Spatial Planning and Opportunities for Children's Participation: A Local Governance Network Analysis

This study aims to determine whether the spatial and regional policies in the regions are in sync with the national spatial planning arrangements. The method used in this research is using a normative juridical research method, with the main data being secondary data in the form of documents related to regional spatial planning policies in the region, then the data is analyzed by qualitative analysis by providing an interpretation of the data that has been collected. The results show that the regional policy of Demak Regency in spatial planning as outlined in the form of a regional regulation with the aim of realizing regional space based on superior agricultural and industrial sectors, supported by the service trade and tourism sectors that are environmentally sustainable, refers to the Act. Number 6 of 2007, and Act No. 11 of 2020 concerning Job Goals, Government Regulation number 26 of 2008.The Regional Regulation on RT/RW regulates, among others: a) spatial planning policy, b) spatial planning strategy, c) spatial structure plan, d) spatial pattern plan, e) determination of strategic areas, f) spatial utilization direction, g) spatial utilization control direction, h ) rights, obligations and roles of the community, i) institutions, thus the policy for structuring spatial planning in the sub-region is in sync with the structuring of national spatial plans�

From the late 1980s Dutch housing policy has undergone a marked change, from a broad public commitment by central government to a resolute market orientation in which more of the risks have been transferred to private actors and local governments. During the same years, spatial planning policies were also revised. In order to achieve environmental policy objectives, restrictive planning policies were introduced to preserve landscape heritage; building activities were now to be concentrated in and near central cities. The old coalition between housing and spatial planning gave way, to a new coalition between spatial planning and environmental policy.Five contradictions between current housing policy and spatial planning are examined: the artificial shortage of new housing land, the tension between urban density and consumer preferences, a rigid and uniform housing differentiation which is at odds with the natural flexibility of housing markets, the danger of spatial segregation, and the tension between house building activities and environmental priorities.These contradictions can be explained as the result of an attempt by the Dutch government to combine a market‐oriented housing policy with substantial environmental ambitions (which have limited market support). The reformulation of both planning policy and housing policy is advocated, together with the shaping of both policy fields as a combination of market and policy elements. This will enable the desired improvement in consistency between spatial planning and housing policy.

Demak Regency asone of the autonomous regions has authority derived from Law No. 26 of 2007 concerning Spatial Planning, the authority for spatial planning is regulated in Article 11 that: the authority of the district/city regional government in implementing spatial planning includes: a. regulation, guidance and supervision of the implementation of the planning district/city regional space and district/city strategic areas.This writing aims to find out what the Spatial and Regional Planning Policy is related to Space Utilization in Demak Regency and how effective the Spatial Utilization policy is through the role of Notaries as Officials Making Land Deeds. The method used is a sociological juridical approach, the data used is primary data and secondary data, the theory used to analyze the problem is the theory of authority and the theory of effectiveness. The research results show 1. Space utilization in Demak district, namely: 1) Land use in Demak district is rice fields (58.79%). Non-paddy agricultural land consisting of fields/gardens, ponds and community forests occupies 23.13% of the total area, while the remainder (18.08%) is used for housing, industry, trade and offices as well as other public infrastructure. 2) Regional development, one example of developing industrial designated areas as referred to in article 64 of the 2011 Demak Regency RTRW Regional Regulation. Industrial designated areas are mostly in Demak Regency with an area of approximately 7,646 ha. The largest industrial area allocation is in Sayung and Karangtengah sub-districts because it is a top priority in the National Industrial Development Master Plan. 2. The effectiveness of Spatial Planning policies in Demak Regency through the role of the notary as PPAT, carried out in procedures for making authentic deeds related to land, must go through technical considerations for the activity of issuing suitability of space utilization activities issued by the Demak Regency Land Office and Approval of Space Utilization Activities. issued by the Peran Demak district government through the One Stop Investment and Integrated Services.

Unpacking principles of resilience mainstreamed in Ethiopia's local urban spatial planning documents: practices from Kombolcha, an urbanizing secondary city

The starting point of this study concerns the origins of the polycentric nature of contemporary cities in the western area of the Netherlands, commonly known as ‘the Randstad’. Within the disciplines of planning and urban design the Randstad is considered a textbook example of a polycentric urban hierarchy. Yet, although quite a popular topic, very little is actually known about the driving forces that have given shape to existing urban hierarchies throughout the world. Moreover, the Randstad has also been dubbed ‘Holland’s paradox’ because of its assumed reversed evolution from a primate city hierarchy focused on Amsterdam in early modern times, to a polycentric hierarchy in the 19th century. Why do urban hierarchies change over time and which factors were decisive for the rise of the polycentric Randstad? This study consists of two parts and six chapters. Part I explores the determining factors of change within urban hierarchies. The first chapter gives an assessment of the usefulness of existing theory and ends in confusion: firstly, historiography turns out to be a medley of explanations that are heterogeneous and sometimes even contradictive. Secondly, comparisons of the long-term development of multiple towns are lacking, which makes it difficult to come up with a theoretical approach. In order to make such comparisons and ascertain the impact of certain factors on urban hierarchies over time, it’s necessary to look at the development of a group of towns over a long time-span. Therefore, in the second chapter, simple statistics are compared with existing theory and literature. To do so, demographic data for the nine towns of Amsterdam, Haarlem, Leiden, Delft, The Hague, Rotterdam, Dordrecht, Gouda and Utrecht were compared from their first appearance in the 13th century until the end of the 20th century by projecting their demographic hierarchy in a graph and on a map. In this manner explanations were measured on their applicability for the case of the Randstad. This explorative exercise results in both a description of long-term change in hierarchy in the Randstad and a theoretical approach. Long-term change in the urban hierarchy of the Randstad roughly proceeded in three phases. In the Middle Ages there was a polycentric hierarchy wherein the oldest cities, Utrecht and Dordrecht, were dominant. Although all towns in Holland grew rapidly in the 14th century, by the 1560s one of the youngest and smallest towns, Amsterdam, suddenly took the lead. In the second phase, between 1560 and 1795, a monocentric hierarchy developed with Amsterdam as a primate city. In this dynamic period, where many towns changed ranks, severe growth followed by shrinkage occurred simultaneously with sharpening inequality between towns. In the third phase, between 1795 and 2000, the hierarchy became polycentric once more, with a group of large towns taking the lead. This was mostly due to the extraordinary growth of Rotterdam and The Hague. In contrast with the second phase, the parallel appearance of sharp growth and inequality did not coincide with change in ranks. As a conclusion of part I, in chapter 3 the three determining factors for change in urban hierarchies over time are identified. Urban hierarchy is interpreted as a functional division of tasks between multiple centres, which is the result of differences in the towns’ competitive positions over time. The potency of a town’s competitive position is primarily determined by the interaction of (1) its properties on the one hand and (2) the conditions on the international market on the other. Additionally this interaction is structurally influenced by (3) contribution of a sovereign government. Governments can stimulate or disadvantage towns, but have done so in different ways. Part II further concretizes this approach by further investigation of the third factor. Here, governmental contribution to long-term change in urban hierarchies is given priority over the other two determining factors. Chapters 4, 5 and 6 focus successively on the constitutional periods of the Middle Ages (1200-1560), the Early Modern Age (1560-1795) and the Modern Age (1795-2000). These periods correspond to the three phases in long-term change in the demographic hierarchy from chapter 2. The aim of part II is twofold. Firstly, to identify and compare the manner in which sovereign government has been able to influence the towns’ competitive positions from the 13th until the end of the 20th century. Which trends are discernable in the toolbox of competitive advantages and their distribution by the sovereign government? How can governmental influence on change in urban hierarchies best be characterized? Secondly, if possible, to point out which governmental measures presumably contributed to change in urban hierarchy in general and, specifically, to the rise of the polycentric Randstad. Which measures show the most plausible correlation with change within the urban hierarchy? In order to identify competitive advantages for each constitutional period, a further look at the functional division of tasks, the economic context, and the governmental organization is taken in chapters 4, 5 and 6. Subsequently an impression of the distribution of so-called competitive advantages over the nine Randstad towns is sketched. At the end of each chapter the competitive advantages of a period are summed up, and their distribution is compared to the demographic hierarchy of chapter 2, to assess their impact. My research has resulted in the following conclusions to the aforementioned questions. During the Middle Ages a town’s competitive position could be stimulated with (1) international trade policy (safe conducts, trade agreements), (2) national economic policy (protectionist measures, staple- and minting policy), (3) exceptions of generally applied restrictions (town charters, toll exceptions), (4) distribution of governmental institutions, (5) donations of land property and kingly privileges, (6) granting of infrastructural concessions and awarding (7) urban autonomy. Heavy taxing and prolonged warfare were competitive disadvantages. In the early modern era (1) international trade policy, (2) distribution of governmental institutions and (3) infrastructural concessions were part of the toolkit. Heavy taxing was once more a disadvantage. During the modern era simulative measures were (1) funding of infrastructure, (2) industrial policy, (3) distribution of governmental institutions, (4) national spatial planning and (5) popular housing policy. Building restrictions were a negative for a town’s competitive position. The toolbox of sovereign government in general consists of three basic types of competitive advantages. Firstly, instruments that were aimed at the competitive position of one town exclusively, like staple rights, town charters, toll exemptions, donations of property and rights, urban autonomy and the distribution of governmental institutions. Secondly, instruments that were aimed at the region as a whole, like national and international economic policy. Third are side effects or collateral damage of other governmental policies, like prolonged warfare, heavy taxing and building restrictions stemming from spatial planning policy. The last category often turns out to be disadvantageous for towns’ competitive positions. Sovereign government didn’t apply the same variety of measures at every period. The overall package moved from a rather versatile toolbox in the 13th and 14th centuries to an increasingly limited one in the early modern period. In the 15th and 16th centuries, a discernable trend towards diminishing the variation in competitive advantages sets in, resulting in a rather limited toolbox in the 17th and 18th centuries. After a short expansion of instruments in the first half of the 19th century and a subsequent phase in the second half of the same century, where the number of instruments again strongly declined, the 20th century once again showed a governmental toolbox of various nature. On the long term, infrastructure and the distribution of governmental institutions were permanently part of the competitive advantages-toolbox; although before the 19th century sovereign government virtually never initiated the construction of infrastructure. Throughout most of the investigated period international economic policy and taxing played a role. Local exceptions like town charters and urban autonomy were exclusively medieval phenomena while spatial planning and popular housing policy are only found in the modern period. During the Middle Ages exclusive competitive advantages and common measures were both applied. Almost all nine towns seem to profit from this, although Dordrecht was generally more privileged than others. From the 15th century on exclusive privileges gradually disappear and more collective measures are taken, from which Amsterdam seems to profit. In the early modern era, the overall majority of measures taken were collective ones aimed at the common interest of towns or the region. Nonetheless, somehow Amsterdam seems to have profited above average without exception. In the modern era so many ‘collective’ stimulating measures were taken that this resulted in rather different competitive positions spatially. The distribution can best be characterized as a continuous strive for balance. Looking at the distribution of competitive advantages, governmental activity was variable throughout the entire period. Lots of competitive advantages were distributed in the 13th, 14th, early 17th and early 19th centuries. Subsequently governmental involvement gradually increased and in the 20th century government had its hands full continuously. In sharp contrast, distribution in the 16th and in particularly the second half of the 17th and 18th centuries was rather sparse. Strikingly, other measures than instruments that were explicitly aimed at the towns’ interests show the biggest correlation with change in the demographic hierarchy as shown in chapter 2. In the Middle Ages structural warfare coincided with the marked rise of Amsterdam and recession in the others; tax pressure in early modern times correlated with the decline of towns with industrial profiles; and 20th century demographic decline related to building restrictions in modern times. In general, the governmental role to change in urban hierarchy can best be understood as a facilitative one. The abovementioned centers of gravity in the distribution of competitive advantages coincided with periods of economic expansion and demographic growth in towns. This was the case in periods of urban expansion in the 13th-14th centuries and the 17th century. Only in the 19th century did governmental action precede urban growth. Although side effects in general seem to have been decisive, there’s one marked exception to the rule. The head start of the three biggest towns, and the catching up of Rotterdam and The Hague, does correlate with the construction of (inter)national infrastructure and the distribution of governmental institutions between the 1850s en 1950s. This means that the rise of the polycentric Randstad, exceptionally, was created by conscious use of aimed governmental instruments! This study concludes with a striking hypothesis. Via the description of the governmental organization in each period, by accident attention is drawn to the fact that by bargaining over tax funds, towns themselves gathered political influence in the 15th and even power in the 17th-18th centuries. The rise of urban power coincides with stagnation in the distribution of competitive advantages and the disappearance of exclusive instruments out of the governmental toolkit. This, firstly, gave rise to the suspicion that, once in power, urban representatives preferably avoid the stimulation of opponents’ competitive positions. When combined with the fact that, after disabling towns financially and politically, sovereign government in the second half of the 19th century pursued a policy wherein they kept aloof of dominant Amsterdam and stimulated other large towns, a second hypothesis can be formulated. Could it be that the rise of the polycentric Randstad wasn’t coincidence, and that Holland’s paradox was the result of a deliberate reckoning with an old political elite?

De wortels van de Randstad. Overheidsinvloed en stedelijke hiërarchie in het westen van Nederland tussen de 13de en 20ste eeuw

De wortels van de Randstad. Overheidsinvloed en stedelijke hiërarchie in het westen van Nederland tussen de 13de en 20ste eeuw

Network approach to constructing theory of participation in spatial planning

The objective of this scoping review was to map the body of knowledge on net gain and no-net-loss (net-outcome) objectives and approaches applicable to health in spatial planning and development policies and practice. There is an established body of academic and gray literature addressing environmental net-outcome objectives, such as biodiversity net gain, in spatial planning policies and practice. While a health net-gain objective has been proposed as a driver for health protection and the realization of health, such an objective and approach are yet to be scoped and defined. This review considered scientific and gray literature sources that described health net-outcome objectives and approaches that can be implemented in spatial planning and development policies and practice. Source contexts were not limited to specific countries, geographical areas, or settings. All types of evidence were considered. This review followed the JBI methodology for scoping reviews. Searches of 19 information sources were conducted in August 2023 and updated in July 2024. Key databases included Scopus, MEDLINE, and Embase. Sources of gray literature were included, and citation searching was conducted. No language or date restrictions were applied. Following a high level of agreement during piloting, titles and abstracts were screened by 1 reviewer, and 50% of full texts were screened by 2 reviewers. One reviewer extracted data describing the characteristics of evidence sources and the net-outcome objectives and approaches described within them. Data analysis included categorization, frequency counts, and a SWOT (strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, threats) analysis. Of 8290 unique records identified through database and gray literature searching, 474 evidence sources were assessed for eligibility, resulting in the inclusion of 112 sources, alongside 7 others identified from citation searching, for a total of 119 sources. Included evidence sources dated from 1974 to 2024, with an increasing frequency of publication from 2008. Social objectives were found from the 1990s, and conservation policies engendered well-being objectives from 2018. Frequently encountered perspectives related to regenerative and sustainable design and development, biodiversity, and conservation. Almost all sources originated from developed Western economies. Broad objectives relevant to health (90/119) outnumbered distinct health objectives (29/119). Most sources addressed development projects, among other scales. Sources frequently described the reconceived use of development to protect and improve health and well-being, overcome sustainability challenges, and strengthen socioecological systems. Implementation often featured participatory approaches, mitigation hierarchies, and assessment, although some sources advocated positive opportunities for health creation rather than the use of contested quantitative accounting frameworks. Challenges and opportunities were predominantly associated with objective specification and assessment. Potential value conflicts were identified relating, in part, to differing anthropocentric and biocentric approaches and objections to quantification and commodification. This review found many socio-environmental net-outcome objectives relevant to health and emergent health objectives that were immature and less frequently reported. These present differing scopes, focuses, and implementation options that are relevant to policymakers' specification of future objectives. Specification entails value judgments, and equity considerations are important. Knowledge gaps to address include transferability between countries, policy domains, and disciplines; multilevel evaluation; and integration within spatial planning systems and current impact assessment theory and practice. OSF https://osf.io/4dbcm.

The object of this article is to analyze and asses the legal and economic consequences arising from the adoption (or change) of a local spatial development plan. The paper also presents, based on the example of the rural commune of Tomice in the Malopolska Province of Poland, how to estimate income to the commune budget from the collected planning fees. The analyses are based on planning studies, including the local spatial development plan from 2004, and the study of conditions and directions of spatial development from 2012. The council of Tomice Commune adopted the local spatial plan due to the increasing demand for residential areas. According to the plan, over 930 acres of land have been allocated for investment purposes, which is approx. 22.4% of the total area of 4,155 ha. The local plan was developed for all the six cadastral units of the commune, with one hundred percent surface coverage. The physiographic conditions and the location of Tomice Commune encourage the settlement of the urban population (from Wadowice or Krakow), which entails the need for housing investment areas. In 2012, the Tomice Commune adopted a change in the study of conditions and directions of spatial development. The proposed re-zoning of the area is in line with the policy of transitioning from an agricultural character towards the sustainable and multifunctional development of the commune. It is worth noting that the provisions of the plan of 2004 take into account the collection of a one-time fee for the sale of real estate whose value has increased as a result of the adoption of the plan. The amount of this fee for investment areas was set at the level of 30% of the increase in value, in accordance with the provisions of the Polish Act on Spatial Planning and Management. Due to the fact that the currently valid local plan has been in effect for 10 years, it can be assumed that the commune will proceed to make some changes to it. The article estimates the potentially generated income, assuming that changes in the study passed in 2012 with regards to designating land for investment purposes constitute an indication of provisions in the future local plan.

The chapter will present how the spatial management system's problem is recognized and distinguished in the literature on the subject in various European countries. Such issues were classified, and their scale (national/supranational) was carried out. The key points from the analyzed perspective, including the local view of spatial policy, as well as the issue of social participation in spatial planning, were considered in particular. The characteristics of the leading European models of spatial management systems and the solutions adopted within these models, especially those relating to the scope of applying individual spatial policy tools, will match the classification made in this way. The chapter mainly focuses on such issues as the role of local spatial development plans in the spatial development system, public participation, integrated development planning, public interest, and flexibility in spatial planning. The context of informal institutions in spatial planning will also be considered. The optimal (effective, rational, efficient) way of addressing these issues in the spatial management system is also related to legal conditions analysis. Therefore, the chapter will also analyze how specific legal regulations can deal with spatial management systems' problems and challenges: the role of these regulations, which thematic areas they should undertake, and which should not.KeywordsSpatial management systemSpatial lawSpatial developmentEuropean models of spatial planning

The objective of this scoping review is to review the body of knowledge on net gain and no net loss (net-outcome) objectives and approaches applicable to health in spatial planning and development policies and practice. There is an established body of academic and gray literature addressing environmental net-outcome objectives, such as biodiversity net gain, in spatial planning policies and practice. A "health net gain" objective has recently been proposed as a driver for health protection and the realization of health. Such an objective and approach are yet to be scoped and defined. This review will consider sources in the scientific and gray literature that describe health net-outcome objectives that can be implemented in spatial planning and development policies and practice. Source contexts will not be limited to specific countries, geographical areas, or settings. All types of evidence will be considered. This review will follow the JBI methodology for scoping reviews. Databases to be searched include PsycINFO, Embase, HMIC Health Management Information Consortium, MEDLINE (Ovid), Scopus, and selected databases from the ProQuest Social Science Premium Collection. Sources of gray literature to be searched include ProQuest Dissertations and Theses, TRIP Pro, and BASE. No language or date restrictions will be applied. Two independent reviewers will retrieve and review full-text studies and extract data. The results will be presented in tabular or diagrammatic format with a narrative summary. Open Science Framework https://osf.io/4dbcm.

The article presents considerations on the importance of the provisions of the municipality’s general plan referred to in the Act of March 27, 2023 on Spatial Planning and Development, as well as the importance of the provisions of the local general plan, referred to in the Act of July 12, 1984 on Spatial Planning when estimating real estate for the purposes of determining the amount of compensation and fees referred to in Art. 36 section 3 and 4 of the Act on Spatial Planning and Development. Due to the fact that the Act of 1984 refers to the general spatial development plan of settlement units (called the general plan), prepared and adopted on the basis of the Act of January 31, 1961 with the same name, the article also discusses this type of plan. Moreover, activities related to determining the value of real estate were indicated, including the above-mentioned planning purposes, and the understanding of concepts such as “real estate data” and “intended use in the local plan” were presented. Attention was also focused on the essence of the above-mentioned types of plans, as well as the differences between the general plan of the commune and the local general plan and general spatial development plan of settlement units.

A Grounded Theory approach for deconstructing the role of participation in spatial planning: Insights from Nature Park Medvednica, Croatia

• Programme to integrate spatial planning and energy planning. • Creating strategic database for energy transition in spatial planning. • Applying strategic maps to harmonize district heating, mobility and spatial development. • Applying energy transition thinking for sustainable spatial planning. • Holistic implementation programme for scientific knowledge in local spatial planning. How we plan our towns, cities and regions is inseparably connected to energy demand, greenhouse gas emissions and the way how we can manage the transition to sustainable renewable energy systems. Therefore, we propose that integrated spatial and energy planning is an important part of energy transition and climate protection strategies. In this article, we discuss how the energy transition and spatial planning can be holistically integrated, and how this theoretical framework combining the factual findings of integrated spatial and energy planning and strategic concepts of spatial planning can be put into practice in municipal spatial planning. We demonstrate the applicability of the approach in an action research process in the Austrian Province of Styria involving the Government representatives, municipalities and spatial planners. The whole approach includes, as tangible outputs a strategic database, strategic maps, and a planning guidance for municipalities on the one hand, and a further education programme for planners and municipal decision makers on the other hand. Finally, the applicability, transferability and limitations of the approach are discussed. As the approach is not only established in Styria, but at the moment also put forward in two further Provinces so that we can, in total, cover about 63% of all Austrian municipalities with this approach, we also propose that this approach can serve as a role model not only for local and regional energy transition and climate protection policies around the world, but also for shaping third mission activities of universities.