The bending of space-time in anthropology: An anti-heuristic proposal

The several ways through which the political crisis (cups, revolutions, and institutional ruptures) affect or directly hit the Judiciary Power are multivariate, and despite of the advances of research about this theme, they still deserve a careful examination by the Social Sciences. This thesis seeks to contribute to the understanding of how the Judiciary Power was affected by the crisis of State in Latin America during the more recent military cups, and at the same time, how was the articulation of the Judiciary Power with other branches of political domination in the realm of authoritarian regimes. The problem of research that framed the analysis developed in this thesis converges to a question about the political action of the Courts of Justice both in Brazil and also in Argentina during military dictatorships. The functioning of the judicial branches in the comparative perspective, as an object of study, came to be of great importance to the understanding of the variety of manners by which strategies of public domination are conceived and implemented in the context of military dictatorships. With the purpose of understanding and broadening the theoretical debate in relation to the pretension of legitimacy of authoritarian regimes, the focus of this discussion took as a perspective of analysis the alleged importance given to the law by military dictatorships in Latin America as well as the political role given to the branches of the Judiciary Power. Thus, the following question took the form of a central axle to the development of the research: Did the Judiciary Power legitimate the authoritarian regimes in Latin America? First, the legal basis, that is, the use of the law and the functioning of judicial institutions, serve as a way of legitimizing the political power of authoritarian regimes. The research had as its documental basis the votes of Ministers of the Supreme Federal Court (STF) and of the Supreme Court of Justice of Argentina in the trial of habeas corpus filed by the defendants accused of political crimes. In Brazil, the time frame for the analysis comprised the period between 1964 and 1968, the first phase of the military dictatorship in which there was a possibility for those accused based on the National Security Law to file the constitutional law suit of habeas corpus. The Institutional Act # 05/1968 reveals that the authoritarian model in Brazil had a tendency for the augment of repression, canceling the use of habeas corpus by those accused of political crimes. As to the analysis of the cases of political crimes in Argentina, the research utilized similar primary sources, that is, habeas corpus law suits also filed in favor of political prisoners during the military dictatorship between 1976 and 1983. In the case of Argentina, the analysis of sources concentrated on the whole period of the military dictatorship precisely because there was not a suspension of the constitutional right to the habeas corpus, making it possible the utilization of such appeal during the whole military dictatorship (1976)(1977)(1978)(1979)(1980)(1981)(1982)(1983). The text of the dissertation demonstrates that the central objective of the research relates to the relevance of the judicial institutions in the environment of authoritarian regimes in Latin America. In this aspect, the focus of the analysis concentrated on law suits concerning political crimes taken before the Judiciary Power, whose main accused were political adversaries and dissidents of both military dictatorships.

The twenty-one years of military dictatorship in Brazil (1964-1985) were marked by severe repression as government censors sought to control media and artistic production. During these tense years, as has been well documented, journalists, academics, writers, and artists at times struggled to voice their opposition to oppressive military control. Many turned to protest theater as a way to speak out against the dictatorship’s abuses. Unsurprisingly, many plays produced at this time were either heavily censored or shut down entirely. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, a young Brazilianist scholar from the United States, Ross “Rusty” Butler, befriended, interviewed, and conducted field research on authors of protest theater and their works. When Butler was preparing to return to the United States after being threatened himself by government officials, a few of his new friends asked him to take their works-including some plays that were unpublished and in manuscript form-out of the country in order to avoid censorship. Now, fifty years later, those plays and manuscripts, along with Butler’s other research materials, are finally coming to light through the Rusty Butler Archive. The Rusty Butler Archive demonstrates the complex relationship between the military dictatorship, censorship, and cultural production during the 1960s and 70s.

The Dirty Realism of Enrique Medina David William Foster Arizona State University Since the publication in 1972 oÃ- Las tumbas, a novel dealing with the reformatory experiences of a child abandoned by a single mother who cannot care for him (Foster, "Rape and Social Formation"), Enrique Medina has esrablished himself as the majoi voice in Argentine literature of the urban lumpen proletariar. The author of over twenty works of fiction (novels and short stories), chronicles, and a work of children's theater, Medina was, during the military dictatorship known as the Proceso de Reorganización Nacional (1976-83), the author with the largest inventory of books banned by the censorship apparatus. Las tumbas, which has been one of the best selling novels of contemporary Argentine fiction , was unavailable until the end of the dictatorship, and it was once again a bestseller after it was reissued.1 Las tumbas established the basic features of all of Medina's writing, and it is difficult to know which order of importance to assign to them: 1) a determined effort to engage in "dirty realism," understood as the commitment to describe the daily experiences of life with no attempt to euphemize them, either by turning away from certain aspects as somehow too gross to be related in literal terms or by supplementing them with a transcendent (social, political, ieligious) meaning that would detract from the imperative to examine the facts of life as unflinchingly as possible. Such a commitment is as much a defiance of the censorship imposed directly and indirectly on cultural production by tyrannical govArizona Journal of Hispanic Cultural Studies Volume 1, 1997 78 Arizona Journal of Hispanic Cultural Studies ernments as it is a repudiation of the norm of good taste that usually serves as a de facto censorship with an obligation, precisely, to augment the depiction of reality with transcendent meanings. Dirty realism also means a strict regard not just for what gets expunged from the "artistic" contemplation of the social record. It basically refers to the choice of which segment of the social record one focuses on. While it may not always be subaltern groups and marginal individuals— certainly, there are plenty of dirty hidden stories to tell about the privileged sectors of society—and those on which a writer like Medina will choose to focus are those social entities that, because their reality cannot be euphemized and transcendentalized, simply do not get reported on. Argentina has a long tradition of proletarian (Portantiero) and social realist writing (Foster, Social Realism in the Argentine Narrative), and there are many antecedents to Medina that can be mentioned: Roberto ArIt, Elias Castelnuovo, Leónidas Barletta, Bernardo Verbitsky, Bernardo Kordon, José Rabinovich, Alvaro Yunque, Max Dickmann are a few of the names that come to mind, and various versions of a literature of commitment continue to produce other writers and artists, now enhanced by the strong presence of women's voices, whose work bears degrees of resemblance to Medina's project. However, most of these writers either wrote in a period in which to write about certain things and to utilize certain linguistic registers of expression would have either meant not to publish at all or to experience an unbearable degree of social opprobrium. Also, many writers of social commitment are, in fact, tied to a transcendent signifier (e.g., social revolution, the fulfillment of History, salvation through commitment itself) that imposes a supplementary level of rheir writing, as much as it may serve to distract them from executing a full account of the social iecord: rhe movement toward the transcendent signifier necessarily means leaving the concrete details of social life behind. Medina has claimed that the discovery of Louis-Ferdinand Celine's books was a factor in his empowerment as a writer and showed him how one could write without yielding to a chimerical criterion of transcendence . Although Medina wrote with the goal of provoking the reigning principle of cultural decency in Argentina, such that works of his were banned, he was energetically condemned by sectors of the cultural press, and many bookstores refused to carry his titles (for example, the prestigious and ultraconservative Ateneo). The extreme circumstances of the dictatorships between...

The Historical Dictionary of the Dirty Wars coversthe period 1954–1990 in South America, when authoritarian regimes waged war on subversion, both real and imagined. The term “dirty war” (guerra sucia), though originally associated with the military dictatorship in Argentina from 1976 to 1983, has since been applied to neighboring dictatorships in Paraguay (1954–1989), Brazil (1964–1985), Bolivia (1971–1981), Uruguay (1973–1985), and Chile (1973–1990). Although the concept is by no means peculiar to Latin America—the term has become a byword for state-sponsored repression anywhere in the world—these regimes were among its most notorious practitioners. In the mid-1970s they joined forces—along with Ecuador and Peru—to create Operation Condor, a top-secret network of military dictatorships that kidnapped, tortured, and disappeared one another’s political opponents. Their death squads operated both nationally and internationally, sometimes beyond the region. This third edition of Historical Dictionary of the Dirty Wars contains a chronology, an introduction, appendixes, and an extensive bibliography. The dictionary section has over 400 cross-referenced entries on the countries themselves; guerrilla and political movements that provoked (though by no means exonerated) governmental reaction; leading guerrilla, human-rights, military, and political figures; local, regional, and international human-rights organizations; expressions of cultural resistance (art, film, literature, music, and theater); and artistic figures (filmmakers, novelists, and playwrights) whose works attempted to represent or resist the period of repression. This book is an excellent access point for students, researchers, and anyone wanting to know more about the dirty wars of South America

The Historical Dictionary of the Dirty Wars coversthe period 1954–1990 in South America, when authoritarian regimes waged war on subversion, both real and imagined. The term “dirty war” (guerra sucia), though originally associated with the military dictatorship in Argentina from 1976 to 1983, has since been applied to neighboring dictatorships in Paraguay (1954–1989), Brazil (1964–1985), Bolivia (1971–1981), Uruguay (1973–1985), and Chile (1973–1990). Although the concept is by no means peculiar to Latin America—the term has become a byword for state-sponsored repression anywhere in the world—these regimes were among its most notorious practitioners. In the mid-1970s they joined forces—along with Ecuador and Peru—to create Operation Condor, a top-secret network of military dictatorships that kidnapped, tortured, and disappeared one another’s political opponents. Their death squads operated both nationally and internationally, sometimes beyond the region. This third edition of Historical Dictionary of the Dirty Wars contains a chronology, an introduction, appendixes, and an extensive bibliography. The dictionary section has over 400 cross-referenced entries on the countries themselves; guerrilla and political movements that provoked (though by no means exonerated) governmental reaction; leading guerrilla, human-rights, military, and political figures; local, regional, and international human-rights organizations; expressions of cultural resistance (art, film, literature, music, and theater); and artistic figures (filmmakers, novelists, and playwrights) whose works attempted to represent or resist the period of repression. This book is an excellent access point for students, researchers, and anyone wanting to know more about the dirty wars of South America

This chapter discusses the institutional crisis that paved the way for the rise of Bolsonaro and how he took advantage of it to advance an authoritarian project that was ultimately inspired by the former military dictatorship. It explores the epistemological crisis affecting the authority of the institutions responsible for the production and distribution of knowledge – respectively, science and the media – and how Bolsonaro took advantage of these forces. The Covid-19 pandemic led to an unprecedented crisis worldwide, which has been referred to as the greatest challenge since World War II. The political crisis related to Bolsonaro's authoritarian style of government is only a partial explanation of his truly disastrous management of the Covid-19 crisis. Disinformation campaigns and defamation against political adversaries became an integral part of Bolsonarista political strategy. Discourses around accountability, transparency and accurate information as a civil right, are in part dependent on traditional journalism as a vital weapon against disinformation.

More Than Three Meals per Day

In this article, I analyse the political articulations and interactions between São Paulo punks and their Nordic counterparts, particularly in Helsinki and Oslo, during the 1980s. Preliminary findings suggest that São Paulo punk groups actively participated in the global punk movement in the context of Brazil's military dictatorship and the shifting geopolitical landscape of the Cold War. During this period, Nordic and Brazilian punks regularly exchanged information and musical productions, sharing a common political passion. I interpret punk’s political and aesthetic articulations through the distribution of the sensible, fostering new ways of being together. I also draw on theories of resentment and revolt to illustrate how punk engages with politics and social formations in specific ways. Through an analysis of exchanges between Finnish and Brazilian punks, my article highlights multiple aesthetic and political dialogues between punk cultures in Norway, Finland and Brazil, shedding light on how punk’s political and aesthetic forces emerge as products of diverse cultural and affective interactions.

This paper discusses the rare references to Brazil to be found in Gramsci’s Quaderni del carcere, confronting them to the findings of the recent historiography, and the interpretations developed by Brazilian researchers on the basis of Gramsci’s work. These interpretations are divided into three periods : a) 1960-1980, when the concept of passive revolution began to come into usage, albeit in a casual manner, to explain the genesis of the social and political forms in a country which had never witnessed a bourgeois revolution and which, at the time, was under a military dictatorship ; b) 1980-2000, a period marked by the publication of the first Brazilian studies devoted to Gramsci’s thought, along with a stricter use and application of his concepts ; c) 2000 until today, a period when, drawing on these concepts, analysts have debated the nature of the Workers’ Party (PT) government. The paper ends by suggesting new lines of research on passive revolution and the history of intellectuals.

Desde este artículo nos proponemos reconstruir un conjunto de prácticas, discursos, representaciones e iniciativas manifiestas del sector empresario de la ciudad de Bahía Blanca, entre 1966-1973 y 1976-1983. Por un lado, presentaremos a quienes conformaron la elite empresarial en la época y qué papel jugaron en razón de los proyectos de desarrollo industrial que se vertieron por estos años en el plano local. Reconstruiremos las instancias de concreción de dichos proyectos económicos/productivos en agenda para la ciudad, entre los años 60 y 70. En segunda instancia, analizaremos diversas prácticas del actor empresarial durante la última dictadura militar, sus vínculos con el poder castrense local de la subzona 51 y su papel respecto a la llamada “lucha antisubversiva” en relación a la búsqueda de consenso social y formas de disciplinamiento laboral.

This research verifies and documents costumes created for the Brazilian cinema into the work "O Bandido da Luz Vermelha" by Rogrio Sganzerla, which has as its backdrop the Marginal Cinema. It focuses on the work developed for costumes in this period, aiming at contributing to the national memory and at the improvement of the research material of professionals connected to the area. The study was developed considering a deep investigation of social, political and cultural aspects of the country in the 60`s and 70`s, reflected in a movie that shows up as a reaction to the cultural situation the country was going through in the period between 1964 and 1968, with the politicization of artistic manifestations against the closures imposed by the military dictatorship.

This chapter analyses the development of counterterrorism in twentieth-century Brazil. The focus is on the New State of Getulio Vargas and the creation of policies and special courts against its enemies; the repression and persecution of political opponents and armed oppositional groups in the military dictatorship; the approach to national and internal security in the transition to democracy, as well as the impact of September 11th in counterterrorism measures. Finally, it will look at the response of the Brazilian State to the political violence perpetrated by recent protest groups such as Black Blocs, and the political attempt to define those activities as terrorism.

Neste artigo, examina-se o funcionamento do Centro de Informações do Exterior (CIEX), órgão do Itamaraty e vinculado ao Serviço Nacional de Informações (SNI) que foi encarregado de espionar políticos e militantes contrários ao regime militar brasileiro que se exilaram nos países vizinhos. Trata-se de um estudo que visa a desvendar como agia um dos elos do sistema repressivo montado pela ditadura brasileira, que tinha um relativo grau de interação com as outras ditaduras militares da região do Cone Sul. O artigo demonstra que o Itamaraty colaborou intensamente com o regime militar brasileiro, inclusive com a repressão.

Seeking structure-property relationships is an accepted paradigm in materials science, yet these relationships are often not linear and the challenge is to seek patterns among multiple length and time scales. There is rarely a single multiscale theory or experiment that can meaningfully and accurately capture such information. This series of articles will introduce the rationale as to why informatics is needed by briefly summarizing the challenges of information complexity one has to deal with in material science in order to systematically establish structure-property-processing relationships. The value of materials informatics lies in its ability to permit one to survey complex, multiscale information in a high-throughput, statistically robust, and yet physically meaningful manner. The search for new or alternative materials or processing strategies, whether through experiment or simulation, has been a slow and arduous task, punctuated by infrequent and often unexpected discoveries. Each of these findings prompts a flurry of studies to better understand the underlying science governing the behavior of these materials. While informatics is well established in fields such as biology, drug discovery, astronomy, and quantitative social sciences, materials informatics is still in its infancy. The few systematic efforts that have been made to analyze trends in data as a basis for predictions have in large part been inconclusive. This is partially due to the lack of large amounts of organized data and, even more importantly, Materials Informatics Part I: A Diversity of Issues

This is a study of the politics of 'political prisonerhood' in colonial and independent India. Prison going and the struggles inside the prison had, with the nationalist culture of jail going in the early part of the twentieth century become an integral part of the protest against the colonial state. Imprisonment in its multifarious forms also became the major bulwark of the colonial state's strategy for harnessing recalcitrant subjects. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the process by which the notion of 'political' became a festering issue in the contest between the colonial state and the subject population and later between the state in independent India and the various 'rebel' groups, and also the manner in which the ruling classes assumed the sole responsibility of defining the 'political'. We have confined our study to the peaks of nationalist resistance against the colonial state and popular struggles against the dominant classes in independent India. Through this exploration of the notion of political prisonerhood we also attempt to understand the permanence and ruptures in the forms of repression and the nature of penal sanctions which the state deployed against its political opponents in colonial and independent India. In order to understand what constitutes 'political crime', and who were or were not recognized as 'political prisoners' at a particular historical moment, we have examined the role of the ideological discourses which informed penal regimes in colonial and independent India. The theoretical premises and conceptual tools in this study bear the influence of the Marxist studies on Indian politics and the Subaltern school's understanding of Indian history. The material for research has been drawn from various official and unofficial sources viz., archival records of the colonial government and the government of independent India, reports on prisons by various governmental committees, jail manuals, rules, regulations, laws, autobiographies, biographies, prison memoirs, prison diaries and interviews with erstwhile political prisoners.