State of Play: Conspiracy Theory

“Conspiracy theory”: The case for being critically receptive

Part I Definitions and approaches Introduction Todor Hristov, Andrew McKenzie-McHarg and Alejandro Romero Reche 1. Conceptual history and conspiracy theory Andrew McKenzie-McHarg 2. Conspiracy theory in historical, cultural and literary studies Peter Knight and Michael Butter 3. Semiotic Approaches to Conspiracy Theories Massimo Leone, Mari-Liis Madison and Andreas Ventsel 4. Philosophy and conspiracy theories Juha Raikka and Juho Ritola 5. Psychoanalysis, critical theory and conspiracy theory Nebojsa Blanusa and Todor Hristov 6. Conspiracy theory as occult cosmology in anthropology Annika Rabo 7. Sociology, social theory and conspiracy theory Turkay Salim Nefes and Alejandro Romero Reche 8. Conspiracy theories in political science and political theory Julien Giry and Pranvera Tika 9. Social psychology of conspiracy theory Olivier Klein and Kenzo Nera 10. Social network analysis, social big data and conspiracy theories Estrella Gualda Caballero Part II Psychological factors Introduction Jan-Willem van Prooijen, Karen Douglas, Aleksandra Cichocka and Michal Bilewicz 1. Personality traits, cognitive styles and worldviews associated with beliefs in conspiracy theories Anthony Lantian, Michael Wood and Biljana Gjoneska 2. Social-cognitive processes underlying belief in conspiracy theories Jan-Willem van Prooijen, Olivier Klein and Jasna Milosevic Dordevicz 3. Motivations, emotions and belief in conspiracy theories Karen M. Douglas, Aleksandra Cichocka and Robbie M. Sutton 4. Conspiracy theories as psycho-political reactions to perceived power Roland Imhoff and Pia Lamberty 5. How conspiracy theories spread Adrian Bangerter, Pascal Wagner-Egger and Sylvain Delouvee 6. Conspiracy theories and intergroup relations Mikey Biddlestone, Aleksandra Cichocka, Iris Zezelj and Michal Bilewicz 7. Consequences of conspiracy theories Daniel Jolley, Silvia Mari and Karen Douglas 8. Countering conspiracy theories and misinformation Peter Kreko Part III Society and politics Introduction Eirikur Bergmann, Asbjorn Dyrendal, Jaron Harambam and Hulda Thorisdottir 1. Who are the conspiracy theorists? Demographics and conspiracy theories Steven M. Smallpage, Hugo Drochon, Joseph E. Uscinski and Casey Klofstad 2. Conspiracy theory entrepreneurs, movements and individuals Jaron Harambam 3. Conspiracy theories and gender and sexuality Annika Thiem 4. Conspiracy theories, political ideology and political behaviour Hulda Thorisdottir, Silvia Mari and Andre Krouwel 5. Functions and uses of conspiracy theories in authoritarian regimes Julien Giry and Dogan Gurpinar 6. Conspiracy theory and populism Eirikur Bergman and Michael Butter 7. Radicalisation and conspiracy theories Benjamin Lee 8. Antisemitism and conspiracism Kjetil Braut Simonsen 9. Conspiracy theory and religion Asbjorn Dyrendal Part IV Media and transmission Introduction Stef Aupers, Dana Craciun and Andreas OEnnerfors 1. Rumours, urban legends and the verbal transmission of conspiracy theories Anastasiya Astapova 2. Conspiracy theorising and the history of media in the eighteenth century Andrew McKenzie-McHarg and Claus Oberhauser 3. Genres of conspiracy in nineteenth-century British writing Ben Carver 4. Conspiracy in American narrative Timothy Melley 5. Conspiracy theories and visual culture Ute Caumanns and Andreas OEnnerfors 6. Conspiracy theories in film and television shows Michael Butter 7. Decoding mass media / encoding conspiracy theory Stef Aupers 8. The Internet and the spread of conspiracy content Simona Stano 9. Networked disinformation and the lifecycle of online conspiracy theories Hugo Leal 10. Conspiracy theories and fake news Kiril Avramov, Vasily Gatov and Ilya Yablokov Part V Histories and regions Introduction Ilya Yablokov, Pascal Girard, Nebojsa Blanusa and Annika Rabo 1. Conspiracy theories in the Roman empire Victoria Emma Pagan 2. Conspiracy theories in the Middle Ages and the early modern period Cornel Zwierlein 3. Freemasons, Illuminati and Jews: Conspiracy theories and the French Revolution Claus Oberhauser 4. Conspiracy Theories in Europe during the twentieth century Pascal Girard 5. Conspiracy theories in Putin's Russia: the case of the 'New World Order' Ilya Yablokov 6. Conspiracy theories in and about the Balkans Nebojsa Blanusa 7. Conspiracy theories in Turkey Dogan Gurpinar and Turkay Salim Nefes 8. Conspiracy theories in the Middle East Matthew Gray 9. Conspiracy theories in Southeast Asia Viren Swami, Hanoor Syahirah Zahari and David Barron 10. Conspiracy theories in American history Michael Butter 11. Populism and conspiracy theory in Latin America: a case study of Venezuela Rosanne Norris Hooper

Editorial—The truth is out there: The psychology of conspiracy theories and how to counter them

Using the label 'conspiracy theory' is widely perceived to be a way of discrediting wild ideas and unsubstantiated claims. However, prior research suggests that labelling statements as conspiracy theories does not reduce people's belief in them. In four studies, we probed this effect further, and tested the alternative hypothesis that the label 'conspiracy theory' is a consequence rather than a cause of (dis)belief in conspiracy-related statements. Replicating prior research, Study 1 (N=170) yielded no evidence that the label 'conspiracy theory' affects belief in statements. In Study 2 (N=199), we discovered that the less people believed in statements, the more they favoured labelling them as 'conspiracy theories'. In Studies 3 and 4 (Ns=150 and 151), we manipulated the relative believability of statements and found that participants preferred the label 'conspiracy theory' for relatively less believable versus more believable statements. The current research therefore supports the hypothesis that prior (dis)agreement with a statement affects the use of the label 'conspiracy theory' more than the other way around.

Practical recommendations to communicate with patients about health‐related conspiracy theories

Henrik Ibsen and Conspiracy Thinking: The Case of <i>Peer Gynt</i>

Humans seem drawn to dark conspiracy theories, often in favor of the simple truth In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, misinformation and conspiracy theorizing have surged President Trump, for example, praised the antimalarial drug hydroxychloroquine as a "game changer" despite scant empirical evidence of its efficacy and safety for the treatment of SARS-CoV-2 Others in the administration have promoted the unsubstantiated theory that SARS-CoV-2 originated in a Chinese lab, despite scientific consensus that the virus likely originated in an animal source before zoonotic transfer and that no evidence indicates that the virus emerged through deliberate lab manipulation of a related virus Here, Friedman discusses why humans are vulnerable to conspiracy theories

Conspiracy Theories, Mistrust Take Root During Pandemic

Pandemics, Power, and Conspiracy Theories

We examined how individuals who may be labelled 'conspiracy theorists' respond to discrimination against 'conspiracy theorists'. In line with the Rejection-Identification Model (Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 77, 135, 1999), we hypothesized that perceived group-based discrimination against conspiracy theorists would strengthen identification with the 'conspiracy theorist' ingroup. We propose that this relationship might be mediated by meta-conspiracy beliefs, that is, the belief that the discrimination of conspiracy theorists is itself a conspiracy. Three studies (Ns=97, 364, 747) among participants who had been labelled as 'conspiracy theorist' in the past (Studies 1 and 2) or who had been labelled as such at the beginning of the experiment (Study 3) revealed robust positive relationships between perceived discrimination of conspiracy theorists, meta conspiracy beliefs, and identification. Furthermore, in Studies 2 and 3, identification was strongly associated with positive intergroup differentiation and pride to be a conspiracy theorist. However, there was no evidence that a manipulation of discrimination with bogus public opinion polls affected 'conspiracy theorist' identification or meta-conspiracy beliefs. A Bayesian internal meta-analysis of the studies returned moderate (for group identification) to strong (for meta-conspiracy beliefs) support for the null hypothesis. In contrast, in Study 3, a manipulation of discrimination by powerholders enhanced both identification and meta-conspiracy beliefs. This suggests that the source of discrimination moderates the causal relationship between perceived discrimination of conspiracy theorists and group identification.

#FreeBritney and the Pleasures of Conspiracy

Conspiracy

“We live in an age of conspiracy” says Don DeLillo (1989). In 2014 it seems that conspiracy theories, and speculation concerning the “truth” about major events, has become a popular theme and pastime in contemporary society. From sold out eleven hour David Icke presentations at Wembley Stadium in the UK (as well as his world tours), to the ever expanding radio and television network of Alex Jones in the United States, it is clear that there is more than just a fringe interest in conspiracy theories. In the academic literature dating back to Richard Hofstadter (1964) though, the phenomenon has been cast as a purely pathological or paranoid behaviour. Recent works, such as that of Sunstien and Vermeule (2009), Aaronovitch (2011) and van der Linden (2013) go further in suggesting that engagement with conspiracy theories is not only a pathological behaviour, but a danger both to modern society and one which threatens to bring an end to the “age of reason.” Others however, such as Jane and Fleming (2014) have suggested that conspiracy theories are actually a direct result of Enlightenment thinking, and that they offer a valuable counterweight to modern forms of propaganda. In this thesis I seek to challenge the view that conspiracy theories are a pathological behaviour, and offer instead that in contemporary engagement with conspiracy theories is a form of political resistance that allows the excluded and disaffected a political voice. I also offer that conspiracy theories are best understood as social, cultural and political narratives that are in the words of Michael Barkun (2003) a form of stigmatized knowledge. From this perspective it is possible, I argue, to contextualise conspiracy theories in terms of contemporary political and social issues. Finally, I suggest that conspiracy theories may be a method that is used by those who engage to negotiate social ambivalence as outlined by Bauman (1991). To do this, I interviewed eight Melbournians who were either engaged with conspiracy theories or considered themselves “sceptics.” Each of the participants, shared stories of their everyday experiences with conspiracy theories with me. I have analysed their responses using a thematic narrative analysis and underpinning my research were four research questions: [1] How do people living and working in Melbourne define and use conspiracy theories in their everyday lives?; [2] In my data, are conspiracy theories being discussed (and used) as a form of political action for the alienated and marginalized? [3] Does my data collected conform to the two broad understandings that I have outlined in the literature review (the cultural and psychological approaches)? [4] Following question 3, do my participants engage with conspiracy theories as social, cultural and political narratives that offer a new or alternative means of political resistance?

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Theoretical typology of deceptive content (Conspiracy Theories)