The Alexandria Corniche Scandal: Colonial Urban Government and the Limits of British Power in Egypt, 1932–36

Reviewed by: Black British Migrants in Cuba: Race, Labor, and Empire in the Twentieth-Century Caribbean, 1898–1948 by Jorge L. Giovannetti-Torres Marc McLeod (bio) Jorge L. Giovannetti-Torres. 2018. Black British Migrants in Cuba: Race, Labor, and Empire in the Twentieth-Century Caribbean, 1898–1948. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 305 pp. ISBN: 9781108437585. During the first half of the twentieth century, more than 140,000 British Caribbean workers migrated to Cuba. The history of their experiences, once largely neglected by scholars, has received increasing attention in the last couple of decades, including recent books by Robert Whitney and Graciela Chailloux Laffita, and Phillip Howard. Black British Migrants in Cuba, based on a dissertation completed by Jorge L. Giovannetti-Torres at the University of North London in 2001, is a most welcome addition to the topic. Written in clear, cogent prose, characterized by thoughtful analysis, and informed by extensive research in archives and libraries in numerous locations, it is the most comprehensive study of the subject yet. Following an introduction which adroitly situates the work within multiple scholarly frameworks, the book is organized into ten chapters along general chronological lines, with each chapter developing one or more main themes. Chapter One reaches back into the nineteenth century to examine the roots of racial fear in Cuba and histories of intra-Caribbean migration in the century after slave emancipation in the British Caribbean. Chapter Two details the patterns of labor recruitment and migration to Cuba in the early twentieth century, paying particular attention to the practices of the Cuban American Sugar Company and the United Fruit Company on their plantations in eastern Cuba. Chapter Three explores how increased migration during the 1910s contributed to rising levels of racial anxiety among Cuban elites and government authorities, culminating in the massacre of at least fourteen British Caribbean migrants by Cuban troops in the sugar mill town of Jobabo during political unrest in 1917. Chapters Four and Five consider diplomatic relations between the British and Cuban governments during the eight years after the Jobabo massacre. They illustrate the agency of British Caribbean migrants, who persistently penned letters to government officials and newspapers to demand protection of their rights, but also the reluctance of British officials to represent black workers and the overall limitations of diplomatic representation. The second half of the book surveys the three decades after World [End Page 173] War I, during which recurring crises in the island’s sugar economy posed ever greater challenges to migrants who remained in Cuba, including those hoping to return to their home islands. Chapter Six demonstrates how rising unemployment, anti-migrant nationalism, and anti-black discrimination coalesced with the onset of the Great Depression between 1925 and 1931. Giovannetti-Torres uses the experiences of eastern Caribbean migrants on the Chaparra and Delicias plantations to highlight the power and control over migrant labor wielded by large corporations like the Cuban American Sugar Company. Chapter Seven examines changes in British colonial consular policy from 1925 to 1933 while emphasizing the different experiences between Leeward and Windward Islanders versus Jamaicans, who were represented by a Secretary for Immigration based in Santiago de Cuba that administered a repatriation program to Jamaica during this time. Chapter Eight assesses the impact of Cuban labor nationalization efforts during the 1930s (particularly a 1933 law requiring that fifty percent of employees in most places of work be Cuban nationals) on British Caribbean migrants, which led many to return to their home islands. Chapter Nine looks at the experiences of migrants who remained in Cuba after the 1930s, when British officials feared that further repatriation would exacerbate unemployment and fuel additional labor unrest in British colonies, and thus encouraged migrants to assimilate and remain in Cuba. Chapter Ten reconsiders the main themes of the first chapter while stressing that British Caribbean migrants—in their multiple interactions with Cuban and British (not to mention U.S.) officials and employers—confronted a common ideology of white supremacy. The research that undergirds Black British Migrants in Cuba is impressive. Giovannetti-Torres has mined archives across the Atlantic world, including national, provincial, and municipal archives throughout Cuba as well as collections in Dominica, Jamaica, St. Lucia...

In the years following the East Africa Governors’ Conference in Nairobi in 1933, the questions surrounding half-castes’ status in the British Empire in East and Central Africa remained largely unresolved. Periodically, officials in Britain’s African colonies and dependencies, and in London, returned to the question about half-castes’ status in British Imperial Africa. Nonetheless, one of the outcomes of the transnational debates centering on half-castes’ status in British imperial Africa was closer working collaborations between the British administrations in Southern and Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland. British officials in these three territories kept a watchful eye on developments in each other’s countries in reference to their half-caste and Coloured populations. In the ensuing years, the Northern Rhodesian government on numerous occasions wrote to the Southern Rhodesian and Nyasaland colonial administrations requesting updates on their respective territories’ administrative policies and practices in relation to half-castes and Coloureds. Likewise, the local colonial administration in Southern Rhodesia and Nyasaland wrote to the Northern Rhodesian government requesting information about Northern Rhodesia’s official position on its half-caste and Coloured population. All this networking between British officials in Central British African territories was in order for the British administration in these three territories to “harmonize” (as one official stated to his colleague in a neighboring territory) their government’s policies in relation to half-castes and Coloureds.

Abstract: Jordan has weathered a number of political challenges inspired by the Arab Spring in a way that has preserved the regime's control. The Jordanian military's role in these developments has been neglected but is critical to understand, particularly as the United States and its coalition partners continue to deal with violent extremist threats in the region. ********** Since early 2011, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan has weathered a number of political challenges inspired by the Arab Spring. Analysts agree the regime has navigated the demands of its population in a way that has preserved its control. (1) Although on the surface, the Jordanian establishment has much less to fear from the Arab Spring in terms of its long-term power, there are important challenges the monarchy must address in the coming years. The Jordanian military's role in these developments has often been neglected, despite its increasing importance as a crucial component of the ruling political coalition. Most academic work on the subject of the Jordanian armed forces has merely assumed the institution's acquiescence to any political change approved by the king. As such, the army is characterized as being professional and, so far, dependable. (2) This characterization ignores the occasionally tumultuous relationship the military has had with past monarchs and the recent strain between military officials and the ruling family, which points to fissures in the dependability of the armed forces. In any given society, the military is one of the most powerful institutions, even when under the control of civilian officials. Particularly in the Middle East, the military has been identified as a key institutional player regardless regime, in the setting and execution of government policy. (3) Military forces have also played a central role in deciding the outcomes of protest movements and revolutions in countries affected by the Arab Spring. (4) As such, and particularly in the case of Jordan--a monarchy dependent on a tribally-dominated military to maintain its rule--an analysis of the army is crucial to understanding future political developments. Using an institutionalist approach, this article utilizes indicators of civil-military relations to outline the army's position in Jordan today. It explores the military's unique relationship to the Hashemite monarchy, and its evolution since the creation of Jordan in 1946. While the Jordanian military establishment has so far been similar to those of other modern monarchies--playing a key role in both containing political turmoil and maintaining an acceptable pace of reforms--its increasing self-awareness and pursuit of its corporate interests threaten to challenge the monarchy's grip on the institution overall. Historical Development Scholars utilizing the institutionalist approach highlight critical junctures that bind actors in certain arrangements, with greater effects as time passes. (5) To understand contemporary Jordanian civil-military relations, it is important to examine the historical development of the Jordanian Armed Forces (JAF) and identify the critical junctures responsible for its evolution. The JAF emerged from the Arab Legion, an institution under British command, passed to the command of King Abdullah I in 1949. (6) The king was from a different region, and had blatantly coordinated with the British in the 1948 war. Subsequently, the ruling family lacked the civic-myth responsible for its legitimacy. (7) For this reason, the rule of King Abdullah I came to an abrupt end with his assassination in 1951. King Abdullah's grandson, Hussain, ascended the throne in 1952. In the same year, the Free Officers movement seized power in Egypt, and Arab nationalist ideology began to sweep the region. King Hussain gained intelligence that there were many nationalistic officers sympathetic to challenging his rule, and a coup was attempted a year later by officers emulating the Egyptian example. …

Among the myriads of problems betting the developmental strive in Nigeria, besides the problem of leadership, is the issue of corruption. The endemic nature of the problem calls for concern because of its moral implications and replying effects. Indeed, no stratum of the society is devoid of its clawing effect to such an extent that it is taken as a la mode. To redress the scenario, many measures have been taken, institutions set up to combat this menace yet to no avail. The failure could be adduced to among other reasons limiting the fight to only empirical dimension with no attention paid to the ontological dimension of the problem. This is the onus of this paper but with particular reference to the Local Government administration because of its strategic nature as a grassroot political institution and its vital role in any developmental effort and discuss in the Nigerian polity.

"Apres Moi Le Deluge"? Judicial Review in Hong Kong Since Britain Relinquished Sovereignty

n 1947 residents in the northern wards of Jefferson Township in Allegheny County voted, subject to court approval, to secede from the township in a bid to create a more responsive government. The resulting court approval allowed the Borough of Pleasant Hills to incorporate. Pleasant Hills became another element of local government in a county already fragmented by local governments. Incorporating a new borough raises several questions. Why was it necessary to form another borough in a county with a number of boroughs already? What would the citizens of the new borough gain? Where do boroughs fit in the structures of local government in Pennsylvania? This article will endeavor to answer these questions. The scholarship on boroughs in Pennsylvania is limited. There are studies on the historical and political aspects of Pennsylvania’s boroughs, but little describing the process and reasons leading to their formation. 1 Boroughs have a long history in Pennsylvania, beginning with the incorporation of Germantown in 1691 and continuing until the present day.

This article aims to provide historical insights into the evolution of local self-government and state administration. The purpose of this study is to explore the development and transformations of these governance systems over time. The research methodology employed involves an extensive review of historical literature, archival records, and case studies to analyze the evolution of local self-government and state administration. The findings of this study reveal the gradual emergence and evolution of local self-government structures, highlighting the complex interplay between local communities and central authorities. The historical analysis demonstrates how these governance systems have adapted to social, political, and economic changes throughout history. The practical implications of this research lie in a deeper understanding of the historical context and dynamics that have shaped contemporary local self-government and state administration. This knowledge can inform policymakers and government officials in designing effective and responsive governance structures that align with the needs and aspirations of local communities. By shedding light on the historical development of local self-government and state administration, this article contributes to a broader understanding of the governance systems that underpin contemporary societies. It underscores the importance of historical insights in shaping future governance models and policies for a more inclusive and participatory approach to governance.

SINCE THE mid-9ggos, the issue of corruption has gained a prominent place on the global agenda. International organizations, including the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and the UN, have adopted conventions requiring that their members enact laws prohibiting bribery and extortion. International financial agencies, notably the World Bank, have announced programs aimed at ensuring fair and open contracting for their projects and stopping misappropriation by government officials. Most nations have enacted some type of anticorruption law. International business groups have promulgated model codes of behavior, and multinational corporations (MNCS) now claim to be implementing antibribery programs. The leading nongovernmental organization (NGO) in this area, Transparency International, has conducted analysis and advocacy through chapters in over go nations. The international media report instances of cor ruption in high places virtually every day (often at great risk). Underlying these changes in rules, rhetoric, and awareness is the growing recognition that bribery and extortion have demonstrably deleterious consequences. Gone is the daywhen some pundits seriously argued that corruption was an efficient corrective for overregulated

Many multinational companies (MNCs) doing business in China find that issues of corruption in business are common and dangerous problems. Such problems can expose MNCs to liability under the U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) with all of its attendant serious consequences. MNCs need to realize that certain cultural elements -- respect for authority and a gift giving tradition -- create special pressures on their local employees to submit to requests for cash and non-cash benefits from government officials. It is not enough for MNCs to acknowledge that there may be cultural issues, but it is necessary for MNCs to understand, in detail, the common scenarios in which these cultural elements create social pressures on their employees to comply with requests from Chinese officials for payments. Only by understanding these common scenarios and implementing guidelines on how to respond in these specific situations, can the MNC implement an FCPA compliance program designed to effectively address these problems.

PurposeIn this study, the authors examine the issue of corruption in the government institutions of developing countries. Additionally, this study aims to answer the following research question: How do developing countries implement and enforce these anti-corruption policies? Specifically, the authors look at the laws adopted in different developing countries to deal with issues related to corruption.Design/methodology/approachThe authors use the qualitative approach to examine the causes of recent corruption among government officials in developing countries such as Nigeria, India, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Uganda. A comparative approach was used to compare and contrast the anti-corruption practices of developing and developed countries.FindingsThe findings indicate that corruption is rampant in much of the developing world. On a positive note, the authors have found evidence of actions taken by governments in these developing economies to rapidly deal with issues of corruption. All the countries analyzed in this paper have developed anti-corruption policies and related acts to detect and punish the perpetrators of corruption.Originality/valueThis paper provides a greater insight as to how the anti-corruption policies are formulated and enforced in the developing world. Specifically, the authors provide examples of different emerging countries and their approaches to developing and enforcing anti-corruption policies. This guidance can help others around the world to deal with anti-corruption policies in their countries. Although the authors have learned a lot about the detrimental effects of corruption and laws enacted to combat it, the next step is to examine the processes used by the developing countries to develop these anti-corruption laws and policies.

Servants of the public are themselves masters of themselves. The striking paradox of consequence of corruption has placed a high degree of proof on public officers who retain the level of fairness that match with the degree of the onus. The issue of corruption is not restricted to the dark hallways of government offices but officers who are under duty to enhance the society have rendered in tatters the entire sacrosanct mainstay of common good. This paper attempts to explore the Code of Conduct Bureau and Tribunal Act 2004. For the writer, the procedural form and provisions of the Act has inalienably invited constitutional problems. The case of Nwankwo v Nwankwo  that has set a limit of locus in action under the Act was reviewed. The paper identifies widespread discrimination in the enforcement of code of conduct for public officers in Nigeria. As part of recommendations the paper advises that the basic text of strong discipline in public service is the extent to which officials are being trained and tried for uncomplimentary relationship between the code and the judiciary. So the restriction of access to the tribunal at the detriment of individual with a cognizable interest is fatal to a regime committed to instilling discipline in public service.   Key words: Code of Conduct, constitutional issues, right and problems.

Local government is the government at the grassroots closest to the people. It is the tier of government administration that coordinates the activities of citizens at the local community levels. Local government as a concept of government existed long before the arrival of the colonialists. There were forms of local government administrations in Nigeria before colonial rule. During colonialism, the British's indirect rule system was built upon existing local administrations in Nigeria. However, the story is not the same for local government administration regarding structure and organization in the country today. The study x-rayed the various phases and eras of local government development in Nigeria. It further analyzed the present realities of local administration in the country. The study employed a qualitative approach. The qualitative data were generated from interview responses from relevant stakeholders (such as Traditional leaders and senior local government administrative staff). Also, data were gathered from existing relevant literature. Data collected were analyzed using the context analysis method. The study revealed that local government administration in Nigeria has passed through torturous phases. It identified the lack of local government autonomy amongst others as the main challenge bedeviling its development in the country. The study concluded with recommendations to reposition local government for effective service delivery as Nigeria's third tier of government.

ABSTRACTFollowing the Italian invasion of Ethiopia in 1935, several hundred Eritrean deserters from the Italian army and several thousand Ethiopian officials, soldiers, and civilians fled to Kenya. British officials on the border, in Nairobi, and in London found themselves deeply conflicted over how to deal with these refugees. Sheltering refugees was costly, and it antagonised the Italians whose friendship (or at least neutrality) the British hoped to win in Europe and in eastern Africa. But vocal critics in London watched for any signs of mistreatment or forced repatriation of the refugees. Government officials themselves expressed a revulsion at the possibility of turning away or repatriating refugees who feared for their lives. Because of this humanitarian sentiment, Kenya sheltered the refugees until the liberation of Ethiopia, much to the dismay of government officials.

British views of the Turkish national movement in Anatolia differed according to the point of view adopted. Whereas British officials on the spot, in Constantinople (Istanbul, occupied by the Entente Powers, Britain, France and Italy, following the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in the First World War) and Anatolia tended to view the movement as the product of a conspiracy, organized by elements within the Ottoman government, in particular the Ministry of War, the intelligence services, particularly those operating in Europe, Central Asia and the Middle East, tended to view it as pa t of an international conspiracy, organized by outside forces (CUP in exile, German right wing, Bolshevik), centred in Berlin and Moscow. This discrepancy was never fully resolved, but as events developed in Anatolia, in the period of Turkish national struggle, the view put forward by the men on the spot gained increasing acceptance. The view expressed by most of the British officials serving in Constantinople and Anatolia (General Milne, Commander of the Army of the Black Sea, Admiral Calthorpe, British High Commissioner in Constantinople, Admiral de Robeck, also a British High Commissioner, Commander Heathcote-Smith, RNVR, Captain Hurst, an officer in the Levant Consular Service, Captain Perring, a relief officer, and many others) found its clearest expression in a History of the National Movement, printed by the War Office in the autumn of 1919. Until the end of May, the History of the National Movement noted, all the Turkish corps commanders continued to dispatch armaments to Constantinople, as they were required to do by the Armistice of Mudros (30 October 1918). But the occupation of south-western Anatolia by the Italians, in March 1919, and the occupation of Smyrna (Izmir) by the Greeks in May entirely changed the situation. By the end of May the country was flooded with accounts of what had occurred. These accounts, which 'naturally' were exaggerated, came as a great shock to the Turks, and had a unifying effect on the various factions into which the country at that time was divided.

The term ‘community’ is synonymous with the very essence of planning. However, making planning decisions in line with perceived local or community interests can often revolve around informal processes, clientelist politics and the domination of farming, local capital and landowning interests. This chapter explores these themes by questioning the uneven power dynamics that exist within rural communities that give rise to opaque planning practices within the shadows of the planning system’s formal structures. In doing so, lessons from the Republic of Ireland are drawn upon where issues of corruption and clientelism were found to be widely known and tolerated. The chapter critically examines how the uneven distribution of power within rural communities can play out in a myriad of ways during the planning process to produce substantive social, economic and environmental outcomes that not only negate sound planning practice, but undermine the democratic nature of planning itself.