State of Governance of Religious Communities in Former Yugoslavia and the Developments of the Bahá’í Community and Jehovah’s Witnesses

The attitude of the new authorities in Yugoslavia (and Bosnia and Herzegovina) towards the officials of the Islamic Community in Bosnia and Herzegovina, from the end of the Second World War to 1963, especially the state policy of separating „reactionary“ from „positive“ officials of this community, seems to be of the most important segments for the overall understanding of communist policy towards religious communities. So far, we cannot boast of fundamental work on this issue, not only because the original archival material is scarce, but also because there was a lack of good will to explain this problem factually and comprehensively. The issue of separating the „positive“ from the „reactionary“ officials of the Islamic Community in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been the subject of continuous attention of the federal and republican commissions for religious affairs, as well as other authorities that more or less participated in creating and implementing state policy towards religious communities, including the Islamic Community. This paper contextualises the legal and political post-war circumstances in which the Islamic Community operated and analyses the manifestations and effects of the communist policy of establishing differentiation among the officials of this community. Religious rights and freedoms prescribed by the federal and republican constitutions did not simultaneously imply their concrete implementation in practice. The practical application of religious rights and freedoms on the ground largely depended on the will of party organisations and their political goals. In the category of those who should be disempowered, the communist government included the Islamic Community, which according to the ideological views of this government should have been economically weakened by a series of restrictive laws. That is why, in the first months after its liberation, AVNOJ'S Yugoslavia began to speed up the adoption of legal regulations that limited the property and rights of religious communities, including the Islamic Community. The new government did not respect the specific elements of religious communities, treating them in exactly the same way as other landowners and private entrepreneurs. By 1963, the communist government had adopted a set of legal regulations on the basis of which the state proceeded to confiscate the property of the Islamic Community through legal mechanisms of confiscation, nationalisation, sequestration and expropriation. Along with the disempowerment measures, the measures to bring this community under control by the government were also applied. For this purpose, the policy of separating „reactionary“ from „positive“ officials of the Islamic Community was used, among other things. Numerous reports, analyses and letters from the Commission for Religious Affairs pointed out that, unlike the leading representatives of the Islamic Community in the lower structures of this community, the readiness to cooperate with the authorities was not at such a level. Due to such assessments, the Commission considered that the officials of the Islamic Community on the ground were for the most part „reactionary“, and that „in a sense there is a danger of separating the top“ from the lower officials of this community. Numerous materials from the Commission on Religious Affairs from the 1950s and early 1960s stated that there were still „reactionary elements“ within the Islamic Community who were opposed to the socialist social order. However, especially since the late 1950s, it has been pointed out that such individuals are few and are unable to have any decisive influence on members of the Islamic community. Therefore, the governing structures in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the late 1950s stated that in general it can be concluded that the situation in the Islamic Community is „very favourable“. In their opinion, the officials and the vast majority of officials are patriotic and willing to cooperate, as well as to accept all proposals that are in accordance with the Constitution and laws. The state policy of awarding decorations was also in the function of supporting and affirming the „positive“ officials of the Islamic Community in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

When the Cemetery Becomes Political: Dealing with the Religious Heritage in Multi-Ethnic Regions

The Relationship between Religion and the Public Square: Freedom of Religion in the Public Space

Greek Tragedy or Gestation Period: Future of the Modern Church in Greece

The aim of this paper is to analyse how Bosnian Muslims, both as part of the global Muslim Ummah and an autochthonous European people, view the European or, more broadly, Western concept of the individual right to freedom of religion. While the paper does provide a historical review of their engagement with freedom of religion from the time of the Ottoman conquest and the spread of Islam among the population until the period of the socialist Yugoslavia in the 2nd half of the 20th century, the focus is on the period since the 1990s, during which Bosnian society has been undergoing transformation from a communist to a liberal open society, including the establishment of new standards for the religious sphere that reflect the values of the European liberal democratic tradition. In addition to analysing the normative legal framework of freedom of religion and the relationship between the state and the religious communities, due attention is given to how the Islamic Community in Bosnia and Herzegovina has positioned itself under the new regime and the challenges involved in achieving the various individual and institutional aspects of religious freedom for Bosnian Muslims. The author argues that the Islamic Community in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as the bearer of religious authority for Bosnian Muslims, has exhibited a proactive approach in post-socialist restructuring of relations between the state and religion, deploying all the positive attributes of the internationally recognized right to freedom of religion, as embodied in the liberal-democratic tradition of Western Europe.

The primary focus of the paper is on the right of religious communities to acquire legal personality. For religious communities this issue has existential importance. Denying access to such status imposes impermissible limitations on freedom of religion or belief. The majority of religious communities seek legal entity status, because it is necessary if they want to acquire property, hire personal, apply for governmental permits etc. The right to acquire legal entity status is one of the most critical arrangements needed for religious liberty in contemporary societies. The paper includes analysis of three important characteristics of this procedure. Access to legal personality for religious or belief communities should be non-mandatory, quick and transparent. It should be taken into account that competent authorities for various political or social reasons, made untimely decisions or refused to register religious organizations due to alleged formal deficiencies. In these cases, the procedures themselves and excessive formalism were used as a mechanism to control the number of recognized religious organizations and to deny the status of a legal entity to certain religious groups. In order to prevent such occurrences, it is necessary to protect the competent authorities from all those influences that prevent them from acting impartially and neutrally. There is a variety of ways that the right to legal personality can be provided for religious communities. Registration system should be compliant with international human rights norms and it is important to recognize that registration is not a primary mechanism for exercising social control of religion.

The Second World War, along with great human sacrifices and material destruction, also brought radical changes in the socio-political system in the new (AVNOJ) Yugoslavia. Immediately after the end of the Second World War, the state's attitude towards religious communities was highly suspicious. However, in addition to the need to renovate private and social infrastructure, religious communities have also launched initiatives to rehabilitate and rebuild war-torn and/or damaged religious buildings. Until the 1960s, the requests of religious communities for the renovation of their buildings were treated with suspicion by the competent state authorities, and were generally resolved unfavorably. The Communist Party, which authoritarianly controlled and directed all social flows, did not look favorably on such and similar activities of religious communities. Procedures for the restoration of religious buildings were complex and strictly controlled. In each municipality there were Religious Affairs Commissions that closely monitored the behavior of individuals, believers and clergy, as well as religious bodies and institutions in their area. For more complex issues, the municipal commissions were supervised by the district commissions for religious affairs, to whom they very often turned for their opinion and/or consent. On rare occasions, when even the district commissions did not have a secure position on an issue, they turned to the republic commissions. Therefore, it is not surprising that the procedures were often lengthy, which means that they waited for several months to resolve the submitted requests, and sometimes even a year or more. Not only the Islamic community, but also Bosniaks as a nation faced great organizational and even existential difficulties. While their positive role and nationality was recognized in the war, immediately after the end of World War II and the establishment of AVNOJ Yugoslavia, Muslims/Bosniaks were both de facto and de jure challenged as a people. There was no place for them in the official state coat of arms, which had five, instead of six torches, which symbolized the peoples of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia. It was not until 1963 that the Communist Party began to revise its manipulative attitudes towards Muslims/Bosniaks, thus beginning the process of recognizing them as a separate people. Since then, they have begun to declare themselves as Muslims, with a capital letter "M". Although this act did not fully satisfy the constitutional rights of Muslims/Bosniaks, this was a big step towards their national affirmation. The central focus of this paper is the monitoring and analysis of procedures for the rehabilitation and restoration of religious buildings of the Islamic (religious) community in the municipality of Kalesija in the mid-1960s. The paper includes three requests for the construction and renovation of religious buildings. In chronological terms, the request for the renovation of the existing mosque in the village of Kalesija, which was dilapidated and unconditional for use, was first analyzed. The next request refers to the construction of a mosque in the village of Gojčin instead of the demolished old mosque with a wooden minaret. The third request to the Commission for Religious Affairs of the Municipal Assembly of Kalesija was sent by the residents of the village of Mahmutovići. The paper primarily relies on thirteen original documents deposited in the Archives of Tuzla Canton that thematize the rehabilitation, restoration and construction of religious buildings and at the same time authentically depict the current socio-political situation and citizens' rights to religion and practical application of these rights. In addition to the original documents, the paper uses relevant literature on social processes in Yugoslav society from the end of World War II to the late 1960s, with special emphasis on the position of Muslims/Bosniaks at the time of imposing collective lobotomy and denying Bosniak names and identities.

The practice of supporting the Islamic Religious Brand Community in Encouraging Creativity Values in Thailand's Religiocentric Market is one effort that is worth considering in online transactions considering that in the conditions of virtual transactions there are many product choices so that consumers will find it easy to get goods according to religious criteria, especially halal and non-halal products so that consumers can compare the type and value of products with others. Through this religious brand community, consumers create a bond based on shared values. For the religiocentric market, especially in Thailand, shared religious values become a strong glue and influence consumer purchasing decisions. Support from the religious community which can be in the form of Religious Support, Emotional Support and Informational Support is an antecedent variable that is considered to form Customer Ethical Perceptions and trust which ultimately leads to their willingness to be involved in creativity in the Thai Religious Market. The concept above is value co-creation, namely value creation that involves customers as active actors in creating the value of the goods themselves. This research uses explanatory research with a quantitative approach to analyze data and test it. The research aims to determine the relationship between two or more variables regarding Islamic Religious Brand Community Support Practices in Encouraging Creativity Values in Thailand's Religious Market. The results of this research show that there is a close relationship that is mutually sustainable and influences each other between Islamic Religious Brand Community Support Practices in Encouraging Creativity Values in the Thai Religious Market which causes an increase in the economic level and welfare of the community, both producers and consumers, especially seen from the perspective of the religious community in Thailand.

Ecumenical Chronicle

The regulation of religious activity in contemporary Kazakhstan is a critical issue shaped by the interplay between ensuring freedom of religion and maintaining state control. This study aimed to analyse the legal frameworks governing religious activity in Kazakhstan, with a particular focus on their alignment with international human rights standards and domestic socio-political dynamics. Employing legal analysis, comparative methods, and case studies, the research examined the country’s legislation and its practical implications for religious communities. The study revealed that Kazakhstan’s legal framework imposes significant restrictions on religious freedoms, including mandatory registration of religious associations, limitations on public worship, and broad state oversight. These measures often disproportionately affect minority religious groups, raising concerns about discrimination and barriers to religious pluralism. Despite Kazakhstan’s constitutional guarantees of religious freedom, the implementation of laws frequently conflicts with the country’s international obligations under treaties such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe commitments. Case studies of religious communities, including Jehovah’s Witnesses, the Ahmadiyya Muslim community, and the Baptist Church, further illustrated the practical challenges posed by existing regulations. These cases highlighted issues such as administrative overreach, discriminatory registration processes, and the marginalisation of non-traditional religious groups. The findings emphasised the need for legislative reforms to address ambiguities, harmonise national laws with international standards, and foster a more inclusive environment for religious communities. This research contributes to the broader discourse on religious regulation, offering practical insights for policymakers, legal practitioners, and human rights advocates. By addressing the tension between governance and religious freedom, the study provides a foundation for future reforms aimed at balancing societal stability and the protection of fundamental rights

Under its constitution, the official Islamic Community in Bosnia and Herzegov-ina (henceforth the ICBiH) is autonomous in determining its activities and man-aging its property. It is guaranteed this right, as are the other religious communi-ties and churches in Bosnia and Herzegovina, under the 2004 Law on Freedom of Religion and the Legal Status of the Churches and Religious Communities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Under its constitution the ICBiH’s goal is to encourage all its members to live in accordance with Islamic norms, which it pursues by promot-ing good and discouraging evil. It is concerned with the Islamic upbringing and education of its members and committed to preserving Islamic marital, familial, and social values through an equal commitment by men and women. Under Article 1 of the current Constitution of the Islamic Community in Bosnia and Herzegovina (henceforth the constitution), the ICBiH is the sole and unique com-munity of Muslims in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Sanjak, Croatia, Slovenia, and Serbia, and of Muslim Bosniaks outside their respective homelands and oth-er Muslims who accept it as their own. The constitution cites four basic princi-ples for the organisation of the Muslim community, its institutions, organs, and activities, namely: the Qur’an, practice/the sunnah of Muhammed, a.s., Bosniak Islamic tradition, and the requirements of the time.

The boundaries between secularism, democracy, pluralism, and religious diversity cannot easily be demarcated. Bringing democratic and secular values together with religious pluralism, accommodating different religious communities, and acknowledging individual rights is a great challenge for many societies. In parallel, religious education (RE) in state schools has been a controversial and unresolved issue. On both sides of Cyprus, RE is organized in a mono-confessional way: while the Christian Orthodox content of RE is linked with Greek national identity in the Greek Cypriot South, Sunni Islamic RE is linked with the Turkish national identity in the Turkish Cypriot North. On both sides of the island, the compulsory and mono-confessional characters of RE, as well as the national curricula and textbooks that are used, are a source of conflict. Within this context, this article explores the way RE (Orthodox Christian, Sunni Islamic) is organized in Cyprus and to what extent this may lead to an infringement of the freedom of religion and freedom of education.

This book explores relations between state, religion and law in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Historically, multi-religiousness has been a constant feature of the Bosnian polity, from its creation in 12th century until modern times. Since the middle of the 19th Century, Catholics have tended to self-identify as Croats, Orthodox Christians as Serbs, and Muslims as Bosniaks. Moreover, in a region that has undergone significant recent transformation, from the communist to the liberal political system, Bosnia and Herzegovina represents a very interesting case for the study of the relationship between state and religion. This book includes a short overview of historical aspects of these relations and a detailed analysis of the existing constitutional and legal framework on freedom of religion and relations between the state and religious communities. It assesses the actual implementation in practice, including the relevant national courts’ case-law. The work covers both the developments of new legal standards, while also identifying the main obstacles in their implementation. At a time when the region is again the subject of much interest, this book will be essential reading for those working in the areas of Law and Religion, Constitutional Law and Transitional Justice.

Kur’ân’la ilgili yapılan bazı çalışmalarda konular ya belli kökten türeyen kelimeler veya konunun bir kısmına işaret eden sadece bir kelime ile sınırlı, parçacı bir şekilde yapılmaktadır. Arıca bazı araştırmalarda nüzul süreci, ortamı ve siyer kaynaklarında aktarılan bilgiler de ihmal edilebilmektedir. Konular eksik çalışıldığı için ulaşılan sonuçlarda doğal olarak eksik olmaktadır. İrtidat konusu da bu tür konulardan biridir. Konunun hicret, nifak, velâyet gibi Kur’ân’ın önemli konularıyla çok ciddi bağlantısı olduğu halde ilgili çalışmalar sınırlı sayıda âyet üzerinden yapılmıştır. Bundan dolayı bazı naslardan hareketle mürtedin öldürülmesi ve öldürülmemesi konusu yeteri kadar ikna edici bir tarzda izah edilememiştir. Eksik yaklaşımdan dolayı bu konuda Kur’ân ile hadisler arasında çelişki varmış gibi bir algı da oluşabilmektedir.İrtidat konusu hicret, velâyet ve nifak bağlamında ele alındığında irtidat eden ve fiili olarak İslâm düşmanlarının safına geçenlerin, Müslümanları aldatmak isteyenlerin nerede olursa olsun öldürülmesinin emredildiği anlaşılmaktadır. Nitekim Bedir savaşında müşrik ordusunda bulunanlar da öldürülmüşlerdi. Aynı şekilde İslâm düşmanlarının safına geçmeyen ve hem Müslümanlar hem de düşmanlarla savaşmak istemeyen mürtetlere de dokunulmasının yasaklandığı anlaşılmaktadır. Günümüzde tefsir ilmi bazılarınca rivâyetlere başvurmadan da yapılabilecek bir ilmî faaliyet olarak algılanıp, savunulsa da aslında geleneğimizde de izah edildiği gibi bu ilim dil ve tarih/rivâyetler üzerine kuruludur. Kur’ân’ı anlamak için yola çıkanların rivâyetlerle yüzleşmesi, ihtilaflı nakiller arasında nüzul-siret temelli tercihlerde bulunması gerekmektedir.

This study examines the nature, causes and dynamics of the conflict between the Muslim community and the Ethiopian government, particularly since 2011 over issues related to secularism and freedom of religion. By analyzing the historical trajectories of statereligion relations and the contemporary developments, the study seeks to answer why the relationship between Muslims and the government has soured – despite an auspicious beginning – leading to securitization of Islam in general and Islamic reform movements in particular. This is evident in the firm governmental control over Islamic institutions and the repression of the Muslim protest movement. Muslim grievances and complaints – channeled through their representative, social media and their weekly protests – were articulated in historical and social terms but sought remedy for religious parity within the constitutional framework of secularism and freedom of religion. Using the various complaint letters of the Muslims’ Solution Finding Committee, official speeches, government policy documents and the data obtained from the field through qualitative methods of data collection techniques, the study scrutinizes the concerns and fears of the Muslims and appraises the government’s claim of religious extremism in general and Islamic fundamentalism in particular as a national security threat. At the heart of the contestation lies the defense of secularism on both sides; each accusing the other for ‘violating the secular constitutional order’. From many of the empirical researches conducted so far, the data collected and analyzed in this study and information obtained from the narrations and deeds of the Committee members, the accusation of Muslims (what it calls Salafis/Wahhabis) by the government ‘conspiring for establishing an Islamic government and harboring religious extremism’ is found to be an overstretch and government responses to the demands of Muslims are too simplistic and inaccurate. Many of the government policies and actions towards Muslims are marked by antithetic between ‘bad and good, tolerant and intolerant, moderate and extremist’ that resonates with the western governments’ dichotomy between what Mamdani (2002) calls “good and bad Muslims”. By doing so, the option for promoting the practice of Sufism (supposed to be tolerant, apolitical and hence good) and encouraging Sufi-oriented Muslims to occupy important leadership positions in the Ethiopian Islamic Affairs Supreme Council (Mejilis) have been ‘on the table’ for countering religious extremism and political Islam in the Ethiopian government policy circles. This has resulted in the deep involvement, if not intervention, of government in religious matters, which the principles of secularism and freedom of religion did not warrant. The strategy of encouraging apolitical and tolerant religious groups for developing mutual tolerance and peaceful coexistence between religious communities by itself might not be a bad idea but it has to be done by the government without taking religious side. Secularism should also be interpreted as ‘a constitutional principle’ that requires states to treat all religions equally and their official policies being free from the dictation of religious dictums instead of interpreting it as ‘a way of life’ to be adopted by individuals to secularize students through the prohibition of religious practices in educational institutions.