The affective topologies of the climate crisis: On the spatial intensities of the climate political protests in Lützerath, Germany

In the course of the production of sociality, the interaction of interests, materialities and rules may occur in unintended and not foreseeable ways. Procedures and norms can establish themselves uncontrollably and contour politics. This paper proposes the application of the concept of social automatisms for the description of such social formation processes of the political, taking as an example the dynamics within the new Italian feminist movement “Se Non Ora Quando?”. Based on an ethnography of the movement (2012-2014), the paper demonstrates how traditions of interaction and the philosophy of the Italian feminists of the 1970s have inscribed themselves in the discourses and practices of Se Non Ora Quando? in line with the concept of social automatisms: through repetition and perpetuation which, although occurring unplanned and partly unconsciously and against the intentions of the actors, cause a consolidation of structures (see Bublitz et al. 2010). These inscription processes have influenced political visions, interaction and protest practices as well as conflicts within the movement.

In political contestation, the issue of poverty is still considered effective because it can be felt directly by the community. The contestants' use of poverty data for certain political purposes will make the sympathy of many people and prove to be able to gain people's votes because they feel represented. In the process, the contestants, both incumbent and opposition, will look for loopholes in each of their campaign programs regarding poverty suppression. On the other hand, our political contestation event is also still being polluted by the practice of money politics. The wide gap in economic inequality will trigger the practice of money politics. This practice is increasingly widespread by the presence of the rich elite as material givers and voters who are below the poverty line as recipients. Those who receive money sometimes do not really think about the consequences that will be received, such as bribery and vote buying which are clearly against the law, because the most important thing for them is to get money and be able to fulfill their needs. In this case, money politics is also growing and there are many kinds, not only in the form of money but those who carry out this practice will bandage it so that it is not too visible, such as by providing assistance, rewards, and material or other valuable things as well as by promising something. later inserted when campaigning by candidates or campaign teams in political contestations. To discuss these problems, the author uses a qualitative method through a literature study, namely collecting and analyzing data using various relevant references on poverty and money politics. This paper will explain about the existence of political-economic transactions in political contestation, the causal factors, the relationship between poverty and money politics, as well as efforts to prevent money politics in political contestation, which are explained through a poverty perspective.

The subject of this study is contemporary conceptions of laughter protest as it relates to trends in political communication and activism. Through conceptual and comparative analysis, we explore the role of the comical in social and political protest in order to formulate a kind of research framework for this type of resistance and to generalize models and tools for analyzing laughter protest practices and actions. Underlining the paradoxical nature of the comic – namely, its intention to preserve and simultaneously undermine the existing order – we show the specificity and functions of laughter in resistance, and what the optics of humor analysis in contemporary protest practices might be. The outcome of this research is a generalization of the functions and “methods of action” of the comical in political resistance, as well as key concepts and notions that enable us to interpret instances of the use of comic tactics by protesters. Thus, we classified identification, differentiation, control, and resistance as functions, while the list of concepts included play, carnival, nonviolence, cultural silencing, utopian imagination, and the optics of social movements. Using the example of interpretation in the DOXA’s “Auction of Words”, we examined the possibilities of the proposed framework of analysis. The article is addressed to researchers in various fields of humanitarian knowledge, as well as to a wide range of readers interested in the problems of activism, humor, and protest movements.

This study seeks to add to the ongoing debate regarding the state of multiculturalism within Indonesia political landscape. Using Yogyakarta as an exemplary case, this study suggests that the so called radical groups’ political practices should be situated within the spatial formation of urban politics. This will shed new horizon on the political myth which has been redressing violence as values or belief-driven reproduced by certain groups and gradually expanding it as mode of political engagement. Representing space as a political register which is discursively constituted by three dominant discourses; local identities, multiculturalism, and lastly global terrorism. This study argues that Yogyakarta citizens are subjected to the interplay between these three forces which composed the urban space of Yogyakarta as a local, national and global entity. Within this context, the expression of radical groups should be viewed as politics of dissent which target to alter and appropriate the three spatial conjunctures which characterized Yogyakarta. This shows that the articulation of dissent and discontent are effective political forms to engage with the notion of urban citizenship.

In response to the problems of ideological and political education in hydraulic and pneumatic transmission courses, “Dual Carbon” and the “Hydraulic Power for National Strength” are taken as core ideological and political elements to construct and refine the course’s ideological and political objectives, providing an overall framework for its development and reform. The ideological and political elements are deeply explored to achieve seamless connection with knowledge transmission. An immersive teaching model is proposed, combining school-enterprise collaboration, master lectures, teaching-research synergy, and competition-course integration, aiming to resolve the disconnection between ideological and political theory and practice in the course. This approach ensures the seamless integration between knowledge impartation and value guidance, ultimately achieving the subtle and imperceptible ideological and political education objectives of the course.

Preface Introduction: personal networks, political strategies and the making of democracy Part I. Personal Networks, Political Traditions and State Policies: 1. Unquiet hearts: the primitive world of the first political men 2. The burden of hopes and hatreds: ideological traditions in clandestine circumstance 3. Oligarchic unity and working-class divisions: a political economy of El Marco de Jerez 4. Political clans and capitalist planning: a political economy of Francoism Part II. Syndical Practices, Social Struggles and Political Protests: 5. The vertical syndicate: the mainstay of Franco's corporatist strategy 6. The workers' commissions: the national picture compared with the movement in El Marco de Jerez 7. Wage contracts, labour conflicts and political protests: the syndical practices of the labour movement Part III. Political Practices, Repression and Strategic Responses: 8. The revolutionary paradox: the changing political line of the Spanish Communist Party 9. A place in the struggle: personal networks and political practices in El Marco de Jerez 10. The other side of darkness: the repressive practices of the Franco regime 11. Contingent connections: the relationship between the workers' commissions and the Spanish Communist Party 12. Fighting with two faces: the strategic combination of legal and clandestine spaces Part IV. Political Strategies and the Democratic Project: 13. Democratic transformation and the transition to democracy: the political project of the labour movement, 1955-85 14. Corporatist strategies and the transition to democracy: the institutional terrain of the struggle 15. Personal networks and political strategies: Spanish civil society in the struggle for democracy Bibliography Index.

Phelan's critical analysis of this anthology of performance foregrounds issues of corporeality, racial and sexual difference, reproductive rights and AIDS. Cultural practices of photography, film, theatre, political protest and performance art are discussed in relation to pshycoanalytic and feminist theories. Emphasis is placed on the works of Mapplethorpe, Schor, Sherman, Rainer, Livingston and Stoppard. Includes name and theme index. 337 bibl. ref.

Phelan's critical analysis of this anthology of performance foregrounds issues of corporeality, racial and sexual difference, reproductive rights and AIDS. Cultural practices of photography, film, theatre, political protest and performance art are discussed in relation to pshycoanalytic and feminist theories. Emphasis is placed on the works of Mapplethorpe, Schor, Sherman, Rainer, Livingston and Stoppard. Includes name and theme index. 337 bibl. ref.

In the history of political contestation in South Sulawesi as the election, there has never been a woman who has won an election. Moreover, the female candidate is a newcomer in the constituency, while his political opponents in the election are the incumbent. an incumbent is considered to have a greater opportunity than the other candidates, because it is considered to have more capital as the level of popularity and figuritas. Women in the political contest would also have the same opportunities as other candidates, although the participation of women in a political contest still an issue - an issue that marginalize women. It still can be minimized depending on how the power of modality which is owned by the candidates, in which a candidate must have akumalasi more capital so as to win a dispute. This study aimed to analyze and learn how modality which is owned by the candidates in the administration of the election, studies in Indah Putri Indriani as regent elected in the district of North Luwu, South Sulawesi Province Year 2015. The method in this research is qualitative research. The technique of collecting data through interviews and documentation. The results of this study found four dominant modality owned by Lovely Daughter Indriani compared to the incumbent candidate. The modality is social capital, cultural, political and economic. This proves that the beautiful daughter Indriani as a woman and also newcomers are able to accumulate the capital it has, so it managed to win a political contest and also became the first female Regent in South Sulawesi.

The planned resettlement of settlements in the course of the expansion of open-cast mining in the Kolubara mining basin has an impact on all aspects of social life in the municipality of Lazarevac. Primarily, this impact is reflected in the demographic development of the area. The expansion of coal mining and the immediate proximity to Belgrade, are the cause of significant demographic shifts. The municipality has 33 settlements, a third of which are located in the exploitation area. The number of inhabitants in some settlements is drastically decreasing, and some of them are completely displaced, while on the other side, there is a sudden influx of population in the city of Lazarevac and the secondary centres of the municipality (Veliki Crljeni, Stepojevac), both from the municipal territory and from other parts of Serbia, motivated by the economic advantages of Lazarevac and its surroundings. This fact determines the trend of a constant increase in the number of inhabitants in urban settlements in all observed intercensal periods from 1948 to 2022, while the decline in the number of inhabitants in rural settlements has been observed since the 1981-1991 census period. The sudden increase in the number of inhabitants in urban settlements since the 1980s can be explained by the intensification of mining operations and the process of expropriation taking place in rural settlements. According to the last census in 2022 – 55,146 inhabitants live on the territory of Lazarevac municipality, of which 27,635 live in the only urban settlement in the municipality and 27,511 in rural settlements. The data indicates that for the first time, the urban population in the municipality exceeds the rural population. This paper focuses on analysing the impact of the decades-long development of mining activity on the territory of the municipality of Lazarevac on the population and the comprehensive development of the settlement, both in a positive and negative context. The research also focuses on the transformation of the settlement environment caused by the expansion of open-cast mining, with an emphasis on the changes in the demographic characteristics of the settlement. The paper is based on the analysis of data from the Statistical Office of the Republic of Serbia, settlement regulation plans in the process of resettlement, the plan for the mining area of the Kolubara lignite basin and other sources relevant to the understanding of the given problem, as well as on the spatial representation of data using GIS software and tools. If we compare the dynamics of the expansion of the mines and the population of the Lazarevac municipality (before the start of open-cast mining and today), certain trends can be observed that make it possible to understand the demographic aspect of the process of planned displacement.

This research aims to examine how women's representation in legislative elections is for legislative candidates in the 2024 political contestation. This problem aims to see how the political party, namely the Indonesian Solidarity Party, represents the representation of women legislative candidates in the 2024 legislative election. Contestation in 2024, this is of course It only has a basis, namely that the party that will be studied is the Indonesian Solidarity Party, which is strong in prioritizing equality and is a young party. The type of research used is qualitative descriptive research. The method used in this research is a qualitative research method. The aim of this qualitative research is to understand the conditions of a context by leading to in-depth interviews with various subjects related to the problems raised in this research in detail and in depth regarding a portrait of the condition of the problem being studied, regarding what actually happened according to what happened. in the field of study. The results of the research show that there are many fact interesting that occur in the efforts to fulfill women's representation by the Medan City DPD PSI, so it is ironic that not one female legislative candidate has succeeded in becoming a representative in the Medan City DPRD. The enactment of regulations to realize the presence of women is also just a mere formality which is carried out because of the difficulty of attracting women's hearts and the lack of optimal support from female cadres in political contestation which causes the political world to become powerless and too masculine for women..

There is currently much public debate around the possibilities of political participation for minors. Although the West has historically evolved to perceive children as not developed enough to participate in politics, adolescence remains an ambivalent period between childhood and adulthood. This article investigates the question of how adolescents may participate in politics when the latter is associated primarily with the realm of adulthood. The adolescents’ participation in two recent protest movements in Russia are compared: the ‘For Fair Elections’ movement (2011–2012) and the anti-corruption rallies (2017–2018). In-depth interviews with the high-school-aged protesters collected in these two time periods show that the minors’ political practice has evolved in the period between two movements. In the 2011–2012 protest, adolescents understood themselves to be ‘immature kids’ in the political arena who were not able to act of their own accord. By the 2017–2018 protest, however, their self-perception had changed, with adolescent interviewees viewing themselves as full-fledged political actors. These differences are explained by the changes in political socialization of 2017–2018 adolescent protesters compared to their counterparts in 2011–12. At the end, the theoretical implications of the analysis for the cases outside of the Russian context are shown.

In the first months of life, babies develop visual perception. The notions of space evolve in the everyday of experiences, the recognition of the self through your body, and relationships with others. The topological notions developed by babies correspond to closeness, proximity, continuity and separation. As babies grow, their skills are developed both in the projective space and in the geometric space. These even influence the baby's development in an integral way. This article intends to present results of the topological notions of closure, proximity separation and projections in the baby’s space. This qualitative research is developed under a descriptive perspective with interdisciplinary contributions. Data collection was made from cartography, photographic and filmic records of babies in different cities in Brazil and Colombia. The reflections developed point to the development of perception from the offer of multiple experiences since the first months. In addition, it is evident that the understanding of important mathematical concepts happens since the beginning of life, from everyday experiences of exploration and relationship with spaces and regardless of the formal school learning of geometry and its concepts.

Late Qing imperial authority was challenged by a new pattern of political contestation in early twentieth-century China. Adopting the idiom of politics, constitutional reformists advanced new political claims against the state, using as a device to limit and transform the power of the dynasty.' Yulun, the character compound the reformists used for public opinion, dated back to at least the third century, and had been used throughout Chinese history to describe elite within the bureaucracy.2 The constitutionalists invested this old term with a new political meaning in the early 1900s, redefining it as the collective (gonglun) of the common people (yiban renmin) toward government and society (Min, 1908). This redefinition reflected the reformists' larger agenda of forcing the transition from dynastic to politics. The Qing court unwittingly advanced this agenda by adopting the new political idiom itself, declaring in the 1906 edict on constitutional preparation that all affairs of state would be open to opinion (shuzheng gongzhu yulun) (Qingmo choubei lixian dang'an shiliao, 1979: 44). As the terms of the political discourse shifted, so did the practice of politics. In the turbulent final years of Qing rule, yulun rapidly evolved from a political construction into an organized force demanding its own legal institutionalization. Conflicts over the ersatz reform of the official system in 1906, national rights to the Suzhou-Hangzhou-Ningbo Railway in 1907, the limitations of the powers of provincial assem-

This article examines the practice of political articulation of power carried out by a Village Head during their leadership. The practice of articulating power is ethical but also political because the public understands that what is done is a sign of power politics that can be said to be "unique" and anti-mainstream. In the current political tradition, community improvement actions are often carried out because of disappointment or dissatisfaction with someone's leadership. On the contrary, in Malang, there was mass action, but they forced the incumbent to be willing to advance again in the political contestation in the second period of the election. This study aims to reveal the meaning of the practice of power articulation that becomes a political practice. This study uses a qualitative method with a purposive sampling technique on four informants whom the researchers chose based on data validity. Therefore, several research results were found using qualitative research analysis, data collection, data reduction, data presentation, and conclusions, including 1) blusukan and absorbing aspirations, 2) light-hearted leaders, and 3) leaders of the people. From here, the markers of charismatic leadership were articulated by Gaguk during his tenure as the village head of Kaliarsi Villa.