Soundscape in D.H. Lawrence’s Writings: Music and Dance from the Etruscans to Classical Music

Charlotte Browne was not afraid of the French or the Indians. Instead, she sailed from England to America in 1754 as matron of the general hospital to be established for General Edward Braddock’s troops in his campaign against Britain’s enemies on the edge of the Ohio River Valley, on the eve of what would become the Seven Years War. Enduring the hardships and miseries of a transatlantic transport vessel with her reputation for good sense and strict chastity intact, she met with as civil a reception in America as the unpolished colonists could provide. The ‘English Ladies’ of Frederickstown, Maryland invited her to a Ball, where, according to Browne, the company was composed of ‘Romans, Jews and Hereticks . . . Ladys danced without Stays or Hoops and it ended with a Jig from each Lady’. The strangeness of ‘Englishness’ in the American frontier did not lessen Brown’s resourcefulness or deter her from her duty of ministering to wounded British and American soldiers, and their bereft partners, despite insect-infested beds, drenched camps, treacherous roads, her brother’s passing, and news of her daughter’s death in England. ‘It is not possible to describe the distraction of the poor Women for their Husbands,’ Browne recalled, following Braddock’s defeat in the autumn of 1755.1Browne’s story, and those of the tens of thousands of other women who served, followed, and toiled for the British military in its long wars for empire, rarely figure prominently in the imperial saga. Yet, as scholars have come to recognize the varied and vital roles of eighteenth-and nineteenthcentury women in British public, as well as private, life, they have also begun to appreciate their importance in ‘forging the nation’ and building an empire.2 British women were intimately involved in imperial projects and aspirations, key figures in orchestrating the consumption or boycottof imperial goods, subsidizing or resisting imperial wars, and refashioning the empire through anti-slavery and missionary campaigns. They turned up in western Atlantic colonies and eastern trading outposts (Africa, India, Sumatra, and Australasian settlements) from all over the British Isles and in all conditions: as forced and indentured labourers; soldiers, sailors and officers’ wives; teachers, actresses, nurses, sutlers, merchants, and prostitutes; the partners or daughters of religious pilgrims, naturalists, slavers, planters, and officials; and as slave traders, adventurers, and explorers themselves. This chapter will examine how women helped establish, maintain, and challenge British dominion in the period from 1700 to 1850. It will consider both general contexts for understanding women’s roles in British networks of maritime, military, and commercial power, and the experiences of individual women within these systems of rule. In doing so, the horizons of Britishness will be expanded to include the contributions of the empire’s extended territories and peoples to British culture and to the British understanding of national and gender difference.

Context Against the backdrop of global climate change and enhanced human activities, heatwave issues occur frequently, and lead to increasing population heatwave exposure (PHE) risk. Although early studies have suggested that blue-green spaces (BGS) may mitigate PHE by regulating the surface thermal environment, few researches have investigated the comprehensive effect of various types of BGS on PHE from climate zone perspective, especially at the fine scale. Objectives This study attempted to investigate the comprehensive impacts of various BGS on PHE from the perspective of climate zones to provide more targeted decision support for PHE mitigation. Methods Taking China as the study area, this study quantified the relationship between various BGS and PHE across different climate zones, combined with gradient boosting regression tree (GBRT) model, shapley additive explanation (SHAP), and variance partitioning analysis (VPA). Results HAW (hot summer and warm winter) and HAC (hot summer and cold winter) climate zones had obviously higher probability of heatwaves than the other climate zones, and their PHE was very severe. BGS had a strong explanatory power for PHE variation in all climate zones. The joint explanatory power of various types of BGS for PHE was basically greater than their independent explanatory power. With the increase of latitude, the independent explanatory power of forest decreased, while that of grassland increased. The dominant factors influencing PHE varied with climate zones, but percentage of landscape, landscape shape and landscape connectivity of various BGS played more important roles in regulating PHE. Conclusions The effects of BGS landscape pattern on population heatwave exposure varied across different climate zones. Our findings can provide new and more targeted insights and decision-making guidance for government policymakers and planners in different climate zones, regarding he formulation of pattern optimization strategies and planning management policies of BGS, in order to effectively mitigate the population exposure to heatwaves.

This article explores the first British university-associated women's colleges at the turn of the nineteenth century. Drawing on Foucault, the article looks into the dualistic opposition between private and public, as well as women's attempts to transcend this dichotomy. In theorising women's colleges as Foucauldian heterotopias, spaces in the interstices of power relations and dominant social structures, the author focuses on the interplay of contradicting discourses and strong power relations within these women's colleges. In this light, the author considers the ways women resisted, negotiated, but also compromised in their attempt to shape their lives and invent new ways of being in the world.

“Holding Living Bodies in Graveyards”: The Violence of Keeping Ethiopian Manuscripts in Western Institutions

The regicide of King Charles I on 30 January 1649 dramatically caught the imagination of three Cambridge students, John Fidoe, Thomas Jeanes, and William Shaw. It so inspired them that they decided to take time away from their studies that cold winter to write a small pamphlet explaining why Parliament was justified in taking the kings life. However, the students did not have the mechanism to publish the pamphlet themselves, so they contacted bookseller Giles Calvert at his shop at the sign of the Black Spread Eagle at the west end of St Paul's Cathedral's courtyard in London. Calvert found a printer for them, and by 27 February 1649 the book collector George Thomason bought the pamphlet at Calvert's shop so that he could learn what these Cambridge students thought about Charles's execution.1This series of events was very typical in the London print trade during the late 1640s. Many individuals felt the obligation to express their political and religious views in print, and the London printers and booksellers gladly assisted them. But why did the obscure Fidoe, Jeanes, and Shaw choose Giles Calvert to sell their pamphlet celebrating the unpopular regicide?2 Further, what does this reveal about the relationship between politics and the press in the late 1640s? The answers to these questions help us understand important dynamics of the Civil War era: under what conditions authors, booksellers, and printers operated during the period, their relationship to ideologies and political factions, and the status of the 'public sphere' in mid-seventeenthcentury Britain. These issues have all merited rather substantial scholarly attention. For instance, there has been a spirited debate about how free the press was in the 1640s and the relative impact of censorship prior to and after the outbreak of the Civil Wars. While this discussion continues, most commentators agree that there is little doubt that during the 1640s many more titles and copies came off the presses than in the 1630s or any time since the advent of printing.3 Then scholars have argued over the ideological reasons, if any, that motivated men to fight in the Civil Wars. There is some consensus that there were two serious problems contemporaries argued over: what type of Protestantism should exist in England, and the nature of the legal contract between the government and the people. Individuals' views on the appropriate religion-which ranged from an Episcopal church structure to a Presbyterian one, to more loosely controlled independent churches, or even to religious toleration, often, but not always, overlapped with their hope for a political settlement - from royalism all the way to republicanism. Yet this fluidity of opinion, and the fact that over the course of the Civil Wars people's views changed, has led to a great deal of scholarly debate about the existence of political parties. Historians have argued over the nature of the Independents and Presbyterians in the House of Commons, the place of the Levellers in the political structure, and how these groups dealt with the Royalists.4Finally, historians have disagreed on how the explosion of print, coupled with raging political and religious debates, helped foster a public sphere. The notion of the public sphere, where individuals publicly, freely, and rationally discussed political issues in print without government censorship, was first identified by Jurgen Habermas as a development of eighteenth-century Britain.5 This concept is useful when discussing the seventeenth century too, some historians now claim, as people read, discussed, and argued about the merits of the thousands of printed documents that debated England's political and religious future during the 1640s.6 Yet the notion that English people rationally and rigorously interrogated the information they read in the press in order to reach a political consensus is seen as very problematic for other scholars. Some suggest the press was primarily a ground for emotional manipulation. …