Shattering of the Union, and: Henry Wilson and the Coming of the Civil War, and: William Lowndes Yancey and the Coming of the Civil War Robert Tinkler (bio) Broken Glass: Caleb Cushing and the Shattering of the Union. By John M. Belohlavek. (Kent, OH: The Kent State University Press, 2005. Pp. 482. Cloth, $65.00.) Henry Wilson and the Coming of the Civil War. By John L. Myers. (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 2005. Pp. 565. Paper, $69.00.) William Lowndes Yancey and the Coming of the Civil War. By Eric H. Walther. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006. Pp. 477. Cloth, $39.95.) As the culmination of decades of struggle over slavery and state sovereignty, the secession crisis that erupted into war in 1861 continues to intrigue Americans, professional scholars and general readers alike. If secession constituted a crisis for individuals as well as polities—as Stephen Berry has observed, it “was a mosaic of a million American unbecomings, each with its own peculiar dynamics”—then biography is an excellent way to understand the rending of the Union.1 John Belohlavek, John Myers, and Eric Walther offer new biographies of three leading Americans—Caleb Cushing, Henry Wilson, and William Lowndes Yancey, respectively—focused, according to their titles, on these political figures’ relationships to the nation’s breakup. [End Page 663] All three books provide enormous amounts of information about their subjects, each an incredible man—Cushing, the scholarly Renaissance man, diplomat, and ambitious politician; Wilson, the shoemaker and committed enemy of the “Slave Power”; and Yancey, perhaps the preeminent southern fire-eater—who deserves a modern, full-length biography. Each book goes beyond its particular subject in an effort to tell us about the world of antebellum politics they shared. Born Jeremiah Jones Colbath into a New Hampshire farm family in 1812, Henry Wilson experienced a rags-to-riches life. Apprenticed to a farmer at ten, he later walked over one hundred miles to Natick, Massachusetts, to learn the craft of making shoes. From these humble origins, he became a successful shoemaker, employing dozens of workers, and then entered politics to support temperance and especially the antislavery cause. He pursued his political passion as a leader of the Conscience Whigs, Free Soilers, Know Nothings and, ultimately, the Republicans. The book is well researched, but the paucity of Wilson’s personal papers prevents Myers from telling much about his family life, religious beliefs, or other private concerns. There is virtually nothing about Wilson’s wife or son, for instance. Instead Myers focuses almost exclusively on politics, and especially on Wilson’s role as a party leader beginning in the 1840s and as a U.S. senator in the 1850s. Also, although Wilson lived until 1875, Myers deals only with Wilson’s antebellum life; the book ends with Fort Sumter and a single paragraph on Wilson’s post-April 1861 career, including his service as Ulysses Grant’s vice president. Myers focuses, as the title suggests, on Wilson’s role in the sectional crisis leading to the Civil War. As Myers acknowledges at the outset, this work seeks to highlight Wilson’s contributions to political antislavery while rehabilitating a reputation damaged by seeming partisan disloyalty. The book will most appeal to those interested in antislavery politics in antebellum Massachusetts and in Congress in the decade immediately before the war. It devotes far more attention to these matters than do the most recent Wilson biographies, which date from the early 1970s.2 At its best, this study does a good job of reviewing the twists and turns of party [End Page 664] formation, particularly during the confusion surrounding the simultaneous rise of the Know Nothings and the Republicans in the 1850s. Wilson associated with both groups, even at the same time, and Myers takes pains to defend him against charges of political insincerity. He argues that his devotion to antislavery stood at the center of all of his political maneuverings. Myers shows, too, how his opposition to the “Slave Power” guided his actions as a senator, including cooperating with Democrat Stephen Douglas over Kansas issues in 1857–1858. Still, Myers often...

First published in 1972, Jeffrey Race's War Comes to Long An has never gone out of print. It has now been republished in an updated and expanded edition. While highly regarded among Southeast Asianists as a classic account of communist success in winning control of a strategic province in the Mekong Delta from the government of the Republic of Vietnam, War Comes to Long An is also a work of innovative social science. Attention to the book's long ignored social science and to the rational-choice foundations of its analysis opens up new perspectives on the “Scott-Popkin debate.” It suggests the need for reconsideration of the value of rational-choice approaches to the study not only of Southeast Asian politics but also of the modern history of the region, to which War Comes to Long An speaks in previously overlooked ways.

Presidential Power, the Panay Incident, and the Defeat of the Ludlow Amendment

Journal Article Why War Came in Korea Get access Why War Came in Korea. By Robert T. Oliver. New York, Fordham University Press, 1950. xxvi+260 pp. 8″ × 5½″. $2.96. A. Cunningham Tweedie A. Cunningham Tweedie Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 27, Issue 3, July 1951, Page 397, https://doi.org/10.2307/2606522 Published: 01 July 1951

In the early morning of April 12, 1861, Captain George S. James ordered the bombardment of Fort Sumter, beginning a war that would last four horrific years and claim a staggering number of lives. Since that fateful day, the debate over the causes of the American Civil War has never ceased. What events were instrumental in bringing it about? How did individuals and institutions function? What did Northerners and Southerners believe in the decades of strife preceding the war? What steps did they take to avoid war? Indeed, was the great armed conflict avoidable at all? Why the Civil War Came brings a talented chorus of voices together to recapture the feel of a very different time and place, helping the reader to grasp more fully the commencement of America’s bloodiest war. From William W. Freehling’s discussion of the peculiarities of North American slavery to Charles Royster’s disturbing piece on the combatants’ savage readiness to fight, the contributors bring to life the climate of a country on the brink of disaster. Mark Summers, for instance, depicts the tragically jubilant first weeks of Northern recruitment, when Americans on both sides were as yet unaware of the hellish slaughter that awaited them. Glenna Matthews underscores the important war-catalysing role played by extraordinary public women, who proved that neither side of the Mason-Dixon line was as patriarchal as is thought. David Blight reveals an African-American world that “knew what time it was,” and welcomed war. And Gabor Boritt examines the struggle’s central figure, Lincoln himself, illuminating in the years leading up to the war a blindness on the future president’s part, an unwillingness to confront the looming calamity that was about to smash the nation asunder. William E. Gienapp notes perhaps the most unsettling fact about the Civil War: that democratic institutions could not resolve the slavery issue without resorting to violence on an epic scale. With gripping detail, Why the Civil War Came takes readers back to a country fraught with bitterness, confusion, and hatred - a country ripe for a war of unprecedented bloodshed - to show why democracy failed, and violence reigned.

Book Review| January 01 2015 Two Captains from Carolina: Moses Grandy, John Newland Maffitt, and the Coming of the Civil War Two Captains from Carolina: Moses Grandy, John Newland Maffitt, and the Coming of the Civil War. By Bland Simpson. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2012. 168 pp. $28 (cloth). David Miller David Miller Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Journal of American Ethnic History (2015) 34 (2): 122–123. https://doi.org/10.5406/jamerethnhist.34.2.0122 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Permissions Search Site Citation David Miller; Two Captains from Carolina: Moses Grandy, John Newland Maffitt, and the Coming of the Civil War. Journal of American Ethnic History 1 January 2015; 34 (2): 122–123. doi: https://doi.org/10.5406/jamerethnhist.34.2.0122 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All Scholarly Publishing CollectiveUniversity of Illinois PressJournal of American Ethnic History Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. Copyright 2015 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois2015 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Reviewed by: The Slaveholding Crisis: Fear of Insurrection and the Coming of the Civil War by Carl Lawrence Paulus Michael J. Megelsh The Slaveholding Crisis: Fear of Insurrection and the Coming of the Civil War. Carl Lawrence Paulus. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2017. ISBN 978-0-8071-6435-8. 311 pp., cloth, $49.95. With a vivid narrative, Carl Lawrence Paulus ably describes how fear consumed the American South on the eve of the Civil War. The horror that induced manic frenzy among southerners, primarily elites, was the concern that a slave rebellion was imminent. In The Slaveholding Crisis: Fear and of Insurrection and the Coming of the Civil War, Paulus examines the often-studied role that fear had in motivating southern secessionists. The fear of revolt, heavily intensified because of the 1791 Haitian Revolution, remained prevalent in the minds of pro-slavery advocates. Weaving together the themes of fear and the Haitian Revolution, Paulus contends that this anxiety reinforced a southern version of American exceptionalism that sought to preserve what they considered the ideal America. To reinforce this exceptionalism, slavery needed preservation and had to expand. Ultimately, a philosophy of fear and control spurred the South's actions. The Slaveholding Crisis weaves together content that is familiar within the historiography yet offers strong analysis of the political worldview of southern planters and how international events helped shape slavery in the United States. In the introduction, Paulus describes the conflicting visions between southerners and northerners. Both sides, in rhetoric and in practice, thought their nation was exceptional. Yet to the South, American exceptionalism could not persist, as well as their way of life, without the institution of slavery. "The southern planter class," Paulus asserts, "could never be convinced that their society—or their families—would safely survive emancipation in any form" (8). The slave versus "free soil" exceptionalism quickly became the root of division. Additionally, the omnipresent dread of a slave uprising seemed more likely unless slavery could expand westward—dispersing the high concentration of the enslaved people in the American South. With free soil Republicans in control of the White House and Congress in 1860, the South saw little option other than independence to [End Page 211] preserve their society, security, the American ideal, and belay a violent uprising akin to the one in Haiti. In seven chapters, The Slaveholding Crisis details three phases of the predicament. The first pertains to the Haitian Revolution itself. Paulus describes how the violent revolution alarmed the South's planter elite, who saw commonalities between their own situation and that of the European plantation colonies in the Caribbean. This intensified the South's efforts to appeal to the federal government to safeguard their peculiar institution. From there, Paulus emphasizes the futile political maneuvering of southern leaders to ensure that slavery could expand into newly acquired territory in the American West. Simultaneously, southerners coped with the rise of abolitionism that preached the undermining of the South's structure. Last, the book chronicles how wealthy planters concluded that an antislavery Federal government controlled by the Republican Party jeopardized the South's vision of American exceptionalism. Furthermore, they argued that unless a pro-slavery government was enacted, the ominous slave insurrection Dixie feared would finally manifest. This platform, resting on unease and exceptionalism, helped the planter elite garner the support of many southerners and lead the country to civil war. The Slaveholding Crisis is a solid contribution to the historiography. Expertly, and with an articulate narrative, Paulus highlights the fear of the planting class and how that distress—in the shadow of the Haitian Revolution—urged aggressive political action. This book does not break new ground in the historiography because it discusses how fear and racial supremacy encouraged southern secession. It does, however, chart a unique course by connecting international events to the slaveholding crisis in America while also examining the conflicting visions of American exceptionalism between North and South. By merging politically and racially incited fear prior to the Civil War with different visions for America, the book adeptly contributes to this field of study and feels relatively fresh in the midst of an extensive historiography. "With the election of Abraham Lincoln on...

War Comes to WestchesterThe Killing of William Lounsbury Dillon Streifeneder (bio) On the morning of August 29, 1776, Pvt. Samuel Miller awoke to marching orders. An informant had come in during the night, and Miller learned that a group of Tories were enlisting men for the "royal cause" near the village of Mamaroneck. By the summer of 1776, Miller was used to such reports, but this one had added gravity. Eight days prior, nearly twenty-thousand soldiers of William Howe's invasion force had come ashore in neighboring King's County. While Miller might not have known it when he awoke on that morning, Howe's army had defeated George Washington's forces on Long Island, and the American Army was in retreat. The war had come to New York.1 After having volunteered in the winter of 1775 in Capt. Micah Townsend's company of "rangers," Miller had, since the end of June 1776, been working closely with the Westchester County Committee of Safety at White Plains, "taking up and disbanding the Tories and disaffected who were Engaged in collecting together and concerting measures to destroy the said Committee and opposing the cause of Revolution."2 While similar to previous intelligence gained from informants, the Committee responded to this report with particular urgency. With the British advancing on Long Island and having already called out the militia in response to British warships menacing the shoreline, the possibility of internal enemies acting in concert with an external invasion force threatened the entire revolutionary movement.3 The Committee was determined to suppress the threat immediately and called on its quick reaction force—Townsend's company of rangers—to apprehend the Loyalists. Before daylight, Townsend, together with Miller and about twenty others, headed southeast from [End Page 339] White Plains, following the informant toward an area of dense woods and rocks known as the Great Lots, just north of Mamaroneck.4 Finding the Loyalist hiding place, Capt. Townsend's men encircled the encampment. Aroused, Loyalist leader William Lounsbury fired his musket at the approaching militia.5 In the smoke and confusion that ensued, Lounsbury escaped and fled to a nearby cave; he then collapsed, wounded. Refusing to surrender to the pursuing militia, he tried to fend them off, wielding his musket as a club. In this turmoil, a handful of Patriots closed in and finished him off with a bayonet.6 As a local resident recalled nearly seventy years later, "Lounsberry was the first person killed in Westchester county" during the American Revolution.7 He was also, in a sense, the last casualty of the battle of Long Island. His death marked the coming of war to Westchester; it also marked a key moment of transition for the engine of the Revolution, the local committee system.8 While scholars have noted the importance of the Revolutionary committees, there are few studies that closely examine the evolution of committee activity at the local level outside of New England.9 This is problematic for two reasons. First, it has led to two starkly [End Page 340] different portrayals of the committees. One group of historians views the committees primarily as "schools of revolution," that "seldom allowed the policing of popular ideology to get out of hand."10 A second group of historians has asserted that committees were at their core "an apparatus of oppression and terror."11 The second concern is one of time and change. While not exclusively tied to the peaceable portrayal of the committees, most of these works examining the role of committees conclude their studies prior to 1776. The committees that have been studied acted as a political network, playing their role from the Stamp Act crisis until 1775, after which they lost their relevance as American Revolution transitioned into Revolutionary War. Another [End Page 341] body of work on committees has a similar problem. This second group of studies either begins their look at committees amid full-scale war after the British military invasion in 1776 or does not acknowledge that any change occurred in how people and institutions acted when war came to the neighborhood. Both interpretations are tied to a larger problem of historians not engaging...

Journal Article Must War Come? The International Situation reviewed in the light of Papal teaching and action concerning Peace and War in modern times Get access 20. Must War Come? The International Situation reviewed in the light of Papal teaching and action concerning Peace and War in modern times. By John Eppstein. 1935. (London: Burns, Oates and Washbourne. 8vo. 127 pp. 3s. 6d.) C. G. K. S. C. G. K. S. Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 15, Issue 2, March-April 1936, Page 305, https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/15.2.305b Published: 01 March 1936

Research Article| October 01 2000 August 1912: War Comes to Southwestern Connecticut GLORIA P. STEWART GLORIA P. STEWART Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Connecticut History Review (2000) 39 (2): 197–201. https://doi.org/10.2307/44369531 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Permissions Search Site Citation GLORIA P. STEWART; August 1912: War Comes to Southwestern Connecticut. Connecticut History Review 1 January 2000; 39 (2): 197–201. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/44369531 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All Scholarly Publishing CollectiveUniversity of Illinois PressConnecticut History Review Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Jeffrey Race was born in Norwalk, Connecticut, in 1943. After attending that city’s public schools, he graduated from Harvard College in 1965 with a bachelor’s degree in government. While at Harvard, Race was a member of the Reserve Officers Training Corps (ROTC), and he served on active duty in the United States Army in Vietnam during 1965–1967. He returned to Vietnam as a civilian in 1967–1968 to conduct the research that led to his classic 1972 study, War Comes to Long An: Revolutionary Conflict in a Vietnamese Province.1 He worked as a contractor for the Advanced Research Projects Agency of the United States Department of Defense in Bangkok during 1968–1969, and received his doctorate in political science from Harvard in 1973. Race spent 1973–1976 as a Southeast Asia fellow of the Institute for Current World Affairs and 1979–1980 as a research fellow at the Australian National University. He has lived primarily in Bangkok since the early 1970s, served as a political and business consultant, and lectured widely both in the United States and Asia. He is the founder and president of Cambridge Electronics Laboratories in Somerville, Massachusetts.2 The University of California Press recently published an “Updated and Expanded” edition of War Comes to Long An.3 Prior to its release, Race met with Michael Montesano in Bangkok on February 20–21, 2010, for a wideranging discussion of the origins—personal and intellectual—of his book.4

Journal Article War Comes to Britain : Speeches of the Rt. Hon. C. R. Attlee, M.P Get access War Comes to Britain : Speeches of the Rt. Hon. C. R. Attlee, M.P. Edited, with Biographical Introduction, by John Dugdale. 1940. (London: Victor Gollancz. 8vo. 256 pp. 9s.) International Affairs Review Supplement, Volume 19, Issue 1, June 1940, Page 51, https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/19.1.51a Published: 01 June 1940

David Stevenson. Armaments and the Coming of War: Europe, 1904–1914. New York: Clarendon Press of Oxford University Press. 1996. Pp. xi, 463. $85.00 Get access Stevenson David. Armaments and the Coming of War: Europe, 1904–1914. New York: Clarendon Press of Oxford University Press. 1996. Pp. xi, 463. $85.00. John W. Langdon John W. Langdon Le Moyne College Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The American Historical Review, Volume 103, Issue 2, April 1998, Pages 503–504, https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/103.2.503 Published: 01 April 1998

July 01 1997 Militarization and Diplomacy in Europe before 1914 David Stevenson David Stevenson David Stevenson is Senior Lecturer in International History at the London School of Economics and Political Science. He is the author of French War Aims against Germany, 1914-1919 (Oxford, U.K.: Oxford University Press, 1982), The First World War and International Politics (Oxford, U.K.: Oxford University Press, 1988), Armaments and the Coming of War: Europe, 1904-1914 (Oxford, U.K.: Oxford University Press, 1996), and The Outbreak of the First World War: 1914 in Perspective (Basingstoke, U.K.: Macmillan, 1997). Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google Scholar Author and Article Information David Stevenson David Stevenson is Senior Lecturer in International History at the London School of Economics and Political Science. He is the author of French War Aims against Germany, 1914-1919 (Oxford, U.K.: Oxford University Press, 1982), The First World War and International Politics (Oxford, U.K.: Oxford University Press, 1988), Armaments and the Coming of War: Europe, 1904-1914 (Oxford, U.K.: Oxford University Press, 1996), and The Outbreak of the First World War: 1914 in Perspective (Basingstoke, U.K.: Macmillan, 1997). Online Issn: 1531-4804 Print Issn: 0162-2889 © 1997 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.1997 International Security (1997) 22 (1): 125–161. https://doi.org/10.1162/isec.22.1.125 Cite Icon Cite Permissions Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Search Site Citation David Stevenson; Militarization and Diplomacy in Europe before 1914. International Security 1997; 22 (1): 125–161. doi: https://doi.org/10.1162/isec.22.1.125 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAll JournalsInternational Security Search Advanced Search This content is only available as a PDF. © 1997 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.1997 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.