TAW 2018 Conference Proceedings [Co-habitation tactics] Imagining Future Spaces in Architecture, City and Landscape

The in-between space is a spatial concept that cannot be defined as either an interior space or an exterior space. It is seen as a bridge between the inside and the outside. The in-between space provides the protection offered by the interior, while at the same time allowing individuals to maintain contact with the outside. The objective of this study was to examine the differences in approaches to the creation of in-between space and the reasons behind the creation of this space between the past and the present. To this end, the study proposed a series of general frameworks for approaches to the creation of in-between space in traditional and contemporary architecture, which were developed through a comprehensive analysis of the extant literature on the concepts of in-between space in both traditional and contemporary architectural practices around the world. Utilising these frameworks, a set of examples of traditional architecture from various regions worldwide (the Middle East, the Balkans, and the Far East) and a set of modern buildings constructed after World War II until the present, from different regions worldwide, were analysed morphologically and spatially. The selection of these examples was based on the literature’s references to the presence of an in-between space. The study's findings revealed that, while the general frameworks are similar, there are remarkable differences in the approaches to the creation of in-between space and the social, functional, and environmental motivations behind its creation between traditional and contemporary architecture, due to the different technological possibilities between the past and present and the complex intellectual backgrounds behind the creation of in-between space in contemporary architecture. The fundamental objective of facilitating human interaction with the external environment persists as the paramount goal in the conception of interstitial space, irrespective of temporal distinctions.

Currently, the energy transition is gaining more and more importance in European energy policy. This article aims to introduce the achievements, contributions and challenges of Europe's current energy transition. The article outlines some of the main energy goals and initiatives proposed and developed by EU institutions. The EU attaches great importance to renewable energy, energy efficiency and reduction of greenhouse gas emissions (GHG), identifying them as the three ultimate supporters for achieving carbon neutrality. The EU aims to be climate neutral by 2050. However, since energy policy requires the joint efforts of EU institutions and the WTO, each WTO plays a key role in achieving the EU's goals. Differences in socio-economic and energy structures between EU WTOs lead to different speeds at which they can achieve EU targets. Taking Germany and Spain as examples, their political policies, measures and actions with regard to the energy transition are assessed. These two countries are just examples of differences in the implementation of EU energy and climate goals. The article also describes the ambitious "Green New Deal" initiative of the EU presidency. The initiative not only identifies key goals, but also safeguards Europe's commitment to the energy and climate transition. However, the plan faced major obstacles. The difference in energy level among member states in the process of energy transition may become an important factor hindering Europe from realizing the goal of energy transition. Another challenge is the opposition of some people, especially those who believe that the energy transition is designed to attract the coming economic and industrial transformation as well as harm their welfare and pose a potential threat to employment. Finally, the energy transition mentioned in this article is not only the responsibility of Spain and Germany, but also the responsibility of the entire European Union and other world economies. Only by working together to promote energy transition and build a community with a shared future for mankind can we make the world a better place. The United Kingdom (UK) also plays a major role in the European Union's (EU) energy transition ahead of its departure from the European Union in 2020. Here are some of the ways the UK is influencing the EU's energy transition:�(i) The first is renewable energy: the UK is one of the EU leaders in the deployment of renewable energy, especially offshore wind. UK expertise and investment in renewable energy helps advance the EU's renewable energy targets and develop innovative technologies for clean energy generation.�(2) The second is climate change: the UK has always been a staunch supporter of EU climate change policies, including the Paris Agreement. Its participation in the EU's efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions helps strengthen the EU's position as a global leader in the fight against climate change.�(iii) The third is the energy market: as an energy consumer and producer, the UK is an important participant in the EU energy market.�(iv) The fourth is energy research and innovation: the UK actively participates in EU-funded energy research and innovation projects. Its contributions to these programs help drive the development of new clean energy technologies and increase the overall effectiveness of the EU's energy transition efforts. Overall, the UK's participation in the EU's energy transition is significant, and its withdrawal poses some challenges for the EU. The impact of Brexit on the EU's energy transition is complex, and it remains to be seen how the EU will adapt to the loss of the UK's contribution to its energy policies and initiatives.�Brexit will also have some impact on the EU's energy transition, especially in the field of renewable energy. First of all, the UK is an important energy market in Europe, and Brexit will have a certain impact on the EU energy market. Second, the UK's own energy policy and future development direction will also affect the EU's energy transition. The United Kingdom has a relatively high level of development in renewable energy, and its policies may change after Brexit, such as reducing subsidies for renewable energy. This may affect the EU's progress in renewable energy, and even delay the EU's energy transition process. In addition, after Brexit, energy trade with the EU may be subject to certain restrictions, and it will take time and resources to form a new trade relationship. This may have some impact on the EU energy market and supply chain. It can be seen that the impact of Brexit on the European Union will affect the various member states of the European Union.�Brexit has brought certain uncertainties and challenges to the EU's energy transition, but at the same time there are also opportunities and potential areas of cooperation, which require the joint efforts of the EU and the UK.Finally, It can be explained how Europe's energy transition will also affect its external relations, for example with Russia, and propose how the two blocs can maintain energy relations in light of the energy transition, in particular through the conversion of natural gas into hydrogen and the storage/use of the resulting of carbon dioxide.

A “lifeline out of the <scp>COVID</scp>‐19 crisis”? An ecofeminist critique of the European Green Deal

Boykoff and Mansfield (2008), in a recent paper in this journal, provide a detailedanalysis of the representation of climate change in the UK tabloid newspapers.They conclude that the representation of this issue in these papers ‘diverged fromthe scientific consensus that humans contribute to climate change’. That is,portrayal of climate change in tabloid newspapers contradicts the conclusions ofthe fourth Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) assessment (IPCC2007). Is it healthy to have the scientific consensus challenged so frequently? Butshould we worry about systematic misrepresentation of scientific consensus? Webelieve the answer to both of these questions is yes. To present regular updates onclimate change issues in the popular press is important because the changes inbehaviour needed to achieve substantial reductions in greenhouse gas emissionsrequire a broad understanding of the basic facts. However, if the majority ofreaders receive misleading information, it will be difficult to achieve the level ofpublic understanding necessary to make such reductions needed to avoiddangerous climate change (Schellnhuber

Cutting through the noise on negative emissions

Climate change is a global issue affecting communities in different parts of the world. Climate change is associated with extreme weather and climate patterns that affect the general health of the environment and humanity. The causes of climate change are both natural and anthropogenic. The human induced climate change has accelerated the emission of greenhouse gases that in turn cause global warming and climate change. The international community have initiated various interventions to minimize emission of greenhouse gases in order to maintain a healthier environment for sustainable development. One such initiative and/or interventions is the energy transition strategy that involves transition from a purely fossil fuel based to renewable energy-based economy. This paper therefore looks at the energy transition in Kenya. Specifically, the paper covers energy demand and supply, Mt CO2 emission; energy transitions process; constraints and opportunities. Kenya is going through a transition period in the energy sector and at the same time the country is striving to industrialize by the year 2023 being guided by the Country’s 2010 Constitution and the Vision 2030 which aims at transforming the country into a middle level economy. It is important that as the country strives to industrialize, the energy that drives the economy should be clean to enhance cleaner energy production. The country is a signatory to the landmark agreement of COP21 held in Paris, France in 2015. The country committed to observe the requirements of the Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) to ensure the reduction of emission of greenhouse gases and has put in place various institutional and legal frameworks towards this end. One of the most recent frameworks is the Climate Change Amendment Act, 2023. The main objective of the study is to assess the energy transition process and associated challenges. The study uses an exploratory design and employed descriptive statistics in data analysis. Data was presented in the form of tables, graphs, and themes. The result indicates that energy transition in Kenya is ongoing through specific processes and technologies. The results also confirm existing challenges and recommends sustained effort for sustainable development.

Despite overwhelming consensus among scientists about the reality of anthropogenic climate change (Bray, 2010; Oreskes, 2004), there remains significant reluctance on the part of citizens and politicians to take the action needed to address it. This resistance has been repeatedly identified in social research (Leiserowitz & Maibach, 2010; Leviston, Leitch, Greenhill, Leonard, & Walker, 2011; Lorenzoni & Pidgeon, 2006; McCright & Dunlap, 2011; Reser, Bradley, Glendon, Ellul, & Callaghan, 2012) and is mirrored by the lack of progress made by salient political summits (Rogelj et al., 2010). Perhaps as a response to this, scholarly journals and articles that are focused on climate change are growing. Natural scientists tell us that we know what needs to be done to avert dangerous climate change (IPCC, 2014), and economists tell us that delaying action in the short term will lead to much greater costs in the long term (Stern, 2007). Understanding public responses to climate change and developing solutions to catalyse action is a critical challenge for the social sciences, and we propose that the development and elaboration of a social psychology of climate change would be a cornerstone of such an approach. We do not make the claim that social psychology has all the answers but rather that the theories, models and research methods of social psychology can provide a powerful arsenal to complement the approaches of other disciplines. Researchers have already begun to apply social psychological theory and methods to the issue of climate change, and we highlight in the following sections examples of the insights that have flowed from this. We cannot assume, though, that our theories and findings will automatically generalise to the climate change context. As Moser (2010) has noted, there are unique dimensions to climate change that make it distinct from other environmental, risk and health issues: The causes of climate change are invisible to humans, the impacts are distal and it is complex and riddled with uncertainties. Modern urban humans are to some extent insulated from their physical environment, and the lags between the climate and social systems make it difficult for people to understand their role in influencing climate. These factors suggest the importance of developing a social psychology of climate change, empirically testing, integrating and refining existing theories and models to develop new frameworks. The notion that psychology can play a role in understanding and addressing climate change is not a new one. The American Psychological Association's Task Force on the interface between psychology and global climate change comprehensively detailed the ways in which psychological research can help to understand people's perceptions of the risks of climate change, the contribution of human behaviour to climate change, the psychosocial impacts of climate change, the ways in which people can adapt and cope with climate change and the psychological barriers that could limit climate change action (Swim et al., 2009, 2011). It is also not a new idea that social psychology can play an important role in understanding and addressing environmental problems and solutions (Clayton & Brook, 2005). Social psychology, specifically, has a long tradition of theory and research that is relevant to addressing key climate change questions. Attitudes, social cognition, persuasion and attitude change, social influence, and intragroup and intergroup behaviour, for instance, are fundamental foci for social psychology and have direct relevance for understanding the human and social dimensions of climate change. The time is ripe to understand the range of research that has been developing in social psychology on attitudes, beliefs and actions, to build upon these insights, and integrate them with knowledge from other sciences to develop models and theories indigenous to the climate change context. In the following section, we provide a brief overview of recent social psychological research that addresses three broad themes relevant to understanding and responding to climate change. These themes are as follows: (i) social psychological influences on climate change attitudes and beliefs; (ii) facilitators and barriers to climate change action; and (iii) changing climate change attitudes and behaviour. Although there is some overlap in these themes, as an organising principle they intuitively map on to key questions that arise in relation to climate change. Our aim is to highlight recent examples of social psychological research that provide interesting and important insights in relation to these themes. Swim, Markowitz, and Bloodhart (2012) have noted that much of the social psychological research on climate change has emerged since 2006; we focus in on the most recent of this research that has been published since 2010. We also outline how the studies in the special issue relate to these themes. We recognise that these are not the only areas where social psychological research and theory can make important contributions but they nevertheless relate to key questions that need to be addressed. We conclude the introduction by proposing considerations that social psychologists could take into account in their future research on climate change. A major focus in the climate change literature and the media more broadly has been on describing climate change attitudes and beliefs. In many developed nations, questions about beliefs and attitudes related to climate change have become a standard component of political polling (e.g. Gallup polls and Lowy Institute polls), and there are comprehensive national and cross-national surveys that address this topic. Examples include US research by the Yale Climate Change Communication project (Leiserowitz, Maibach, Roser-Renouf, & Smith, 2010), national surveys conducted in Australia (Leviston et al., 2011; Reser et al., 2012), and the U.K. (Pidgeon, 2012) and the Eurobarometer research conducted in Europe (The European Opinion Research Group, 2002). As the study of attitudes—their conceptualization, measurement, formation, function and relationship with behaviour—has been a cornerstone of social psychological research, social psychology can make important contributions to these assessments. Note that although social psychological theories usually distinguish between attitudes and beliefs, these terms are often used interchangeably in the climate change research domain, and for the sake of simplicity, we will usually use attitudes to encompass both attitudes and beliefs. Recent reviews of the attitude literature from 1996 to 2009 highlight significant trends and directions in this area of research (Ajzen, 2001; Bohner & Dickel, 2011; Crano & Prislin, 2006). These trends include the role of attitude strength and attitude ambivalence, the distinction between implicit and explicit attitudes, the recognition that attitudes have cognitive and affective underpinnings, and the influence of bodily and external physical cues on attitudes. Recent social psychological research on climate change particularly provides examples of the influence of bodily and external cues and the distinction between cognitive and affective aspects of attitudes, and three of the papers in the special issue address the latter issue. The work on internal bodily and external physical cues is a growing research area with a special issue of the European Journal of Social Psychology devoted to the concept of embodied cognition (Schubert & Semin, 2009). As the distal nature of climate change and the relative insulation of humans from their physical environment are thought to be key barriers to greater engagement with climate change (Moser, 2010), it is perhaps not surprising that this area of research has extended into the climate change domain. Cues that help to 'bring to life' the experience of global warming could help to overcome these psychological barriers. Risen and Critcher (2011) have shown that feelings of warmth increased beliefs in global warming and that this effect was mediated through greater ease in constructing more fluent mental images of hot outdoor images. Other studies have shown that people had greater concern about global warming and donated more money to a global warming charity when they thought that the temperature outside was warmer than usual (Li, Johnson, & Zaval, 2011), that embodied temperature influenced concern for global warming and willingness to volunteer for a global warming group (Lewandowski, Ciarocco, & Gately, 2012) and that priming heat-related cognitions resulted in greater belief in global warming and willingness to pay to reduce global warming (Joireman, Truelove, & Duell, 2010). Physical external cues, in this case the presence of bare trees in the laboratory, also increased belief in global warming (Guéguen, 2012). These studies illustrate how subtle cues can influence climate change attitudes in the moment, although the longevity of these effects on attitudes has not been explored. Another important direction in attitude research that has relevance for climate change is the recognition that attitudes have affective as well as cognitive underpinnings. This is important when considering that the high levels of risk associated with climate change means that it could elicit strong emotional responses. Cognitive approaches to understanding attitudes (e.g. expectancy-value models) have been at the forefront of how we understand attitude formation (Ajzen, 2001). From this perspective, attitudes are the outcome of a cognitive process of evaluating beliefs about the attitude object; for example, a person who has positive beliefs about a climate change policy is likely to hold favourable attitudes to that policy. Consistent with the importance of cognitive, rational processes, Tobler, Visschers, and Siegrist (2012) have shown that perceived costs and benefits of climate change policies were significant predictors of support for these policies and, in most cases, were stronger predictors of behavioural willingness and policy support than other variables (e.g. demographics, climate change concern and climate change scepticism). But there is also evidence for the affective basis of attitudes and even for the primacy of affective aspects of attitudes (Verplanken, Jofstee, & Janssen, 1998; Zajonc, 1984). Recent reviews of the attitude literature suggest that, rather than attitudes being determined by one or the other, affect and cognition are both likely to be important for the formation of attitudes (Ajzen, 2001; Crano & Prislin, 2006). For example, whether affective or cognitive aspects of attitude objects are accessed more readily depends on whether the attitude object itself is more affectively or cognitively based (Giner-Sorolla, 2004). Three articles in the current issue pick up on the cognitive and affective aspects of climate change attitudes and perceptions. Although it seems intuitively likely that having greater knowledge about climate change should be related to climate change attitudes, findings in relation to knowledge have been mixed. Some research has shown that knowing more about the causes and consequences of climate change is associated with greater climate change risk judgments (Sunblad, Biel, & Gärling, 2009), whereas other studies have shown no effects or have suggested the possibility that having more knowledge could even be negatively related to climate change beliefs for those with a politically conservative orientation (Malka, Krosnick, & Langer, 2009; McCright & Dunlap, 2011). Yet, Guy, Kashima, Walker, and O'Neill (this issue) point out that knowledge is usually measured with proxy measures such as scientific literacy or self-reported climate change knowledge rather than objective knowledge of climate change, and therefore, it is premature to dismiss the positive relationship between knowledge and attitudes. Their study used an objective measure of climate change knowledge and shows that people who are more knowledgeable have greater belief that climate change is happening, and, moreover, knowledge attenuates the negative relationship between ideology (i.e. individualism) and climate change attitudes. Van der Linden (this issue) specifically addresses how affect and cognition relate to climate change perceptions. The study investigates the relationship between personal experiences of extreme weather events, affect relating to climate change, and climate change risk perceptions. The results of the structural equation modelling of a national British sample provides support for a dual-process model whereby cognitive appraisals activate risk perceptions, and risk and affect mutually reinforce each other in a feedback loop. The paper by Leviston, Price, and Bishop (this issue) explores the role of affect in climate change responses somewhat differently in that it looks at the images people bring to mind when they think about climate change and assesses the affect associated with these images. The research explores whether the types of images that people associate with climate change might be a way of psychologically and affectively engaging or distancing themselves from climate change. It is not enough that people endorse attitudes that are in tune with scientific consensus on climate change; these attitudes need to translate into positive action, whether that is individual private-sphere behaviours such as 'green' consumerism, public-sphere non-activist behaviour such as voting for political parties with environmentally responsible policies or collective environmental activism that seeks to influence decision-makers (Stern, 2000). These types of distinctions are important as the different classes of behaviour might have quite different facilitators and barriers (Stern, 2000). Another important distinction when considering climate-change-related behaviour is the extent to which it is habitual and automatic versus reasoned and deliberative (Ouellette & Wood, 1998). Automaticity of environmentally harmful behaviour poses a serious barrier, whereas automaticity of environmentally protective behaviour makes future behaviour of this type more likely (Van Lange & Joireman, 2008). Yet another potentially important consideration is the goals associated with behaviours (Lindenberg & Steg, 2007). Behaviours can be performed for a range of reasons, and individuals' perception of their own motives could have implications for their future actions. As an example, energy conservation behaviours could be performed primarily to reduce carbon emissions or to save money; the issue with engaging in environmentally protective behaviours for non-environmental reasons is that it could undermine the development of an environmentalist identity (van der Werff, Steg, & Keizer, 2013) and reduce the likelihood of behavioural spillover (Thøgersen & Crompton, 2009). A range of social psychological theories outline the mechanisms that motivate people to take action, and these have had great reach both inside and outside of social psychology. These theories include (but are not limited to) theory of planned behaviour (Ajzen, 1991), self-determination theory (Deci & Ryan, 2000) and perspectives that foreground the role of norms (e.g. norm focus theory; Cialdini, Reno, & Kallgren, 1990) and the social identity perspective (see Hornsey, 2008 for a recent review). The theory of planned behaviour has been used to examine determinants of a range of private-sphere environmental behaviours including employees' energy-saving behaviours (Greaves, Zibarras, & Stride, 2013; Zhang, Wang, & Zhou, 2014), private landholders' carbon sequestration and trading (Thompson & Hansen, 2013), renewable energy use (Alam et al., 2014) and opposition to wind farms (Read, Brown, Thorsteinsson, Morgan, & Price, 2013). Similarly, research drawing on self-determination theory has identified that experiencing more autonomous, self-determined motivation or perceiving that the government is more autonomy supportive is related to public-sphere and private-sphere environmental behaviours (De Groot & Steg, 2010; Lavergne, Sharp, Pelletier, & Holtby, 2010). Perhaps one of the most important contributions of social psychology to understanding human behaviour has been its theorisation of the influence of social norms (e.g. Cialdini et al., 1990). From a social identity perspective, the social groups to which we belong provide guidelines for appropriate behaviour through the internalisation of group norms (Hogg & Abrams, 1988; Hornsey, 2008). We only need to consider the powerful relationship between political party identification and climate change responses to see evidence of this process (Dunlap & McCright, 2008; Fielding, Head, Laffan, Western, & Hoegh-Guldberg, 2012). According to the social identity perspective, group norms are more likely to guide environmental behaviour when the social identity is more central and salient (Fielding, Terry, Masser, & Hogg, 2008; Terry, Hogg, & White, 1999). Furthermore, in salient intergroup contexts, in-group members tend to polarise away from out-group members, and their environmental intentions and behaviour will become more in-group normative (Ferguson, & 2011; & 2012). and (this issue) our understanding of how social identity and associated in-group norms influences climate-change-related behaviour. on social identity to distinguish between dimensions of group identification and whether different dimensions are more likely to guide behaviour. that extent to which group identity is important to the and rather than among group the relationship between group norms and when those behaviours are high Although much of the research to has focused on understanding and private-sphere environmental and (van & have extended their model of with collective to understand responses to climate change (Van & 2008). on a perspective & Swim, 2011), they propose and provide evidence for for people to with the climate and In the case of climate change, is a likely to be by and to the extent that they they be more likely to take action to reduce their can also be through that to their beliefs about whether group action will be in with climate change. and (this issue) this research by determinants of intentions to in collective climate emotional specifically on and as central and social norms into the Their findings that the perceived norm intentions to take part in a climate perceptions of and group In the section, we a brief overview of theories that could help to understand climate-change-related and these approaches suggest variables to to effect change. For example, research has shown the of to influence environmentally related behaviour et al., 2013; et al., 2010; Cialdini, & 2008; Cialdini, & 2008; & 2013; et al., 2012). In this section, we focus on research that addresses key that might be when to influence climate-change-related attitudes, beliefs and actions. important direction in research has been the of how to climate change to positive in climate change attitudes and beliefs. From a social psychological perspective, one of the of is the role of attitudes in & Dickel, 2011). A of the literature to a effect of attitudes on for versus et al., 2009), and there is evidence that this is more likely when people hold strong attitudes & 2007). This that people's attitudes will influence how they to to change climate-change-related attitudes and beliefs, and research is broadly with this. greater to on climate change with their own & and are more likely to climate when it to their beliefs & 2011; & 2013). In response to this, some have climate to be more when they with the For example, with greater had greater intentions when with that behaviour as the American way of & 2010), and climate greater intentions when with that the positive effects of climate change on the development of new Hornsey, & 2012). the of more we know from the work of and that people are risk and that risk in ways that highlight the of can be more than that focus on In the of climate change where is a of the and (2011) have shown that climate change that the the but the possibility of stronger intentions to and (this issue) on the model of & 2013) to provide a for climate change In they with one of policies that in renewable energy or limit The with the policies was when the with the policy. there was more with a policy of in renewable energy an when it was in terms of whereas greater was for a policy of emissions a when it was as also that the focus of their responses to the Another key issue that be is the possibility of to climate change and the risks to human and from climate change, of and are central to the of climate change. the effects of in relation to health behaviour & & 2000) provide evidence that elicit greater attitude and behaviour change but only when the is by of responses propose that people that response are and they have the to out the they will in behaviours to the there is this in to the such as or The for to climate change is in a study by and greater of climate change among with stronger beliefs who had been with about climate change, whereas this not on more Research has also shown that of to from climate change, particularly can be made more take the perspective of the by climate change (Swim & in to climate change also when social are & 1999). For example, when were to evidence of energy use by their own they were more likely to climate change to causes than when the was about 2013). Furthermore, this greater to causes was negatively associated with climate change concern and support for climate change that help reduce identity can greater engagement with climate change. on the and (2010) that a to reduce the of of climate change and personal with climate change and environmental behaviour. Although can help reduce to climate change, and (this issue) that the for to environmental problems can undermine individuals' willingness to take environmental as progress that can to future environmental and human health problems can reduce the likelihood of engaging in environmentally behaviour. The is perceptions of that a of in an as the idea of scientific progress our the need to through individual actions. The from this research is that it is important not to scientific of the major barriers that has been identified in relation to action to address climate change is the distal nature of the et al., major consequences will in the future and are perceived as more likely to affect other those who are already most This of climate change that that reduce the between and the future or between the and other humans help to overcome this In support of this, that focus on environmental consequences of climate change help climate change engagement & 2013), and to take the perspective of a future human experiencing environmental problems environmental engagement & 2013). The research of and (this issue) to whether our human identity can influence willingness to take environmental Consistent with research, they that are related to greater willingness to in environmental is though, is that priming people who have to think about to have high related to potentially it an intergroup context. This provides evidence of the of about climate change and the need to understand the Social psychology can also point to some and to greater willingness to in to address climate change. and (this issue) that that whether have an versus an can make a to how many behaviours they consider engaging In that had out behaviours they would not consider resulted in being to in more behaviours than an where people consider what they would consider from a In this introduction to the special we highlight areas where social psychological research has important insights to understanding climate change attitudes, beliefs and what influences these and how they can be We used recent social psychological research and the papers from this current issue to illustrate key The strength of a social psychological of climate change is that it can help us to understand the of responses to climate change, for example, how attitudes can be influenced by both affect and cognition, how attitudes and beliefs can responses to climate change and people to climate change with and It can also provide and to the of climate change It is to see the and of social psychological research that addresses important questions related to climate change, although this has been a recent (Swim et al., 2012). we are to to make important contributions to this area of research, though, we propose that social psychologists should consider the following in their future We noted that there are a range of that can take to address climate change, from private-sphere behaviours to non-activist public-sphere behaviours to environmental activism (Stern, 2000). Although all of these approaches can some have greater than & 2009). have greater to influence and and to effect Despite this, social psychological research often investigates private-sphere actions. As a we can our contribution to climate change research by our focus to individual behaviours and public-sphere responses to climate change & 2008). As a we are to what is about climate change. The groups we belong to and the social we can be powerful influences on our attitudes, beliefs and the effect of political identification on climate change attitudes is a of this. area where these have relevance is in the of national and climate change As an example, and (2012) on social identity to the in that when the of individual and other become a identity can that will lead to greater likelihood of The consideration of intergroup and how these or positive responses to climate change (e.g. climate change and introduction of climate change is an area that could provide important A critical distinction made in relation to climate change is between and According to the on Climate Change the to human to reduce the impacts of climate change, whereas the latter to that can be made to human or systems that can help to the or the that would from or climate change and are even the measures will not some of climate change, and is needed to with this (IPCC, Yet the issue of psychological has been in climate change & Swim, 2011). This is for at (i) as noted some of climate change is research on is and (ii) a lack of understanding of could in that to or reduce to climate change that impacts or of other or social & social psychological research is to be a serious to the climate change research greater needs to be focused on of The need to to the distinction between and to the need for social psychologists to work with other disciplines. et we social psychologists to become with the and research of other relevant that address climate change to the relevance and reach of social psychological research in this that solutions to climate change cannot be developed by one the issue systems including and A is and social psychology can make a significant contribution by methods and theories that help social and cognitive In we in this introduction to the special issue to foreground social psychological theories and findings relevant to key climate change questions. Although social psychology can a of and the social psychology of climate change is and more needs to be done we have a of and theories that are to climate change. we this, the of social psychology is likely to be at the of climate We that the special issue can help the progress that has been made and catalyse the development of an indigenous social psychology of climate change. We social psychologists to this that we can be part of the to one of the and environmental of our

So far, the climate on the Earth, from beginning to end, has been changing, making in circle and not stopping. About this point, the specialists seemly have no disagreement. However, About causes of climate change, they indeed have divergence, and as for whether carbon dioxide is or not main cause of global climate warming, their divergence is much more large. Some specialists considered that natural factors are main causes led to climate change, and influence of anthropological factors on climate change is very very small. However, the other specialists considered that anthropological factors are important cause led to climate change, and also emission of greenhouse gases is main causes led to climate warming and at which, emission of carbon dioxide is the most main cause led to global climate warming. Still also some specialists consisted that carbon dioxide emitted by human activities is a chief culprit led to global warming. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) stated that the climate on the Earth is warming. Emission of greenhouse gases led to climate warming, and carbon dioxide is main cause led to climate warming, and especially the carbon dioxide emitted by human activities is the most main cause led to global warming. Now, the climate on the earth is getting more and more warming. If the people did not control emission of carbon dioxide, the global climate warming would bring ecological cataclysm to the mankind. The climate change theory described by IPCC is called “Global warming” theory, or “Greenhouse effect” theory. The global warming theory, or greenhouse effect theory, has had very large influence on the all over the world. In China, also there are a lot of people who believe that “global warming” is true, is right and is scientific. Especially in Chinese academic circles, there are many specialists who especially believe “global warming”, and they forcefully trumpeted that the global climate is getting more and more warming. The carbon dioxide was considered as a chief culprit resulted led to global warming. Still also there are some people who placed “ global warming” theory on the god altar, and accepted some people to prostrate themselves in worship. The “Global warming” theory put forward by IPCC, at home and abroad, all has received a lot of serious criticism. According to basic theory of classical physics and basic fact of climate observation, we can prove that emission of greenhouse gases is not main cause led to climate change, and also carbon dioxide is not most main cause led to climate warming, and still also carbon dioxide emitted by human activities was not a chief culprit led to global warming. Thus, large decrease of emission of carbon dioxide cannot control the greenhouse effect, and also cannot prevent climate warming, and still also cannot stop happening of climate cataclysm.

Editorial: Governing the EU's climate and energy transition through the 2030 Framework

Homo Sapiens Sapiens Progressive Defaunation During The Great Acceleration: The Cli-Fi Apocalypse Hypothesis

Debate over climate change is nothing new. Scientists have been arguing about whether greenhouse gases released by human activity might change the climate since the late nineteenth century, when Swedish chemist Svante Arrhenius first proposed that industrial emissions might cause global warming.1 Fueled by partisan bickering, this dispute now is more bellicose than ever.

The current European context, affected by the dramatic conflict between Russia and Ukraine and the related energy and food shortages, is putting a strain on the natural gas availability of the European member states. The latter are forced to new negotiations with other potential energy suppliers, to urgent internal measures to reduce energy demand and, at the same time, to fulfil their commitments to internationally agreed climate targets, where the energy transition is a key strategy. A sustainable energy transition strategy is also essential in circular economy implementation (CE), requiring the replacement of fossil energies with renewable ones. In turn, the energy transition should meet the CE principles to reduce the consumption of natural resources and the contribution to climate change. In this context, this study assesses the environmental impacts of the Italian and EU electricity mixes under different governmental and research scenarios and perspectives, by means of the Life Cycle Assessment approach (Midpoint and Endpoint LCA). Results show that the shift from the BAU electricity mix (year 2021) to the emergency Government plan scenario (2021–2023) replacing 14% of Russian natural gas by means of 42% oil and coal and 58% renewables slightly reduces the contribution to Midpoint LCA impact indicators, including global warming and fossil resource scarcity, while still contributing to particulate matter formation, terrestrial acidification, eco-toxicity and water consumption. The contribution to global warming further decreases in the other modelled scenarios, where natural gas is assumed to decrease from 30% to a high 60% in favour of renewables (Governmental plan 2030 scenario). Other impacts, in particular terrestrial and human toxicity, are instead expected to worsen, calling for much needed improvement of renewable technologies. Further, the Endpoint LCA impact indicators, expressed as DALY (human health damage), lost species potential (biodiversity damage) and increased costs for the extraction of mineral and fossil resources, improve in the Governmental Plan 2030 scenario and other modelled options. LCA shows to be a key method for the energy transition, in order to identify hotspots of modelled electricity scenarios and suggest more environmentally, circular and socially just improvement solutions. The adoption of the concept of CE in energy transition entails the expansion of the boundaries of an LCA to include the end-of-life of renewable technologies (so-called “cradle to cradle” approach) and the assessment of the most successful options to mitigate the environmental and social impacts of energy transition.

The aim of this work is to review and analyze the needs of citizens and the city, concerning the cultural, spiritual and intellectual development, for the subsequent creation of comfortable, diverse cultural and educational space in each area of the city. The paper studies the creation of the cultural and educational environment and examines the socio-cultural situation in the city. Design/methodology/approach: The theoretical approach is based on works of sociologists and philosophers, cultural studies, and a few studies of architects. In fact, there is no systematic approach to design of cultural and educational spaces in Russian cities. As a result, in practice a lack of understanding is identified for the role of the city environment as a social and economic system. There is also a shortage of such studies concerning Krasnoyarsk. As a result, the paper poses problems of designing a system of cultural space and complexes that currently develop in Krasnoyarsk. The role of culture for the city life along with the historical influence of cultural centers on the city development are considered. Research findings: Analyzing the location of cultural objects on the city map one can observe a stereotype that is established in the minds of people: the center is a cultural point, and the absence of cultural sites on the periphery or a sharp decrease of their quantity in non-central districts is supposedly normal. In most cities of Russia the phenomenon of cultural monocentricity is observed. It implies the concentration of the cultural function in the city center and its deficit on the periphery can be noticed. The analysis of needs of citizens is made for the potential subsequent creation of models of cultural and educational spaces in each city area. Practical implications: Based on the results, current trends and algorithms of the implementation of proposed scheme are suggested. Recommendations for approaches to the architectural design of cultural and educational complexes and spaces are made. Cultural and educational complexes seem not as vital for surviving as, for example, schools, universities, hospitals, etc. However, it is necessary to support the desire of citizens to visit cultural places, progress, learn independently (outside school or university), engage in creativity and create all possible conditions for their implementation. Originality/value: Taking into account the existing theoretical studies, a sociological survey is compiled for residents of the city. Using various theories, the needs for cultural development and social recognition are investigated. Based on the survey, a problem was formulated, and suggestions were made about the need for further research. It is found that the presence or absence of cultural spaces significantly influence the life of people in a particular district or city: the lack of alternatives for self-expression and leisure provokes the rise of internet, television and other forms of destructive activities, slowing down the cultural development of the city. The study provides the complex strategic solution for the problem.

Zhou, Q., 2020. Research on architectural space design of coastal cities based on virtual reality technology. In: Bai, X. and Zhou, H. (eds.), Advances in Water Resources, Environmental Protection, and Sustainable Development. Journal of Coastal Research, Special Issue No. 115, pp. 13-16. Coconut Creek (Florida), ISSN 0749-0208.The development of coastal city building areas is of great significance. As the city's most direct "gateway", the coastal zone develops marine resources and marine cultural industries. Whether the coastal city architecture is harmonious with the city space it is located in depends on the public's feeling in a considerable part. Simply speaking, it is the feeling of people in the created space. Hydrophilicity is a natural instinct of people. The development and utilization of coastal landscape can not only create a "poetic" landscape effect, but also use certain means to expand space. Starting from the three essential elements of space, time, space and matter, this paper discusses the new changes in the concept of architectural space and the thinking of space design in coastal cities. Virtual reality to express and imagine the world is always the source for people to create art and change the world. Virtual reality technology will play a more important role in the future coastal city landscape planning and design.

One of the current debatable global problems is climate change or global warming as crucial geopolitical risks. The progress of energy transition by considering geopolitical risk has not been considered seriously yet. This paper contributes to the literature by modeling and analyzing energy transition patterns in Russia with emphasis on geopolitical risks factor as a giant fossil fuels producer using the ARDL bounds testing method over the period of 1993–2018. The main results proved long-run negative impact of economic growth, population growth and inflation rate on energy transition of Russia, while CO2 emissions, geopolitical risk, exchange rate and financial openness have positive impacts on energy transition movement in the country. Furthermore, we found out that in the short-run, the relationship between energy transition improvement and economic growth, CO2 emissions, population growth and inflation rate is negative, while geopolitical risk, exchange rate and financial openness are the only variables which accelerate energy transition in the country. As major concluding remarks, Russia’s policy makers should draw attention to the long-run energy plans in the country. Furthermore, lowering dependency of Federals’ budget to the oil and gas revenues would be a useful policy to reduce negative impact of economic growth on energy transition movement in the country. Another recommendation is to determine rapid decarbonizing policies in the country.