The Architecture of Impunity: Systemic Evasion and Institutional Design in Elite Sex Trafficking

Universal social rights are the core of the welfare state. However, in the Global South, until recently only the minority of workers in formal employment and public sector employees enjoyed the right to social security. This has changed since the 2000s through the rise of non-contributory ‘social cash transfers’ (SCT) for the poor. We investigate what entitlements to SCT have been created, and how close they come to human rights standards, based on a self-constructed dataset that covers the entire Global South. In conjunction with the analysis of SCT, the chapter also makes a more general contribution to the conceptual analysis of social rights. We argue that rights-based social security has a multidimensional and systemic nature that requires complex institutional designs, and these may be elusive in many countries of the Global South. First, multidimensionality: the right to social security is multidimensional, and social security must be designed in a way to meet human rights standards in all dimensions. Universal coverage, on which policymakers focus (‘universal social protection’), is only one of these dimensions. Second, systemic design: the ensemble of all programmes in a country (the national SCT system or ‘regime’) counts when it comes to assessing the human rights quality of social security. Therefore, the challenge is to design composite systems rather than only single programmes, on which policymakers focus. Third, institutional designs must be systemic also in normative terms: to be accepted as socially just, a national SCT system needs to combine diverse normative principles, and these must be rooted in citizens’ beliefs and attitudes as well as national politics—reference to broad global ideas such as universalism, inclusiveness, or even human rights is not enough. These three requirements are demanding, and we find that most SCT designs do not meet human rights standards. At the same time, we argue that the right to social security is only broadly defined and can be realized through a variety of institutional designs, thereby creating leeway for rights-based policies.

Book Review| January 01 2021 Review: Promoting Democracy: The Force of Political Settlements in Uncertain Times, by Manal A. Jamal Promoting Democracy: The Force of Political Settlements in Uncertain Times, by Manal A. Jamal. New York: New York University Press, 2019. 320 pages. Black and white illustrations. $35.00 (paper). ISBN: 978-1-479-87845-1. John Thomas, III John Thomas, III University of Chicago Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar National Review of Black Politics (2021) 2 (1): 75–77. https://doi.org/10.1525/nrbp.2021.2.1.75 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation John Thomas; Review: Promoting Democracy: The Force of Political Settlements in Uncertain Times, by Manal A. Jamal. National Review of Black Politics 1 January 2021; 2 (1): 75–77. doi: https://doi.org/10.1525/nrbp.2021.2.1.75 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu nav search search input Search input auto suggest search filter All ContentNational Review of Black Politics Search In Promoting Democracy: The Force of Political Settlements in Uncertain Times, Manal Jamal delves into the world of foreign aid, NGOs (nongovernmental organizations), and civil society in postconflict situations to uncover why aid for democracy promotion works in some contexts but not in others. Departing from the quantitative studies that have informed discussions around foreign aid effectiveness, the author uses a structured, focused comparison of postconflict settlements in Palestine and El Salvador to uncover insights that can only be found through qualitative case studies. The Oslo Accords, signed in 1993 and 1995 between the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) and the government of Israel with the aim of ending the broader Israeli-Palestinian conflict over the existence of a Palestinian state and specifically the First Intifada (1987–93), are characterized as a noninclusive settlement. The Chapultepec Peace Accords, signed in 1992 between the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) and the government... You do not currently have access to this content.

The literature on single mothers’ welfare deservingness is dominated by analyses carried out in Anglo-Saxon countries. In these countries, politicians gained social legitimacy for the cut-back of single mothers’ benefits by framing them as immoral and lazy welfare recipients. In contrast, this dissertation investigates single mothers’ perceived welfare deservingness in the 2010s Hungary, where single mothers were not the primary subjects of the government discourse, but where the government strongly promoted traditional family ideals and decreased the level of targeting towards single parents. The dissertation uses a complex research design to explore the social legitimacy of these changes, and investigates not only the public attitudes towards single mothers’ state support, but also the factors that could shape it. First, it reviews the historical-institutional design of single mothers’ state support in Hungary, and compares it with the characteristics of the American and British systems to reveal how the different designs have paved the way for connected reforms and discourses. Second, with critical discourse analysis, the thesis investigates how the discourse of the Hungarian government frames single-parent families’ deservingness. Third, based on survey data, it explores the public image and perceived deservingness of single mothers. Fourth, it investigates the role of the deservingness criteria (control, attitude, reciprocity, identity, and need) in single mothers’ perceived deservingness with regression analysis of statements and a vignette-based survey experiment. The results show that single mothers’ state support enjoys a high level of social legitimacy in Hungary that could be explained by several factors. First, compared to the Anglo-Saxon countries where single mothers were perceived as non-employable citizens and were included in assistance-based benefits in most of the 20th century, in socialist Hungary, and also after the regime change, single mothers were perceived as working mothers, and their state support was embedded in the family allowance system. Second, single mothers have a deserving public image in Hungary: they are imagined as poor mothers, who work a lot to make a living for the family, and who lack financial and emotional support. Third, single mothers are perceived as deserving based on four deservingness criteria (control, attitude, reciprocity, need). Meanwhile, public attitudes are also in line with the government’s conservative policy regarding the preference towards traditional family (that captures the identity criterion by suggesting that single-parent families are different from the desired family type). This preference, however, is not enough to generate negative welfare attitudes towards single mothers, because they are seen as deserving based on the other four deservingness criteria, but also because some of the conservative beliefs about family (e.g., a child needs both parents to live a happy life) increase, and not decrease, single mothers’ perceived deservingness. Both the supportive attitudes of the public, and the long-standing, stable design of single parents’ benefits, explain the more cautious communication of the government regarding single parenthood (compared to other alternatives of the traditional family). Single-parent families are not explicitly framed as undeserving in the government discourse, but they are accepted only as second-rank, less deserving, and less healthy families compared to traditional ones. The high level of social legitimacy of single mothers’ state support also explains the government’s policy towards single parents: it could not simply cut back single parents’ benefits, therefore, it has instead gradually devalued them and introduced new ones without targeting, as this is a less salient strategy.

The research aims to review literatures and discuss regarding the myths and simulacra of homecoming. The research conducted is normative research or study literature, using a variety of literature (a semiotic approach) that discusses regarding myths, simulacras and simulations. This semiotic approach is used with based on the idea that the notion of myth in this study using the understanding of myth according to Barthes's view of the myth as semiological system of the second order (simulacra) of Baudrillard. Homecoming can be understood as a need for social existence and human legitimacy. Re-growth of existence in a society carrying out homecoming can be done by understanding the characteristics of the homecoming perceived by society. This respect or social legitimacy is usually explained because of positive word of mouth for being an urbanity. By understanding the homecoming’s character perceived by society, the need for existence through “mudik” can put into other activities so that people carry out to a more rational homecoming regularly. Because the research is in the from of literature and qualitative study, it is necessary to carry out further research on public perceptions regarding homecoming by considering cultural or ethnic factors, and also favorable behavioral intentions consisting of positive word of mouth.

This study critically examines the governance of Tesso Nilo National Park (TNTN) in Riau, Indonesia, by highlighting the interplay between ecological conservation, agrarian justice, and religious values. Through a qualitative case study, the research reveals that top-down conservation policies have marginalized local communities, criminalized smallholders, and empowered corporate actors, creating a sharp divide between legal authority and social legitimacy. Despite systemic exclusion, communities demonstrate active resistance and engage in cooperative environmental initiatives grounded in Islamic ethical values such as khalifah (stewardship), amanah (responsibility), and mashlahah (public good). These values provide a normative framework for sustainable resource governance. The findings suggest that a hybrid governance model—integrating state institutions, civil society, and religious actors—is essential to foster inclusive coexistence and achieve dual justice: ecological sustainability and agrarian equity. This research contributes to environmental governance literature by proposing a faith-based justice framework that bridges ecological preservation with local sociocultural legitimacy

PurposeDespite the special attention given to consumers by the business and academic literature, the dissatisfaction of Brazilian consumers has increased significantly. This manifest mainly through the initiation of complaints’ procedures against companies at Procon and other civil society consumer protection organizations (CPOs) that began to take over these issues complementarily to governmental action. This paper aims to examine the accomplishments and relevance of these organizations in protecting consumers and in preparation of related public policies.Design/methodology/approachA qualitative case study was conducted involving an in-depth collection of information about a restricted system, which included multiple sources. The information was obtained through semi-structured interviews conducted with CPOs’ executives and documents from the other participating organizations in the consumer protection field.FindingsThe CPOs have been positively evaluated by participants from the consumer protection field, for their effective action in the intermediation of complaints and in proposing laws and regulations on consumer protection. However, this picture is contrasted with the difficulties imposed by the practices of other field logics, such as legal procedures, media priorities and business interests that, however, collaborate in various occasions.Research limitations/implicationsCPOs’ relevance is more easily evaluated through social legitimation such as endorsements and declarations by the media, the public, by the CPOs’ own publicity and so on. As consumers can choose from alternative channels for redress, firms should be updated with the different procedural norms of each.Originality/valueThis paper draws a picture of the work developed by CPOs and indicates a possible assessment of their relevance in a scenario of logics complexity, which can be useful for policy makers.

ABSTRACTBy enabling the Court of Justice to engage domestic judges, the preliminary ruling mechanism is widely recognised to have played a major role in European integration. Yet both the incentives and motivation to cooperate with the Court of Justice are believed to vary significantly across domestic courts. We explore how domestic courts differ in their referral behaviour depending on the position they occupy in the juridical hierarchy using a novel dataset, which extends, complements and corrects data initially collected by Stone Sweet and Brunell (1998. ‘The European Court and the national courts: a statistical analysis of preliminary references, 1961–95’, Journal of European Public Policy 5 (1): 66–97). We find that first instance courts pioneered the use of the preliminary ruling procedure, but that appellate and peak courts subsequently overtook them. We explain these shifts by the combined effect of institutional consolidation, organisational design and legal rules. We argue that resort to Article 267 TFEU was initially ‘accidental’ but became institutionalised as more courts submitted references. This, in turn, allowed the division of labour underpinning the organisation of national judiciaries to reshape referral dynamics.

The Private Enforcement of Law

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine how conflicts about collaboration between staff at different departments arose during the establishment of a new emergency department and how these conflicts affected the daily work and ultimately patient safety at the emergency department.Design/methodology/approachThis qualitative single case study draws on qualitative semi-structured interviews and participant observation. The theoretical concepts “availability” and “receptiveness” as antecedents for collaboration will be applied in the analysis.FindingsClose collaboration between departments was an essential precondition for the functioning of the new emergency department. The study shows how a lack of antecedents for collaboration affected the working relation and communication between employees and departments, which spurred negative feelings and reproduced conflicts. This situation was seen as a potential threat for the safety of the emergency patients.Research limitations/implicationsThis study presents a single case study, at a specific point in time, and should be used as an illustrative example of how contextual and situational factors affect the working environment and through that patient safety.Originality/valueFew studies provide an in-depth investigation of what actually takes place when collaboration between professional groups goes wrong and escalates, and how problems in collaboration may affect patient safety.

BackgroundPartner Notification (PN) has long been considered essential for sexually transmissible infection (STI) control, but both policies and methods of implementation vary between countries. Although the provision of sexual health...

In a context of areas of limited statehood and contested order, Iraq, Lebanon and Syria have been affected by similar diffuse global and more specific regional and local risks over the past two decades. Yet they differ in outcomes. Lebanon has not descended into civil war despite fears that the one raging in Syria might spill over to its territory and Iraq has coped better over the past decade than Syria has – despite having been subject to various forms of conflict since 1980. We analyse this variance by asking to what extent resilience might buffer against violent conflict and governance breakdown. Through a comparative discussion of sources of resilience – social trust, legitimacy and institutional design – we find that limited input and threatened output legitimacy are harmful to resilience, while collective memory and reconciliation, as well as flexibility of institutions are crucial factors of resilience. Nonetheless, our findings caution that resilience should not only mean the capability to adapt to crises but also needs to set the stage for comprehensive and inclusive transformations that are locally rooted.

Tasikmalaya City Government organized the Acceleration of Settlement Sanitation Development (PPSP) program with NGO SNV, the private sector, educational institutions, media, and the community as an effort to address domestic wastewater services. This study evaluates collaborative practices and formulates collaborative governance strategies based on the field findings. A qualitative case study was employed using role intersection analysis, social network analysis, and a collaborative governance framework evaluation. In-depth interviews were conducted with 20 cross-stakeholder informants. The fulfillment of collaborative governance indicators reached 73%, with weaknesses in institutional design, facilitative leadership, and collaboration outcomes, supported by unclear role distribution and low network density. In addition, the starting conditions of collaboration showed weak coordination and policies, low commitment and support, and fragmented implementation. The research also identified new contextual variables, such as community participation and typical procedural stages in the implementation of collaboration at the local level. Strategies developed through SWOT analysis include formalization of collaboration roles and mechanisms in a Mayor’s Regulation, strengthening of community empowerment-based programs, and establishment of a dedicated working group in the domestic wastewater sector. The findings and strategies provide recommendations for other local governments in designing collaborative and sustainable domestic wastewater governance models.

The consensus of many researchers on data saturation is that data saturation is a key driver for determining the adequacy of sample size in a qualitative case study. Despite these global consensuses, some researchers described data saturation as complex because the decision to stop data collection is solely dictated by the judgment and experience of researchers. Other researchers claimed that guidelines for determining non-probability sample sizes, used as an indication of data saturation are virtually non-existent, problematic, or controversial. Others claimed that data saturation hitched to sample size is practically weak, because data are never truly saturated, as there are always new data to be discovered. This narrative study highlights the dilemma of data saturation and strategies to adequately determine sample size in a qualitative case study. A narrative review of prior research that focused on the vast works of literature that revealed significant information on data saturation and strategies to adequately determine sample size was adopted. Peer-reviewed articles within the last five years from electronic databases, using some keywords such as “qualitative case study”, “sample size in a qualitative case study”, “data saturation”, etc., were also extracted. Results show that data saturation is very helpful especially at the conceptual stage, but its concept and standard is elusive, because it lacks practical guidance for estimating sample size for a robust research prior to data collection. Findings from this study may encourage researcher on better guidelines for determining non-probability sample sizes.

The international monetary system (IMS) has long been interpreted through the lens of singularity, where global stability hinges on a single dominant currency fulfilling all core monetary functions—store of value, medium of exchange, and unit of account. This paper challenges that paradigm by introducing the concept of functional fragmentation. The IMS is evolving toward different currencies increasingly specializing in specific roles, without any single issuer monopolizing the system. The transformation draws on wholesale central bank digital currencies (wCBDCs) and distributed ledger technologies (DLTs), but also reflects deliberate institutional choices shaped by geopolitical tensions and the erosion of trust in dollar-centric infrastructure. The U.S. dollar is likely to maintain its primacy in global reserves, but new platforms are enabling regional currencies to gain ground in payments and settlement. First, emerging markets are building wCBDC-based networks designed to bypass traditional correspondent banking. Second, the European Union is advancing interoperability and financial infrastructure resilience to safeguard the euro’s regional role. Third, the USA and the UK, slower to adopt CBDCs, are leveraging regulatory frameworks around stablecoins to reinforce dollar dominance through fintech intermediaries. The implications for global liquidity, reserve strategies, and financial stability are profound, requiring renewed attention to institutional coordination and systemic design in a modular, post-hegemonic IMS.

Much of the literature on political corruption is based on indices such as the ones presented by Transparency International, but the reliability and validity of these indices are questionable. The main alternative approach – qualitative case studies – often lacks a theoretical framework allowing for systematic empirical analysis. To remedy this shortcoming, this article places qualitative case studies into the framework of principal‐agent theory. The cases comprise two Swedish county councils (regional governments), both of which reorganised their administrations in similar ways in the 1990s. One experienced corruption scandals, but the other did not. In comparing them, the article links the propensity for corruption to institutional design – in particular, the mechanisms of delegation and control.