Sophia as Onoma Theou: an Onomastic Case Study on the Intersection of Christianity, Politics, and Intellectual Culture

Automated Journalism at the Intersection of Politics and Black Culture: The Battle Against Digital Hegemony explores the unintentional inequities that erupt when AI assistance meets news media. Colin Campbell argues that while AI newswriting can streamline news production, it can also exacerbate racist discrimination and perpetuate harmful stereotypes. Combining empirical research and personal experience, Campbell urgently argues for the necessity of ensuring that AI-produced media is mindful of Black, Brown, and minority experiences—as well as traditional journalistic concerns such as bias and accuracy. Media scholars will find this book especially salient.

Automated Journalism at the Intersection of Politics and Black Culture: The Battle Against Digital Hegemonyexplores the unintentional inequities that erupt when AI assistance meets news media. Colin Campbell argues that while AI newswriting can streamline news production, it can also exacerbate racist discrimination and perpetuate harmful stereotypes. Combining empirical research and personal experience, Campbell urgently argues for the necessity of ensuring that AI-produced media is mindful of Black, Brown, and minority experiences—as well as traditional journalistic concerns such as bias and accuracy. Media scholars will find this book especially salient.

Reviewed by: The Art of Protest: Culture and Activism from the Civil Rights Movement to the Streets of Seattle Ann Larabee The Art of Protest: Culture and Activism from the Civil Rights Movement to the Streets of Seattle. T. V. Reed . Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2005. 362 pp., ISBN 0-8166-3771-7, $25.00. This helpful book situates several major protest movements, from the civil rights movement to the Seattle antiglobalization protest, within a discussion of their cultural production. In this way, T. V. Reed hopes to remedy what he sees as a neglect of culture—defined here as meaning-making processes—in the study of social movements carried out by social scientists. Thus, the book makes a strong contribution to a growing body of work on radicalism that is informed by cultural studies inquiry and has an interest in cultural texts such as protest songs, essays, and posters. A professor of English at Washington State University, Reed argues that the cultural production of social movements is at least as important as their social, political, and economic impacts. Reed devotes chapters to the songs of the civil rights movement, the agitprop of the Black Panthers, the poetry of the Women's Rights movement, the murals of the Chicano/a movement, the films of the American Indian movement, the charity concerts of the famine relief movement, the graphic art of ACT UP, the literary-critical practices associated with the environmental justice movement, and the use of new media by antiglobalization protesters. The strategy with each case study is briefly to introduce the history and aims of the movement for the nonspecialist before moving into a discussion of the cultural form in question. Reed associates each movement with its most well-known artistic, literary, dramatic, or musical form, arguing that the more popular, visible forms of cultural production had important functions both in addressing an external audience and nurturing emotional connections to the political cause within the movement itself. For example, Reed describes how the freedom songs of the civil rights movement evolved from gospel songs and spirituals to attract "respectable church-going folks" and older members of the community by tying the movement to a history of suffering and resistance. Popular rhythm and blues, such as the songs of Ray Charles, were adapted to appeal to black youth. The resulting freedom songs provided a buffer of solidarity against fear and terror, helped recruit new members, conveyed the purpose of the movement to both insiders and [End Page 177] outsiders, provided pleasure and relaxation, and built a collective identity. So successful was the strategy of song that it has had a strong influence on many subsequent social movements. As Reed points out, "'We Shall Overcome' belongs now to the world" (1). In the final chapter, Reed discusses cultural approaches to the analysis of social movements, finding much common ground with Michael Denning's now classic discussion of labor activism during the Great Depression.1 Both writers are interested in the intersection of politics and culture and in the production and reception of cultural forms. Reed spends time clarifying definitions of "political," "cultural," and "social" and their hybrids, such as "cultural politics." Perhaps most usefully, he sets out a schema of ten primary functions of cultural forms within social movements including empowering, historicizing, informing, and enacting. Those who study the production of cultural forms by radical groups may find Reed's taxonomy helpful in identifying the many uses of such forms in generating meaning both inside and outside the group. Reed is more interested in the reformist, rather than radical, use of cultural forms, focusing on political address within the social imaginary of the public sphere, primarily in the nation-state, but extending in the final chapters to global networks. In this way, he joins writers like Brian Norman, whose recent book on the protest essay argues that this form aspires "to national unity by addressing, not repressing, divisions within the citizenry."2 A key question for these writers is influence: to what extent the reception, adaptation, and diffusion of cultural forms generated by social movements can bring about social, political, and cultural change in the mainstream. But as Reed ruefully...

Physical Inactivity and Obesity in the United States: At the Intersection of Politics, Socioeconomics, Race, and Culture

n this history of Soviet cinema Peter Kenez describes the pre-revolutionary heritage, the changes brought about by the Revolution, the great flourishing of the golden years of the late 1920s, the constraints imposed on artists in the name of Socialist realism, the relative liberalization during the years of the Second World War, and the extraordinary repression during the gloomy last years of Stalin. The author's primary concern is the political uses of film. The Bolsheviks had high expectations: they believed that this medium would be a major vehicle for transmitting their social and political messages, and so experimented with the various ways with which they could bring movies to worker and peasant audiences. Although they achieved major successes, their unrealistically high expectations often led to disappointments and acrimonious debates. An examination of how the explicit and implicit messages in Soviet films changed over time helps us to understand the evolution of Soviet society. This study deals with the intersection of politics and culture and aims to illuminate both.In this history of Soviet cinema Peter Kenez describes the pre-revolutionary heritage, the changes brought about by the Revolution, the great flourishing of the golden years of the late 1920s, the constraints imposed on artists in the name of Socialist realism, the relative liberalization during the years of the Second World War, and the extraordinary repression during the gloomy last years of Stalin. The author's primary concern is the political uses of film. The Bolsheviks had high expectations: they believed that this medium would be a major vehicle for transmitting their social and political messages, and so experimented with the various ways with which they could bring movies to worker and peasant audiences. Although they achieved major successes, their unrealistically high expectations often led to disappointments and acrimonious debates. An examination of how the explicit and implicit messages in Soviet films changed over time helps us to understand the evolution of Soviet society. This study deals with the intersection of politics and culture and aims to illuminate both.

CLA JOURNAL 151 Sassafrass, Cypress & Indigo Revisited: The Intersections of Politics, Culture, and Self-Development Jacqueline Jones In an interview that appears in Claudia Tate’s Black Women Writers at Work, novelist, poet, and dramatist Ntozake Shange states that “if there is an audience for whom I write, it’s the little girls who are coming of age. I want them to know that they are not alone and that we adult women thought and continue to think about them” (162). Shange’s first novel Sassafrass, Cypress & Indigo (1982) does just that. Set in Charleston, South Carolina in the 1960s and 1970s, the bildungsroman charts the effects shifting cultural, political, and artistic values have on the coming-of-age experiences of sisters Sassafrass, Cypress, and Indigo. The product of several generations of women weavers, the sisters learn to weave, dye cloth, and cook from their mother Hilda Effania. Shange integrates poems, tonics, recipes, letters, and dance choreography into the narrative to provide additional context for the characters’ rich lives. Eldest sister Sassafrass follows in her mother’s footsteps and becomes a weaver; she also is a poet. Middle sister Cypress is a dancer. Youngest sister Indigo plays the fiddle, communicates with the spirits of slaves, and has magical powers. Drawing from black nationalist and black feminist ideologies of the period, Shange constructs the sisters as working toward dismantling various forms of oppression through self-development and redefinition. The sisters look toward African diasporic and women’s cultural practices, their connection to nature and the spirit world, as well as their artistic abilities to create and define individual identities. Sassafrass engages and extends the conversations of black women writers in the 1970s and early 1980s regarding the role black communities play in the lives and self-development processes of black girls and women. Using what we would now consider an intersectional approach, novelists of the period illustrate the effects patriarchy, sexism, violence, and internalized racism have on the development of black girl and women.1 As Barbara Christian asserts in “Trajectories of SelfDefinition ,” novels including Toni Morrison’s Sula (1973) and Alice Walker’s The Color Purple (1982) depict black communities as “a major threat to the survival and empowerment of women” (240). This was significant as black women writers articulated that not only do their experiences with sexual violence, patriarchy, and other issues within black communities require the same urgency as institutional racism in larger society but also being both black and women compounds their marginalization. In these works, then, protagonists challenge community norms as they work toward survival, autonomy, and self-definition. Characters in 152 CLA JOURNAL Jacqueline Jones 1970s novels were likely to find that their endeavors left them isolated from the community or with a limited sense of social inclusion. In several early 1980s novels, the addition of a “strong woman’s community” results in most protagonists surviving, with some experiencing “the possibility of wholeness” (Christian 243). Sassafrass, Cypress & Indigo has generally been linked to this latter category of early 1980s novels in which protagonists create “the possibility of wholeness” through female friendship and or engagement in communities of women. While the novel does depict problematic attitudes and behaviors related to gender and sexuality that pose a threat to black girls and women, it also incorporates instances where the sisters’ community of origin aids or empowers the protagonists’ self-development. Though most of the positive interactions that occur in the novel happen among women, there are also occasions, particularly during the sisters’ childhoods, where the protagonists are empowered by elder men in their community. Furthermore, Shange distinguishes the text from similar works of the time by providing her characters with more than the “possibility of wholeness” (Christian 243). With exposure to a broad array of spiritual, cultural, and political influences, Sassafrass, Cypress, and Indigo learn to internalize the values and lessons that work for them and discard or overcome the ones that do not. The sisters leave home on a quest for education and fulfillment, and they harmoniously return self-actualized and as meaningful participants in their community. As such, through Sassafrass, Shange offers a vision of black women establishing autonomy without sacrificing communal integration, which she...

n this history of Soviet cinema Peter Kenez describes the pre-revolutionary heritage, the changes brought about by the Revolution, the great flourishing of the golden years of the late 1920s, the constraints imposed on artists in the name of Socialist realism, the relative liberalization during the years of the Second World War, and the extraordinary repression during the gloomy last years of Stalin. The author's primary concern is the political uses of film. The Bolsheviks had high expectations: they believed that this medium would be a major vehicle for transmitting their social and political messages, and so experimented with the various ways with which they could bring movies to worker and peasant audiences. Although they achieved major successes, their unrealistically high expectations often led to disappointments and acrimonious debates. An examination of how the explicit and implicit messages in Soviet films changed over time helps us to understand the evolution of Soviet society. This study deals with the intersection of politics and culture and aims to illuminate both.In this history of Soviet cinema Peter Kenez describes the pre-revolutionary heritage, the changes brought about by the Revolution, the great flourishing of the golden years of the late 1920s, the constraints imposed on artists in the name of Socialist realism, the relative liberalization during the years of the Second World War, and the extraordinary repression during the gloomy last years of Stalin. The author's primary concern is the political uses of film. The Bolsheviks had high expectations: they believed that this medium would be a major vehicle for transmitting their social and political messages, and so experimented with the various ways with which they could bring movies to worker and peasant audiences. Although they achieved major successes, their unrealistically high expectations often led to disappointments and acrimonious debates. An examination of how the explicit and implicit messages in Soviet films changed over time helps us to understand the evolution of Soviet society. This study deals with the intersection of politics and culture and aims to illuminate both.

Reviewed by: The Coming of Democracy: Presidential Campaigning in the Age of Jackson by Mark R. Cheathem Jacob T. Wood (bio) The Coming of Democracy: Presidential Campaigning in the Age of Jackson. By Mark R. Cheathem. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2018. Pp. x, 248. $64.95 cloth; $24.95 paper; $14.72 ebook) In a historical moment where presidencies and politics are defined as much by Saturday Night Live and Twitter as they are from bills in Congress, one could be forgiven in assuming that the intersection of politics, entertainment, and popular culture is a new phenomenon. However, Mark Cheathem, current editor of the Martin Van Buren Papers and biographer of Andrew Jackson and family, presents the [End Page 504] early republic as a period where “entertainment, things such as music, public events, and cartoons, held important political meaning” for Americans (pp. 2–3). Cheathem focuses The Coming of Democracy on the five presidential elections that occurred between the controversial election of 1824 to the apotheosis of cultural politics in the election of 1840. Through each election, Cheathem covers how the confluence of informal entertainment and politics facilitated the rise of Jacksonian democracy through the creation of partisan clubs, political media such as cartoons and music, and appeals to women. He admits these factors all existed prior to the election of 1824 but argues that it was the period between 1824 and 1840 where they became far more widespread and accessible to Americans at large (p. 9). The Coming of Democracy synthesizes previous historical works to contribute to the field a succinct précis of Jacksonian politics. He draws upon the most recent scholarship of the past twenty years, including expanding upon his previous books on Jackson, Van Buren, and the rise of the Democratic Party. A credit to Cheathem’s research is the numerous political cartoons and excerpts from contemporary songs poking fun at the leading men and issues of the antebellum period. His coverage of the use and spread of print culture notably during the 1836 election portrays a United States where the average American could see their presidential candidates before them in cartoons, read about those candidates and their stances in new biographies and newspapers, and celebrate their impending victory with clubs and songs and Liberty Balls rolling through the streets. Cheathem also demonstrates the prominent role previously excluded women played in influencing the political process, especially for Whig candidates. The democratic impulse extended beyond discussions of policy; it entered the realms of popular culture, pushing 80 percent of eligible voters to participate in 1840 (p. 175). The key year for both the coming of democracy in the abstract and The Coming of Democracy in the literal sense was 1840. Perhaps the greatest strengths of this work, its extensive chronology and readable page length, also act as its major drawback. Friends [End Page 505] of Tippecanoe rejoice with the Whig triumph in 1840 as Harrison and allies outmaneuver Van Buren and the Democrats through their use of cultural politics; yet The Coming of Democracy could elaborate further as to why the Democrats in 1836 and 1840 utterly failed to take advantage of an arena that seemed perfectly suited to them following Jackson’s successes. After successfully electing Jackson twice along with Van Buren, the work can explain more of the rationale or circumstances that prevented Democrats from fully embracing music, lithographs, or women’s participation in Van Buren’s campaigns (pp. 108, 162, 168). Despite cutting off his study at the election of 1840, Cheathem’s work demonstrates a breadth of subject matter that would benefit upper level history majors and early graduate students in understanding the changes that occurred in how Americans participated in their presidential politics. By consolidating the latest scholarly works on the intersection of three cultures—political, print, and material—Cheathem offers readers an introduction into the world of Jacksonian politics that future scholars can expand upon. Jacob T. Wood JACOB T. WOOD is a doctoral student at the University of Kentucky. He is currently researching the role of fluid political boundaries in the partisan debates of the election of 1844. Copyright © 2020 Kentucky Historical Society

3 Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies Vol. XL, No.2, WINTER 2017 Constructing a High-Society Mosque: The Controversy and Significance of the Sakirin Mosque in Istanbul, Turkey Yücel Demirer* This article addresses the unique construction process of the Şakirin Mosque, located near Karacaahmet Cemetery in theAnatolian section of Istanbul, Turkey, and the controversies associated with its construction. Looking beyond form and function, which are known as the principal characteristics of architectural design, this article analyzes the representation of contemporary religious standpoints in Turkey through the Şakirin Mosque’s design and construction process. The mosque was funded by the children of a prominent philanthropist couple and designed by the team of a prominent mosque architects and a female interior designer who has won awards for her work including bars and restaurants. This striking and spacious structure has sparked controversy in Turkey and became known to journalists as “the high society mosque.” Closely reviewing the architectural characteristics of the mosque and discussing the interior designer’s extensive exercise of freedom in her choice of forms and motifs, this essay intends to elaborate the ways in which the design negotiates issues of national and religious identity. In the process of this analysis, the major controversies that influence religious discourses in Turkey come to light. * Yücel Demirer received his Ph.D. from Ohio State University and is a member of Kocaeli Academy for Solidarity in Turkey. His research centers on the intersection of culture and politics. He has published articles and books on political culture, symbolic politics and political aspects of religion. An earlier version of this paper was presented in theAnnual Meeting of theAmericanAcademy of Religion, San Francisco, CA, on November 19th 2011. The author would like to thank Nicole Wilkinson Duran for her helpful and constructive comments that significantly contributed to improving final version of the paper. Email: yuceldemirer@gmail.com 4 . . . Lindsay Jones, prominent architectural historian of worship places, reminds us that a building’s meaning can be categorized as “situational, provisional and non-definitive,” and that, like other artistic works, buildings convey a plurality of meanings.1 However, Jones also assures us that “[a]rchitecture is definitely the most visible and arguably the most powerful means both for expressing and for stimulating religious sensibilities.”2 The varieties of architecture and decoration in places of worship and the side-by-side analysis of objects and styles has occupied a significant position in scholarly research. Scholars interested in the interplay between religion and social change have examined the material and cultural aspect of worship places for a long time. In keeping with this research, the present essay focuses on the case of the Şakirin Mosque from the perspective of material culture and architecture. The mosque forms a noteworthy site for this kind of study for two reasons. First, we will see that the mosque’s design functions to display the social transformation and negotiation between the main social and political divisions in Turkey. Second, by bringing artists, architects, and various other practitioners together, the Şakirin project has functioned as a material bridge in a highly divided context. The Şakirin Mosque symbolizes the negotiations between religious traditions and the laicist sphere in a highly compartmentalized social setting. It further serves as a venue for the invention of a new tradition that would combine conflicting stances together.While bridging different lifestyles throughout the construction process, this project represents tolerance and mutual understanding. The theme of bridging and negotiation is the focal point of analysis. Manifold interactions among various bitterly divided actors and social groups occur within Şakirin’s architecture and decoration. In contrast to some divisive mosque projects in Turkey,3 Şakirin will be discussed as a harmonizing project that may stand as an answer to the growing controversy over mosques in Turkey and as a pragmatic solution in negotiations among opposing social positions. With its religious, aesthetic, and historic importance, this project also paved the way for the purpose-built mosques which correlate the issue of meaning at the personal level. While this study is very much interested in the display of multi-layered meanings of Şakirin for different parties, informal 1 Lindsay Jones, The Hermeneutics of...

This chapter examines how Frederick Douglass translated political action into ideologies and practices of intellectual culture in order to deal with the repercussions of slavery. Undoubtedly, the efforts of African Americans to negotiate, secure, and share social power were a direct function of the degree to which they could vote, hold office, register an affiliation with a political party, have their delegates confirmed at conventions, and serve on juries. Yet African American political action prevailed in intellectual culture—and necessarily so. Political theories of racial genius persisted in both electoral politics and cultural politics, with the goals of discrediting the promise of African American political representation and sustaining white supremacy. Douglass and other African American writers of his generation recognized this fundamental linkage of racist politics and intellectual culture, critiqued it in their writings, outlined strategies for overcoming it as a race, and participated in social activism to implement their strategies.

The representation of women in Indian politics has been low and inadequate, with women comprising only 14.4% of the members of the 17th Lok Sabha. Despite numerous policy measures aimed at promoting women’s political representation, the underrepresentation of women remains a persistent challenge. This study seeks to understand the intersection of culture and politics in explaining the underrepresentation of women in Indian democracy. The research explores the civic political culture of women’s political participation. The findings suggest that a change in the civic political culture, through a multifaceted approach, is crucial in breaking down the glass ceiling in Indian politics.

1 Contents Chapter 2 Foreword Chapter 3 Introduction. At the Intersection of Politics and Popular Culture: Over Two Hundred Years of Great Entertainment Part 4 I. Setting the Stage Chapter 5 1. Different Experiences of Young Adults and Other Adults in Mediated Campaigns Chapter 6 2. Links, Chicks, Blogs, Banners: Using the Internet for Youth Voter Mobilization Part 7 II. The Performance Chapter 8 3. Rock the Vote: An Insider's Account of the 2004 Campaign Strategy Chapter 9 4. Comic Elections and Real News? The Daily Show, Satire, Public Discourse, and the New Voter Chapter 10 5. Lessons in Appealing to the Young Non-Voter: Michael Moore's Slackers Uprising Tour Chapter 11 6. Screening Abu Ghraib, Reelecting the President: The Symbolic Politics of Torture in Fiction Film and Television, 2003-2005 Chapter 12 7. Cast a Vote: Yo: Targeting the Hip-Hop Generation through Popular Culture Part 13 III. Evaluating the Show Chapter 14 8. Soft News and Young Voters: Why They Tune into It and What They Get Out of It Chapter 15 9. Thin Democracy/Thick Citizenry: Interactive Media and its Lessons for Young Citizens/Consumers Chapter 16 10. Just Don't to Vote or Die, Bitch! A Giant Douche, a Turd Sandwich, Hardcore Puppet Sex, and the Reinvention of Political (Un)Involvement Chapter 17 Index Chapter 18 About the Contributors

Introduction: At the Intersection of Politics and Popular Culture: Over Two Hundred Years of Great Entertainment

1. The Making of Mothers (Stephanie O'Donohoe, Margaret Hogg, Pauline Maclaran, Lydia Martens and Lorna Stevens) Part I: Motherhood as an Ideological, Mediated Project 2. Motherhood in the Movies, 1942-2010: Social Class Mobility and Economic Power (Elizabeth C. Hirschman) 3. Designing Mothers and the Social Class and Material Culture (Alison J. Clarke) 4. How to be a Mother: Expert Advice and the Material Subject (Mary Jane Kehily) 5. Negotiations of Motherhood: Between Ideals and Practice (Malene Gram and Helle Pederson) Part II: Feeding Motherhood 6. It won't do her any Harm they said, Or they wouldn't put it on the Market: Infant Weaning, Markets and Mothers' Narratives of Trust (Julia Keenan and Helen Stapleton) 7. Contesting Food: Contesting Mothering? (Bente Halkier) 8. Food, Cooking and Motherhood amongst Bosnian Refugees in Sweden (Helene Brembeck) 9. Images of Motherhood: Food Advertising in Good Housekeeping Magazine, 1950-2010 (David Marshall, Margaret Hogg, Teresa Davis, Tanja Schneider and Alan Petersen) Part III: Motherhood, Consumption and Transitions 10. Bouncing Back: Reclaiming the Body from Pregnancy (Lisa O'Malley and Maurice Patterson) 11. Managing Pregnancy Work: Consumption, Emotion and Embeddedness (Caroline Gatrell) 12. Engaging with the Maternal: Tentative Mothering Acts and the Props of Performance (Tina Miller) 13. Mothers and their Empty Nests: Employing Consumption Practices to Negotiate a Major Life Transition (Carolyn F. Curasi, Pauline Maclaran and Margaret Hogg) 14. Whose Work is it Anyway?: The Shifting Dynamics of Accountability and Responsibility in Family Mealtime Practices (Benedetta Cappellini and Elizabeth Parsons) Part IV: Consumption and Contested Motherhood Identities 15. Mothering, Poverty and Consumption (Lisa Glass, Kathy Hamilton and Katherine Trebeck) 16. On Markets and Motherhood: The Case of American Mothers of Children Adopted from China (Amy Traver) 17. Spectacular Pregnancy Loss: The Public Private Lives of the Santorums and Duggars at the Intersection of Politics, Religion and Tabloid Culture (Linda Layne) 18. Pregnancy, Privacy and Personhood in the Consumer Socialization of Expectant Mothers (The VOICE Group)

Neutrality in Twentieth-Century Europe is an interesting contribution to the discussion of neutrality in scholarship and politics. It is especially useful as a contribution to the analysis of the relationship of science, culture, and politics during an era of strong division. Because the book focuses on the period after the First World War, it offers an interesting prehistory of issues that became prominent during the Second World War and the Cold War. During all of these periods, changes in international politics influenced the relationship of scholarship, culture, and politics.The main focus of the book is on the smaller European states that adhered strictly to a neutral position during the First World War. Important concepts connected to “neutrality” include “impartiality,” “objectivity” and “internationalism,” which are covered in the book's fifteen essays, divided into four thematic parts dealing with internationalism, science, culture, and politics. The starting point for the volume is that neutrality as a cultural, scientific and political resource was in itself a construct that was given meanings and used rhetorically for a variety of new purposes. The concept endowed smaller countries and intellectuals with a new kind of role in European (and even world-scale) scientific, political, and cultural discussions. The aim of the smaller countries was to become neutral mediators between the former belligerent states in order to facilitate international cooperation and enhance international scientific cooperation. The period after the First World War is defined as an era of emerging nation-states, but the main actors in the discourse were primarily individuals, small groups, and organizations.The book discusses the intersections of science, culture, and politics before and during the negotiations that led to the controversial Treaty of Versailles. The talks helped neutrality to gain a new appeal, spurring small, neutral countries such as the Netherlands, Sweden, Denmark, and Norway to mediate in the complex situation. The war and its aftermath introduced modern nation-states as the basis for a new world order. Although the actors analyzed in the volume were committed to internationalism, they ultimately reinforced nationalism as representatives of nation-states.Before the First World War, Germany was a scientific powerhouse and closely connected to wider scientific developments in Europe. After the war began and Germany became a defeated power in 1918, the demand to leave Germany out of scientific circles, such as the International Research Council (IRC)—especially in the wake of the “Proclamation of the Civilized World” in 1914—caused a complex situation in European scientific and political spheres. No matter how important the cause of internationalism and peace may have been, remaining neutral in politics and science proved exceedingly difficult. This was true of Dutch relations with Germany and scientific organizations such as the IRC. Denmark met difficulties in enhancing science on the basis of internationalism. In Sweden and Norway, the Nobel Prize institution gave both countries more power within the scientific community. Sweden, which had strongly emphasized its neutral and apolitical role in foreign policy, met the challenge when it wanted to gain a role as a mediator of the new era based on peaceful scientific, technological, and economic progress. The demands and goals of objectivity and impartiality in the case of the Nobel Prize were challenged when international ties in science and culture were severed. Swedish science had been strongly oriented toward Germany, and it had to reassess its Nobel Prize policy under the pressure of divided scientific values.These issues pertained not only to science and politics but also to “European” ideas and idealism. Pan-Europeanism, Zionism, and scientific debate created the basis of cultural encounters in Europe in the 1920s. The aim to restore peace and to solve the problems caused by the war—such as the problem of refugees when millions of people were left without their countries and citizenship—became the main aim of the international actors. The First World War was both a military disaster and a humanitarian catastrophe confronting the League of Nations and individual actors. In the process, neutral Scandinavian countries had a role to play.Neutrality in Twentieth-Century Europe is an enlightening contribution to the international and transnational interaction of scientists, organizations, and smaller states in the interwar period. By analyzing themes such as neutrality, objectivity, impartiality, and internationalism in the context of a divided world, the volume sheds valuable light on themes that resurfaced during the Cold War. The book is well worth reading for those interested in Cold War–era developments in the fields of science, culture, and politics.