Structured Analysis of Livestock Farming Practices and European Green Deal Targets

Intensive livestock farming in the European Union (EU) produces significant quantities of manure, leading to an excess of nutrients, primarily nitrogen and phosphorus, which cause substantial damage to the environment and human health, for instance due eutrophication and air pollution. Traditional manure processing methods often prove inefficient and costly for both the agricultural sector and society. This research focuses on the potential to reduce the agri-food chain's environmental impact by integrating advanced nutrient recovery technologies into the manure processing sector, such as ammonia stripping and scrubbing. This study provides a holistic approach to achieving circular nutrient management, divided into six research sections, each investigating different aspects of nutrient recycling. The study begins with a detailed analysis of nutrient flows in the agricultural food chain of regions with high livestock density, such as Flanders, mapping inefficiencies, emissions, waste streams and recovery potentials. Based on the identified streams with high recovery potential, Chapter 3 optimizes the operational parameters of nitrogen recovery by NH3 stripping-scrubbing from manure streams with a new economic decision model. This model points towards significant cost saving potential and efficiency gains. In Chapter 4, the generated results are validated by implementing and monitoring NH3 stripping-scrubbing at a large-scale pig manure processing facility. Chapter 5 extends the focus to the manure market, examining the impact of the Nitrates Directive and the proposed RENURE amendment on the adoption of the studied nutrient recovery technologies in a region with intensive livestock farming. This chapter also includes an innovate approach to evaluate the costs of externalities of different manure management options. Chapter 6 explores the possibility of integrating decentralized nitrogen recovery into centralized fertilizer production by developing a generic mathematical model that optimizes the supply chain. Finally, Chapter 7 evaluates the effects of the proposed RENURE amendment on the acceptance of nutrient recovery technologies across the EU and the economic costs related to manure and fertilization management. This chapter uses a spatially explicit model to analyse the variability of optimal nutrient recovery strategies across regions and assess their contribution to reducing the greenhouse gas effect according to the EU’s Farm-to-Fork strategy. The models and evaluation methods developed in this thesis can be further utilized by researchers and government organizations to facilitate a transition in the livestock sector, reducing costs and environmental impacts. The thesis also highlights the urgency of improving livestock manure management, and its results can inform the evaluation of technologies and management options for policymakers.

The agriculture and food production sectors are of great importance for the economy of every country, especially for the member states of the European Union (EU). The European Union started implementing the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) in 1962. In order to solve the problems and adapt the agricultural policy to the needs of each member country, in the course of years, there have been numerous Common Agricultural Policy reforms. The new EU's agricultural policy emphasizes the multi functionality of agriculture and integrates the environmental component in the form of the environmental management that encourages the sustainable "green agriculture" and the implementation of environmental measures. On the other hand, the process of integration to the EU require from potential member states to pursue the necessary political, institutional, legal, administrative, social and economic reforms required to comply with EU values, progressively aligning with EU rules, standards, policies and practices. For the Republic of Serbia, this issue is extremely important as it should gradually harmonize its agricultural and rural policy with the CAP, in the viewpoint of a potential EU member state. IPARD, pre-accession EU assistance for rural development, focuses specifically on rural areas and agro food sectors of countries in the process of joining the European Union (EU). The new IPARD III programmes for the 2021-27 period further promotes a gradual alignment with the rules of the EU’s common agricultural policy. However, the adoption and implementation of the Republic of Serbia acquis with the EU in the field of agricultural and rural policy will require significant financial and technical investments in the future.

The European Union (EU) has long discursively positioned itself as a global frontrunner for sustainability and climate protection. Nevertheless, substantive progress toward sustainability goals has not been reached in several governance areas, such as transport and mobility. Especially at the local scale, the highly complex and technocratic EU policy framework is confronted with increasingly polarized claim-making regarding ecological, social and economic problems. With its recent Green Deal governance architecture, the European Commission has sought to address this ideational and institutional fragmentation and resulting stalemate toward reaching “climate neutrality” by proposing ambitious sectoral policies and new governance instruments. This problem-driven paper exploratively investigates the ongoing reconfigurations the Green Deal induces within EU governance. Using the example of the urban mobility sector and employing an interpretive analysis of key policy documents and expert/stakeholder interviews, the paper links the literatures on EU governance architectures and norm dynamics. It discusses potentials and pitfalls for meaning-making processes in times of the socioecological polycrisis. Notably, it critically evaluates the Green Deal’s capacity to open and sustain spaces for translating sustainability across horizontally and vertically fragmented realms of EU governance.

The awareness of the environment, climate, and nature that emerged worldwide in the 1970s has paralleled the actions taken in the European Union (EU) under the United Nations. In the EU, the environmental title was given a legal basis for the first time with the entry into force of the Single European Act, and action on the environment and climate change became the main priorities of the EU in all areas with the amendments in the founding treaties. This study examines environmental and climate policy in the EU and the process known as the green transition in the EU. The study consists of three sections. The first section discusses the environment and the development of climate change awareness in the world and the EU, while the second section underlines the EU's environmental and climate change approaches and policies. The third and final section highlights the development and green transition strategy adopted by the EU in 2019 and the “Green Deal” strategy paper. The study concludes that the “Green Deal” is at the heart of the so-called green transition process in the EU, that the goals sought by the Deal are very ambitious, that it is almost impossible to achieve the corresponding goals without an effective/coercive political mechanism, and that the EU is planning a green transition rather than a green transformation.

Over the last decade, much controversy has surrounded the usage of genetically modified organism (GMO) technology in commercial agriculture. More specifically, it is feared that GMOs may introduce new allergens into the food chain or contribute to antibiotic resistance. At the current time, the European Union (EU) adopts a zero tolerance policy toward "non-approved" GMO imports, whilst the approval process has not kept pace with the proliferation of new GMO varieties. In the EU livestock sectors, this apparent mis-match threatens to interrupt supplies of high protein feed inputs (e.g., soymeal) from countries with more relaxed regulations regarding GMOs. Employing a well known multi-region computable general equilibrium framework, this study quantitatively assesses the impact of a hypothetical EU import ban on unapproved GMO varieties of soybean and maize imports on livestock, meat and dairy sectors. The model code is heavily modified to improve the characterisation of the agricultural sectors and land usage, whilst a realistic baseline is employed to update the global database to 2008, the year the hypothetical ban is implemented. In the "worst case" scenario, there are significant competitive losses in EU livestock, meat and dairy sectors. In Spain, the negative impacts are particularly pronounced given the importance of pig production in agriculture. In contrast, all non-EU regions' trade balances improve, with notable trade gains in the USA and Brazil. To conclude, the EU must urgently find a long term strategy for GMOs if it is to reconcile political expediency with pragmatic economic concerns.

The goal of the Paris Agreement is to limit the global average temperature increase to 1.5 °C. In order to significantly reduce the risks and impacts of climate change, greenhouse gas emissions must be reduced as soon as possible. By signing the Paris Agreement in 2021, Turkiye has committed to reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 41% by 2030. The livestock sector, which is an important economic resource, also has a significant share in greenhouse gas emissions in Turkiye. In this study, it was analyzed the greenhouse gas emissions resulting from livestock in Izmir, the 3rd largest city of Turkiye. For this purpose, greenhouse gas emissions and carbon footprint resulting from livestock farming in Izmir were calculated according to the IPCC 2019 Guidelines and Tier 1 methodology. The total carbon footprint of livestock in Izmir was determined as 2826.5 thousand tons CO2eq (ttonCO2eq). These total emissions were calculated as 1492 ttonCO2eq (53%) from enteric fermentation, 1120.5 ttonCO2eq (39%) from CH4 in manure management, and 214 ttonCO2eq (8%) from N2O in manure management. Sustainable method suggestions were also studied in order to achieve Turkiye’s greenhouse gas reduction commitment. The results show that a sustainable change in manure management method, such as biogas production from manure, can reduce the carbon footprint by 30%. As a result, sustainable manure management methods, nutrition, and animal welfare should be included in agricultural policies as methods that help reduce Turkiye’s greenhouse gas emissions.

The Green Deal declares that climate change and environmental degradation means a threat to Europe and the whole world. In order to be able to respond effectively to the challenges in this context in the European Union, we need a new growth strategy that will transform the EU economy into a modern, resource-efficient and the economic growth is independent for the resource utilization economic. This research is a very timely issue in the livestock farming sector, because the livestock farming sector has a highest emission of ammonia and greenhouse gasses among all the agricultural sectors. The possible effective solution for this problem is the application of the circular farming in the manure management. The methodology of the test is to contact different precision technology applying companies, to assess the methods of the technologies and the assessment of the efficiency of the technologies used as far as production and the reduction of harmful emissions are concerned. In the course of research, we are assessing the achievement of the strategic goals set out the Digital Agricultural Strategy, the Common Agricultural Policy and the Green Deal in the case of the model livestock farms.

The European Union (EU) aspires to become a global climate power. Climate neutrality became the guiding principle, the goal, and the pillar of the EU’s external policy after the Green Deal endorsement. The Green Deal is internationalized through a system of external policy instruments, including financial, trade and investment mechanisms, carbon border adjustment and emission trading, agreements with other countries, development support, and promotion of the EU’s regulation and standards through cooperation in international institutions. The normative documents and proposals on the key initiatives have been put forward, and the formats and plans for implementation are being discussed and defined. In this context, it is important to analyze the EU’s initiatives for internationalization of green transformation goals and to identify risks and opportunities related to their implementation. This article reviews the array of external policy instruments and initiatives deployed by the EU: the new trade policy of “open strategic autonomy” and the initiative on trade and sustainable development in the World Trade Organization (WTO); the framework for the screening of foreign direct investments and the taxonomy of environmentally sustainable investment and economic activity; new approaches to energy security and the building of global energy markets, including norms and standards for hydrogen markets; and the new neighbourhood policy, including the new strategy for Central Asia and the Neighbourhood, Development and International Cooperation Instrument. Given the initial stage of the initiative’s implementation, the study focuses on the adopted documents and planned actions. The author assesses the potential impact of climate policy internationalization instruments on EU-Russia economic cooperation and on EU leadership in shaping global climate governance. The author asserts that a number of instruments bear risks for the Russian Federation’s economic projects and proposes recommendations for abating them. With regard to global governance, the EU’s commitment to integrate climate goals into the global agenda may serve as a bridge for inclusive governance. At the same time, the EU’s determination to impose its priorities through carrot and stick incentives, including through economic measures, on partners not sharing the EU’s approach may be destructive. The author concludes that the EU’s capacity to build constructive engagement with partners will be a test of the EU’s real leadership. Given that the Green Deal’s external dimension is intended not only to promote EU priorities and values, but also to advance the global public good, controversies arise with regard to the instruments, not the goals. Thus, it is in the interests of Russia, as well as other partners directly affected, not to oppose the export of the EU’s climate policy, but to cooperate to mitigate unintended consequences of its deployment and to shape inclusive global governance.

Policy strategies targeting imprudent antimicrobial use (AMU) in livestock farming have been established at the global and country levels, recognising the risks associated with antimicrobial resistance (AMR). This study evaluates the strategies addressing AMU and AMR in animal farms and the food supply chain in EU Member States using a multimethod approach. Our aim is to contribute to the debates surrounding the goals set by the EU Commission and the 'Strategic framework for collaboration on antimicrobial resistance: Together for One Health'. We first review the policies, strategies and specific legislation in the European Union (EU) and Member States about AMU/AMR in livestock production. We then evaluate the national action plans for AMU reduction in the EU using the progressive management pathway tool from the FAO. Finally, we assess the measures that affect AMU reduction by applying a system generalised method of moments to a 8-year panel of the same countries. According to our results, efforts to reduce AMU could be focused on controlling excessive AMU in the pig sector. Further veterinary training on AMU/AMR and improvements in the performance of the veterinary sector, as well as strengthening the development of multisector and One Health collaboration and coordination, can also contribute to achieving better standards in AMU reduction in the livestock sector and, consequently, for AMR control.

The growing use of fossil fuels and rising greenhouse gas emissions have become critical issues in world politics. The European Union (EU) Green Deal offers to make Europe “the first climate-neutral continent” by 2050. The Green Deal seeks to transform the EU into a resource-efficient, competitive, circular economy. As a normative power in international politics, the EU can influence other actors’ behaviours, which makes it an international norm diffuser. In this sense, the “normative power Europe” concept matches the role of the Green Deal. This article examines if and how the EU Green Deal is a successful tool to maintain the EU’s role as a normative power during carbon neutrality, addressing the opportunities and challenges of the EU Green Deal.

As decarbonization and climate policy are gaining relevance in the European Union (EU) energy policy, the present paper seeks to present both priorities and challenges for of the EU energy transition. As priorities, we outline the key targets and initiatives proposed and set by the European institutions in relation to the energy matters. The EU identifies renewable energy sources, energy efficiency and reduction of the greenhouse gas (GHG) as the three pillars to achieve its carbon neutrality. The final goal for to the EU energy and climate targets is to achieve climate neutrality by 2050. Nevertheless, since given energy policy is being a “shared competence” between the EU institutions and Member States, each Member State plays a critical role for the achievement of the EU energy transition. Different socioeconomic structures and the energy mix across Europe have caused the implementation process of each EU target to develop at a different pace among European countries. We illustrate this drawing on four countries: Italy, the UK, Germany and Poland. We assess their political commitment to the energy transition and their actions regarding energy transformation. These four countries are only an example of the different pace in the implementation of the EU energy and climate targets. The last part of the paper is devoted to the ambitious plan, called Green New Deal, launched by the present Commission President, Ursula von der Leyen. It sets key priorities, reaffirming European commitments to the energy and climate transition. However, the plan faces significant obstacles. For example, division among Member States (North-South and West-East) might be a factor that could undermine the achievement of the European energy transition, due to multiple and divergent interests (also on the future role of the energy transition in the aftermath of COVID-19 and the resulting economic crisis). Another challenge is constituted by popular opposition, especially from those people that see the energy transition — and consequent economic and industrial transformation — as a potential threat to their well-being and jobs, as the French gilets jaunes show. Lastly, we explain that the European energy transition will impact also its external relations, for example with Russia, proposing how the two blocs can preserve their energy relationship in light of the energy transition, notably through the conversion of natural gas to hydrogen and storing/using the resulting CO2.

Employment and farmers’ work in European ruminant livestock farms: A review

Editorial: Governing the EU's climate and energy transition through the 2030 Framework

In this article the main aspects of the European Green Deal proposed by the European Commission in December 2019 are analyzed, putting the Green Deal into the broader context of European Union (EU) climate governance in order to assess whether and how it advances the EU’s climate agenda. Four broad and interrelated categories to evaluate the Green Deal are proposed. Its performance depends on whether it is and will remain a policy priority, despite the COVID-19 emergency and the ensuing economic crisis. Second, successful implementation depends on adequate financial endowment, including the shift of public funding from hydrocarbons to renewables and energy efficiency in post-pandemic economic programmes. The legal competence of EU institutions to coordinate and enforce the implementation of the Green Deal is also essential, as highlighted by ongoing discussions concerning governance to achieve zero net emissions by 2050. Furthermore, international cooperation with third partners on issues such as border carbon adjustment, technology transfers, and green industry will influence both the implementation of the Green Deal in the EU and the contribution of other major emitters to the climate agenda. The impact of the European Green Deal on EU-Russia relations is also investigated. In this respect, it is argued that the Green Deal poses a serious challenge to the traditional pattern of EU-Russia energy trade, which has been dominated by fossil fuels. However, the Green Deal also offers new avenues for cooperation and for a more sustainable EU-Russia energy relationship.

Το βιβλίο διeρeυνά την eξέλιξη της eνοποίησης των Eυρωπαϊκών Κοινοτήτων από τη σκοπιά της οικονομικής ανάπτυξης. Ως οικονομική ανάπτυξη δeν ορίζeται απλά η μeγέθυνση του eισοδήματος αλλά η διeπιστημονική προσέγγιση της δημιουργίας eισοδήματος σe συνδυασμό μe την κοινωνική eυημeρία και τη θέση της ένωσης στον παγκόσμιο ιστό. Η διαδικασία της eυρωπαϊκής eνοποίησης eίναι κάτι μοναδικό στην παγκόσμια οικονομική ιστορία. Η eνοποίηση των Eυρωπαϊκών κρατών eίναι ένα πeίραμα ιδιαίτeρα καινοτόμο και μέχρι σήμeρα διαφορeτικό από όποια άλλη αντίστοιχη προσπάθeια έχeι eκδηλωθeί. Η eπιρροή και οι συνέπeιeς του eίναι τeράστιeς σe πολιτικό, κοινωνικό και οικονομικό eπίπeδο. Eίναι η πρώτη, σe μeγάλη κλίμακα, προσπάθeια οικeιοθeλούς μeταφοράς αρμοδιοτήτων eθνικής οικονομικής πολιτικής σe υπeρeθνικά όργανα και παρά τις μeταγeνέστeρeς πρωτοβουλίeς οικονομικής ολοκλήρωσης σe άλλeς ηπeίρους, παραμένeι η σημαντικότeρη. Έτσι, η μeλέτη της eξέλιξης της, αποτeλeί μια ιδιαίτeρη πρόκληση τόσο για τους οικονομολόγους, όσο και για τους Eυρωπαίους πολίτeς eυρύτeρα, γιατί eίναι απαραίτητο να καταλάβουμe αν η eνοποιητική πορeία ωφeλeί ή όχι την Eυρώπη ως σύνολο, το κάθe κράτος μέλος χωριστά, αλλά και την eπιρροή της σe τρίτeς χώρeς και στην παγκόσμια οικονομία. Η πρωτοτυπία του βιβλίου έγκeιται στην προσπάθeια συγκeρασμού τριών eπιπέδων: Το θeωρητικό υπόβαθρο κάθe πολιτικής για να διαπιστώσeι σe ποιο μέτρο η υπeρeθνική διαχeίριση παίρνeι υπόψη της την eξέλιξη της ακαδημαϊκής έρeυνας και προσπαθeί να κινηθeί μe ταχύτητα και γνώμονα τις διeθνeίς eξeλίξeις. Τη διακυβέρνηση και την eξέλιξη κάθe πολιτικής στα 60 πeρίπου χρόνια της eνοποιητικής διαδικασίας μe τη λογική ότι πολιτική (ακόμα και η οικονομική πολιτική) eίναι η τέχνη του eφικτού και έτσι μόνο μέρος της θeωρίας μπορeί να αποτeλέσeι συναινeτική βάση για πολιτικές αποφάσeις. Την αξιολόγηση των αποτeλeσμάτων κάθe πτυχής της Eυρωπαϊκής οικονομικής πολιτικής από τη σκοπιά των κοινοτικών οργάνων και την ακαδημαϊκή έρeυνα. Η γeνική ιδέα του βιβλίου eίναι να παρουσιαστeί η eμβάθυνση της eνοποίησης μέσα από κάθe πολιτική: η διαλeκτική ανάμeσα στις ρυθμιστικές παρeμβάσeις σe υπeρeθνικό ή eθνικό eπίπeδο eίναι η ουσία της eνοποίησης στη σημeρινή Eυρώπη. Η eνοποίηση του eυρωπαϊκού χώρου ξeκίνησe από έξι κράτη-μέλη και σταδιακά διeυρύνθηκe σe 28 κράτη-μέλη μέχρι το 2015. Συγχρόνως, ο βαθμός eνοποίησης πέρασe από μια ατeλή Κοινή Αγορά σe μια Ένωση μe αυξανόμeνeς υπeρeθνικές δικαιοδοσίeς, έστω και αν κάποιeς από αυτούς υπακούουν σe κανόνeς μeταβλητής γeωμeτρίας. Η σύσφιξη των σχέσeων, δηλαδή η αύξηση της δικαιοδοσίας της υπeρeθνικής παρέμβασης μe αντίστοιχη μeίωση των eθνικών βαθμών eλeυθeρίας, συνήθως αποφασίζeται και νομοθeτeίται σe πeριόδους οικονομικής μeγέθυνσης. Αντίθeτα, σe πeριόδους κρίσης, eπανeμφανίζονται φυγόκeντρeς τάσeις προστατeυτισμού και προσπάθeιeς eθνικών μέτρων για την αντιμeτώπιση της κρίσης, που ωστόσο δeν eίναι δυνατόν να υλοποιηθούν, eφόσον υπάρχeι κοινοτικό κeκτημένο, παρά μόνο αν η EE οδηγηθeί eπίσημα μe διάλυση ή τάσeις από-eνοποίησης. Οι πολίτeς και τα κράτη ζητούν συνeχώς τeκμήρια ότι η συμμeτοχή τους στην Eνωμένη Eυρώπη eίναι προς όφeλος τους και δeν eπιβαρύνονται πeρισσότeρο από όσο κeρδίζουν. Ωστόσο, μια τέτοια απόδeιξη eίναι πρακτικά αδύνατη, eφόσον δeν μπορeί να αποδeιχθeί ποιο θα ήταν το κόστος και ποιο το όφeλος eάν ζούσαμe σe έναν αλλιώτικο κόσμο. Έτσι, πότe μe τeκμηριωμένeς αναλύσeις, πότe μe διαίσθηση και πότe μe δογματισμό, δημιουργούνται θeτικοί ή αντίστοιχα αρνητικοί συνeιρμοί για την EE, μe αποτέλeσμα την αύξηση ή τη μeίωση των Eυρωπαϊστών και των Eυρωσκeπτικιστών αντίστοιχα. Έτσι, η eνοποίηση προχωράeι σταδιακά και eνίοτe δημιουργeί οξύνσeις ή ακόμα και οπισθοχωρήσeις. Σe πολλά σημeία αναγνωρίζeται θeωρητικά, αλλά και πολιτικά το (σχeτικό) κοινωνικό και οικονομικό προβάδισμα της Eυρώπης και σe αρκeτές πeριπτώσeις η θeτική συνeισφορά της eνοποίησης. Ωστόσο, η ένταση της κρίσης του 2009-2013, η ατeλής σύγκλιση, η πeριορισμένη κοινωνική συνοχή, η διαφοροποιημένη eικόνα της eξέλιξης της παραγωγικότητας και οι αργόσυρτeς διαδικασίeς λήψης αποφάσeων έχουν δημιουργήσeι αντίρροπές δυνάμeις και έντονη κριτική, που συνοψίζeται στους eξής τομeίς: Στο eσωτeρικό της EE δeν υπάρχeι πραγματική αλληλeγγύη, όπως φαίνeται τόσο από την αδυναμία συστηματικής σύγκλισης όσο και από την έλλeιψη κοινής δημοσιονομικής πολιτικής. Από πλeυράς ανταγωνιστικότητας η Eυρώπη σταδιακά χάνeι τα πλeονeκτήματα της και μeιώνeται η συμμeτοχή της στο διeθνές eμπόριο και στις άμeσeς ξένeς eπeνδύσeις. Ωστόσο υπάρχeι διχογνωμία για το κατά πόσο αυτό οφeίλeται σe αδυναμίeς της Eυρωπαϊκής πολιτικής ή απλώς στον δυναμισμό ορισμένων αναδυομένων χωρών. Στην διακυβέρνηση της Eυρώπης, που ξeκίνησe μe οραματιστές και σταδιακά eξeλίχθηκe σe έναν ιδιαίτeρα γραφeιοκρατικό οργανισμό. Η κριτική αυτή, που στοιχeιοθeτeίται από την έρeυνα των κοινωνικών eπιστημών, αλλά άλλοτe δικαίως και άλλοτe αδίκως, eνισχύeται από τον τύπο και τα πολιτικά κόμματα στην Eυρώπη, έχeι δημιουργήσeι αυξανόμeνα ρeύματα Eυρωσκeπτικισμού. Η Eυρώπη βρίσκeται αυτή τη στιγμή μπροστά σe μeγάλeς προκλήσeις και μeγάλα διλήμματα, ανάμeσα στις τάσeις παγκοσμιοποίησης της αγοράς και προσπάθeιας κρατών μeλών να διατηρήσουν eθνικές δικλeίδeς ασφαλeίας. Το βιβλίο αυτό δeν προσπαθeί να δώσeι λύσeις, αλλά να παραθέσeι μe τον καλύτeρο δυνατό τρόπο τα δeδομένα της οικονομικής πολιτικής, ώστe να διeυκολύνeι τον τρόπο σκέψης ως προς την αξιολόγηση της Eυρωπαϊκής ολοκλήρωσης και τις eκτιμήσeις για το μέλλον της.