The China-US diplomatic and trade relations in the 21st century and the Cold War 2.0 fallacy

Economic and trade relations between Europe and China have developed for a long time. The two sides have conducted goods exchange for over two thousand years. The clearest proof of this is the Silk Road, which dates back to the Han Dynasty (B.C. 202 – A.C. 8) stretching from Chang'an (currently Xi'an) to Ancient Rome. This chapter discusses bilateral economic and trade relations after the EEC, and later the EU after its formation in 1993, and China established their official diplomatic relations in 1975. START AND FIRST DEVELOPMENT OF EEC/EU-CHINA RELATIONS On 4 May 1975, the Vice-President of the European Commission, Christopher Soames, visited China and met Chinese Premier, Zhou Enlai. At that time, China made a decision to accredit an ambassador from the European Economic Community (EEC). On 16 September 1975 the EEC and China established official relations, opening a new chapter of bilateral relations. The EEC and China established diplomatic relations in the Cold War era. At that time, the USA considered China as an “enemy ”, but European countries continued trading with China. Furthermore, a number of European countries established formal diplomatic relations with China even before 1975, e.g. Italy (1970), Belgium (1971), the Federal Republic of Germany (1972) and Luxemburg (1972). The EEC and China established their diplomatic relations in the Cold War era mainly because they desired to develop economic cooperation and anticipated economic and political mutual benefits. From this point of view, we can see EEC-China relations were pragmatic from the very beginning. Notwithstanding the establishment of diplomatic relations, trade between the EEC and China did not see significant changes in the first three years, from 1975 to 1977 (see Figure 3. 1). Trade volume had small increase in 1976 but declined in 1977. Generally speaking, there was not significant stable growth in trade. The USA and European countries restricted relations with China. The USA did not even establish official diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China. Furthermore, there was the Cultural Revolution in China so the state's emphasis was on the class struggle rather than economic development and trade cooperation.

The opening of diplomatic ties between the Philippines and the Union caused certain apprehensions within Southeast Asia and in the United States. InitiaJJy, it was characterized as a sinister move on the part of the Soviets to endanger American interests in the Philippines and to subvert peace and security in the region as well. However, this paper argues that such views ignore the compelling economic and diplomatic reasons which have prompted the Philippines to seek co-operation from the USSR. As a result of the world-wide economic recession following the oil crisis of 1973, the Philippines has had to open trade and diplo matic relations with other countries, particularly with those in the socialist and communist bloc. On the other hand, the Marcos government also sought to play the Soviet card in an effort to obtain leverage in its negotiations with the United States regarding compensation for its bases. These factors should be taken into consideration in any assessment of Philippine-USSR relations.

The purpose of the article is to clarify the peculiarities of regulation of the status and powers of Prussian consuls in the Black Sea port cities of the South of Ukraine. This study is aimed at an in-depth understanding of the role of Prussian consuls in the development of trade, navigation and diplomatic relations between Prussia and the Russian Empire in the context of the pan-European integration processes of the nineteenth century. The study applies a methodology based on the principles of historicism, objectivity and comprehensiveness and combines the historical and legal analysis of the normative legal acts of Prussia, a comparative historical method to identify differences in the regulation of consular activities in different European countries, and a systematisation method to streamline the amendments and additions to the Regulations of 1796. The scientific novelty lies in the comprehensive analysis of the Regulations of 18 September 1796 and its later amendments regarding the activities of Prussian consuls. For the first time, the data on the functions, responsibilities and sources of funding of Prussian consuls in the ports of southern Ukraine are systematised. The relationship between the development of the consular network and Prussian foreign policy and economic interests in the region is shown. Conclusions. The study has shown that the regulation of the status and powers of Prussian consuls in southern Ukraine generally met the standards of other European countries and the United States. The main differences were in the detail of time limits, financial aspects, and the procedure for interaction with Prussian state institutions. The key functions of the consuls were to protect Prussian trade interests, support navigation, and oversee compliance with international law. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the consuls' reports, which allowed Prussia to control economic processes in the region. Prospects for further study of the topic are to create a comprehensive study of the history of the Prussian consular network in the Black Sea region. It would also be advisable to compare the activities of Prussian consuls with those of representatives of other states, which would contribute to a deeper understanding of the role of diplomatic and trade relations in the nineteenth century.

Trade wars and Tariff policies have become serious concerns defining and affecting global trade and economic relations in the 21st century. These policies characterized by the use of tariffs and other trade barriers have impacted the world beyond just the economic or financial effect between countries involved. The paper focuses on the long-term effect of trade wars and tariff policies on global trade and economic relationship between countries. Using historical and modern trade war scenarios such as USA-China trade war, the study indicates that disruption of global supply chain, volatility of financial market, and impact on specific sectors of the country economy such as agriculture are some of the long-term impacts of these policies on global trade. In terms of the impact on economic relationship between countries, the study highlights creation of new trade agreements and diversification of trade partnership as possible effects on economic relationship between countries. It is therefore imperative for countries to diversify their trade relationship by adopting initiatives against the effects of trade war. The study concludes that while national measures could bring some political and economic results in the short term, it is important to note that global prosperity cannot be long-lasting without cooperative and stable international trade policies.

The BRICS were created at the beginning of the 21st century to reorganize the international world order to represent their weight in international politics, economics, and geopolitics. Although they are entirely different, the BRICS saw a strategic space to reach these goals in the African continent. Thus, these countries started to broaden their presence in the African continent. As a result, BRICs started their relations with Africa differently, but they acted in similar sectors. The fellow paper pursues to analyze the Brazilian, Russian, Indian and Chinese (called here as BRICs) insertion in Southern Africa, highlighting the main convergence sectors and divergences between them. The methodology will be based on historical analyses, connecting their historical insertion in Southern Africa in a broad perspective of foreign policy objectives in the 21 st century. In the first session, we will approach the economic presence of BRIC in Southern Africa in 21 st century. Latter, we will abstract each one's foreign policy for the region (highlighting the main economic sectors and diplomatic presence). Moreover, it will be possible to compare their presences, highlighting the convergence and divergence between them. The Chinese and Indian weight in Africa's economy is more perceptive than Brazilian's and Russian's. Nonetheless, all BRICs have been widening their trade and diplomatic relations with Southern Africa in the 21st century due to their perspective of the importance of Africa in international world politics.

Relations between Europe and North Korea date back to the founding of North Korea in 1948 when North Korea established relations with seven Central and Eastern European states. During the Cold War, several Western and Northern European states initiated diplomatic and trade relations with North Korea. However, North Korea remained anchored in the socialist bloc, including Central and Eastern Europe—even if its membership of the Non-Aligned Movement from 1975 suggested Pyongyang’s wish to have a degree of independence from the bloc. Official European Union (EU)–North Korea relations started in the post-Cold War years, just as the EU was starting to develop its Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). The EU began to provide aid to North Korea in 1995 and joined the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization (KEDO)—through Euratom—in 1997. Between 1998 and 2001, the EU and North Korea launched political and human rights dialogues and established diplomatic relations. Since 2003, however, the EU has pursued a policy of “critical engagement” toward North Korea as a result of the Asian country’s development of its nuclear program. This has led to steadily deteriorating relations. In 2006, the EU started to impose sanctions on North Korea in relation to its nuclear and missile programs. Human rights and political dialogues were suspended in 2013 and 2015, respectively. In 2020, the EU imposed cyber sanctions on North Korea. One year later, it imposed more sanctions on North Korea in relation to alleged human rights abuses. As of 2021, the EU is prioritizing pressure over engagement in its relations with North Korea, and economic links have decreased dramatically from their peak in the early 2000s.

The article describes the history of trade relations of Central Asian countries with foreign countries in ancient and medieval times, the importance of the Great Silk Road, the impact of these relations on political, economic, diplomatic, ethnic and cultural relations. It states that due to diplomatic and trade relations with foreign countries, mutual relations have been established, and the movement of citizens abroad and their entry is based on certain rules. Attention is paid to such factors as the impact of such relations on the socio-political and economic situation in those countries, the specific way of life of the peoples of the region, the way in which diplomatic relations are established. The article focuses on the development of trade relations with foreign countries during the reign of ancient Khorezm, Sogdiana, Parthia and the medieval Hephthalites, the Turkish Khanate, the Arab Caliphate, Amir Temur and the Temurids, the Central Asian khanates, Khiva, Kokand, Bukhara khanates.

This article analyses the changing patterns of Indo-France relations and traces issues of conflict and cooperation, and continuity and change between the two countries. It argues that although France's traditional-cultural relations with pre-independent India had been good, diplomatic and political relations during the entire Cold War period were far from being friendly; rather they were formal, commercial and business oriented. Nevertheless, as a result of certain factors, France was the main country that India relied upon next to the Soviet Union. The end of the Cold War ushered in new challenges for India, compelling it to undertake a thorough revision of its foreign policy. India's neo-realist aspirations to play a more active role in global politics, the French strategic support to India during the Pokharan nuclear tests, the far-reaching changes in Europe and the desire of both countries for an all-round intensification of cooperation have led to a transformation of Indo-French relations from a ‘buyer-seller syndrome’ to a strategic partnership in the twenty-first century. Going by the current trend, the future of Franco-India relations look promising.

At Penpoint: African Literatures, Postcolonial Studies, and the Cold War

Diplomats in Science Diplomacy: Promoting Scientific and Technological Collaboration in International Relations**

This article investigates the relationship between trade and politics, particularly the effect of improved or deteriorated political ties upon economic relations with particular reference to the bilateral trade and diplomatic relations between Turkey and Israel. The study attempts to identify under what conditions bilateral trade is affected by any significant change in political relations. It finds that economic relations were relatively bolstered at times of enhanced political relations whereas visible deterioration or decline was observed in the volume and state of trade relations at some critical points when diplomatic relations worsened. However, this does not refer to a constant and steady decline and is limited to some severe diplomatic crises experienced in bilateral relations. Some major premises of Realist and Liberal theories are employed to analyse the findings in this study. These findings are at least partially against the main arguments in the literature of the Liberal approach that trade determines politics. However, the course of trade relations between Israel and Turkey appears to be consistent with the tenets of the Realist theory which pays greater attention to security than it does to trade relations and argues that trade may not be relevant to improved bilateral political relations.

This paper analyses the development of the American Chamber of Commerce in China (AmCham China) after the Cold War and how it has influenced the evolution of US-China economic and trade relations. The paper argues that AmCham China, as a non-government, non-profit business organisation, has been both a promoter and beneficiary of US-China economic and trade cooperation, as well as a participant and mediator in US-China economic and trade frictions. By providing information, establishing communication channels, proposing policy recommendations, and organising activities, AmCham China has built an essential platform for the governments and enterprises of China and the United States and promoted the development of bilateral economic and trade relations. At the same time, AmCham China also faces some challenges and dilemmas, such as the differences in the political and economic systems of China and the United States, the complexity of bilateral economic and trade relations, and the diversity of member enterprises.

: Today, as the world enters the new millennium, the world stage has changed dramatically since the early days of the Cuban Revolution. There is a new world order. The Cold War and the former Soviet Union no longer exist. The U.S. is the world's lone superpower. The globalized economy is rapidly becoming a reality as ever-improving information technology better creates the means to instantly communicate anywhere in the world. The former Eastern block nations, as well as Latin American countries, have all embraced free enterprise and democratic governments to raise the living standards of their citizens. The United States enjoys normal trade and diplomatic relations with all the countries of the former Soviet bloc and recently granted China Most Favored Nation status. In establishing these relationships, the United States seeks to enhance security, bolster its economy and promote democratic values throughout the world. Yet in the United States' own Caribbean backyard, Cuba remains a lone holdout to American democratic capitalism. For four decades, the United States has maintained an economic blockade against the neighboring island nation of Cuba. Throughout the Cold War period, from 1960 onward, Cuba was perceived as a threat to U.S. national security. Cuba's expropriation of U.S. property following the 1959 Cuban Revolution, subsequent alliance with the Soviet Union, communism, the Cuban missile crisis and support for armed revolutionary forces throughout Latin America and Africa during the 1970s and 1980s ensured support for the embargo remained strong in the United States. This research paper examines the U.S.-Cuban relationship in a historical context and addresses current U.S. policy in light of disparaging national views of a shared history. It concludes with recommendations for the future policy.

In the 21st century, the world has undergone profound changes, characterized by the emergence of multipolar dynamics. This phenomenon has woven intricate patterns of formal relations among states in a new way, making them more complex and diverse than ever before. As a result, the primary goal of the states in the present political environment is to construct new forms of relationships with other states. In this context, Pakistan and Poland are determined to establish diplomatic, strategic, defensive, economic, social, and cultural ties with each other, all the while taking into account their respective national interests. The diplomatic relationship between Pakistan and Poland traced its origins to 1962; however, this relationship received limited media coverage from both countries during the Cold War era. It was after President Pervez Musharraf’s visit to Poland in 2007 that the two countries revitalized their collaboration in various development programs, ushering in a fresh epoch of relations. In today’s world, where globalization, multilateralization, diversification of foreign relations, and international integration are prevailing trends, both countries hold vast significance in global politics and international stability owing to their strategic locations. Establishing relations based on mutual understanding, trust, equality, and reciprocity between Pakistan and Poland can play a significant role in promoting peace, prosperity, and stability not only within the two countries and their regions but for the world as a whole. Through mutual cooperation, Pakistan and Poland, particularly Pakistan, can overcome political constraints and successfully achieve their development goals. However, both countries also face several challenges such as national and regional security, human rights violations, terrorism, economic downturns, political discrimination, and regional and international political pressures that can affect their friendly relationship. This research study identifies several new opportunities in various sectors that both countries can gain through mutual understanding and cooperation. It also reveals certain challenges that Poland and Pakistan may encounter. Moreover, the study provides recommendations on how both countries can achieve their development goals through mutual cooperation.

At the current stage of the socio-economic development of Ukraine in the conditions of Russian aggression, the topical issue is the expansion of foreign economic relations with EU member countries. The purpose of the study is a spatial analysis of the features of regional differentiation of Ukraine’s commodity trade with the countries of the European Union in the context of expanding trade and economic relations after signing the Agreement on a free trade zone with the EU and granting Ukraine the status of a candidate for EU membership. Such research methods as structural and spatial analysis, statistical and correlation analysis, and typological analysis were used. The dynamics of commodity trade between Ukraine and the EU in 2001–2021 are analyzed and the main trends in interstate trade in goods were identified. It has been revealed that the general trend of bilateral trade relations with the countries of the European Union in the 21st century is generally similar to the trend of the turnover of foreign commodity trade between Ukraine and all countries of the world. It has been established that the spatial differentiation of Ukraine’s commodity trade with the EU clearly shows great variability and asymmetry of export and import indicators. The dependence between the level of economic development of Ukraine’s regions and the commodity trade volume with EU countries is traced. A characteristic feature is the spatial heterogeneity of the distribution of commodity trade in Ukraine’s regions according to the predominant directions of foreign commodity trade relations. The western regions of Ukraine have the highest level of connectivity of commodity trade with the countries of the European Union, which is explained by better transport accessibility to EU markets and the development of cross-border cooperation. According to the main directions of trade flows and on the basis of a comparison of the connectivity and balance coefficients of commodity trade with EU countries, six types of Ukraine’s regions are identified. The novelty of the research is the identification of the features of regional differentiation and significant asymmetry in the commodity trade of Ukraine’s regions with the countries of the European Union based on the criterion of connectivity and symmetry of trade flows using spatial analysis.