Some Remarks on Civil–Military Relations in Poland

This paper examines the transformation of civil–military relations in Poland since 1989 looking at the establishment of democratic control of the armed forces, professionalisation of the military and the relationship of military and society. It argues that domestic influences on civil–military relations in Poland are likely to be driven by the move toward all-volunteer professional armed forces, the unpopularity of conscription and economic constraints on defence spending. The dominant external influences on civil–military relations in Poland will continue to come from integration into western security institutions and the prospect of overseas deployments for the armed forces as in the case of Iraq.

* Civil-Military Relations, Democracy, and the Regional Neighborhood David R. Mares. Conceptions Of Civil-Military Relations And Democracy * Concordance Theory: The Cases of India and Pakistan Rebecca L. Schiff. * Civil-Military Relations in Indonesia: The Case of ABRIs Dual Function J. Soedjati. * Civil-Military Relations in Venezuela Gisela Gmez Sucre and Mara Dolores Cornett. Civilian-Dominated Relationships * From Confrontation to Cooperation: Democratic Governance and Argentine Foreign Relations David Pion-Berlin. * Civil-Military Relations in the Czech and Slovak Republics Thomas S. Szayna. * The Restructuring of Civil-Military Relations in Poland Since 1989 Mark Kramer. Civil-Military Partnerships * Civil-Military Relations in Chiles Geopolitical Transition Francisco Rojas and Claudio Fuentes. * Changing Patterns of Civil-Military Relations and Thailands Regional Outlook Surachart Bamrungsuk. * The Interplay of Internal War and Democratization in Guatemala Since 1982 Caesar D. Sereseres. * Democratization and International Integration: The Role of the Armed Forces in Brazils Grand Strategy Thomaz Guedes da Costa. * Conclusion: Civil-Military Relations, Democracy, and Regional Relations in Comparative Perspective D. R. Mares.

Acknowledgements Abbreviations Introduction and Theoretical Perspectives Introduction by Harald von Riekhoff Civil-Military Relations in Post-Communist Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union: Some Theoretical Issues by Mark Yaniszewski NATO Accession States: The First Round Civil-Military Relations in the Czech Republic: Ambivalent Reformers, Immature Structures by Davis J. Betz Hungary: A Corner Turned? by James Sherr Post-Communist Civil-Military Relations in Poland by Piotr Dutkiewicz NATO Candidate States Civil-Military Relations in the Baltic Republics by Harald von Riekhoff Post Communist Civil-Military Relations in Bulgaria by Piotr Dutkiewicz and Plamen Pantev Post-Soviet States Civil-Military Relations in Post-Soviet Russia: Rebuilding the Battle Order? by David Betz and Sergei Plekhanov The Ukranian Military, Democratic Civil-Military Relations and the Euro-Atlantic Strategic Culture by Natalie Mychajlyszyn Conclusion by Harald von Riekhoff Selected Bibliography Appendix A: List of Interviews Index About the Contributors

Articulation and Concordance: A Dialogue on Civil–Military Relations in Fiji

Transition and civil—military relations in Poland and Russia

Contents and Contributors: Introduction, Larry Diamond and Marc Plattner I. Civil-Military Relations in the New Era Reforming Civil-Military Relations, Samuel P. Huntington Mission Matters, Michael Desch Post-Cold War Military Missions, Louis Goodman II. The Developing World Armed Forces in Latin America after the Cold War, Juan Rial Asian Militaries in the Post-Cold War Era, Carolina Hernandez Security and Transition in South Africa, Jakkie Cilliers III. The Postcommunist World Civil-Military Relations in Poland, Janusz Onyszkiewicz The Russian Military and the Postcommunist Transformation Process, Lila Shevtsova Postcommunist Wars, Charles Fairbanks Epilogue, Joseph Nye

: The world has been stunned since 1989 by the speed with which the countries of Eastern Europe abandoned four decades of Marxist-Leninist rule and cast their lot with Western-style democracy and capitalism. Although the most casual observer is well aware that the process of transition is a delicate one, economic and ethnic issues have overshadowed the daunting political challenges faced by the new democratic regimes, not the least of which, considering Eastern European history, is the possibility of military intervention in government. Only Samuel Huntington, in The Third Wave, has given any significant attention to the question of civil-military relations in emerging democracies. The purpose of this study is to consider whether Eastern European countries can learn any lessons on civilian control of the armed forces from the record of Spain, a country that has successfully undergone the democratic transition. The study will specifically compare Spain with Poland, the Eastern European country whose history is perhaps most characterized by military involvement in government. The first task is to establish a framework for analyzing civilian control of the military. This framework will then be used to determine whether the Spanish and Polish cases are indeed comparable. If they are, we shall look at the Spanish experience and use that experience to derive lessons for the reform of civil-military relations in Poland. Finally, we shall take advantage of the opportunity to consider whether Huntington's guidelines on transforming civil-military relations are adequate to explain the Spanish success and guide the Polish future.

Before they can join NATO, East European countries must develop compatible mil itaries, in terms of weaponry, command structure, civilian oversight, and military doctrine. Poland’s experience confirms the need for a clear constitutional delineation of authority between the mil itary and the government.

Civil-military relations in Poland and East Germany: The external factor

The purpose of this chapter is to point out the limitations of existing frameworks of civil-military relations. Foremost in orthodox civil-military relations theorising is the question of democratic control followed by the adjoining, newer paradigm of ‘control, effectiveness and efficiency’. We also review a section of localized civil-military relations literature labelled as ‘Civil-Military Relations for Development?’ with a dedicated focus on Asian global south civil-military relations perspectives. Before introducing the contents of the book, this chapter treats the increasingly conscious overlap between Asian CMR and military operations other than war (MOOTW) under the label ‘Asian Defence Diplomacy as an Annex of Developmental Civil Military Relations’. Throughout, the chapter provides preliminary ideas on the common characteristics that characterize the Asian hybrid model of civil-military relations dubbed as ‘Asian Military Evolutions’. The latter concept addresses both deliberate and accidental political efforts to defuse disputes between civilian politicians and military leaders over the operation of political order, and builds on innovative attempts to treat civil-military relations as a productive field for defence diplomacy and MOOTW. Asian civil-military relations practice fudges democracy and authoritarianism along with blending civil and military spheres.

The Threat of Unintended Use of Nuclear Weapons in South Asia

Why have there been no successful military interventions or civil wars in Tanzania’s nearly 60 years of independence? This one historical accomplishment, by itself striking in an African context, distinguishes Tanzania from most of the other post-1960 independent African countries and focuses attention on the possibilities and nature of successful civil–military relations in sub-Saharan Africa. Contrary to most civil–military relations theory, rather than isolating the military in order to achieve civilian oversight, Tanzania integrated the military, the dominant political party, and civil society in what one observer called a combination of “political militancy” and “antimilitarism,” somewhat akin, perhaps, to the Chinese model. China did provide intensive military training for the Tanzanians beginning in the 1960s, although this could in no way have been expected to ensure successful integration of the military with civil society, nor could it ensure peaceful civil–military relations. Eight potentially causal and overlapping conditions have been outlined to explain this unique absence of civil–military strife in an African country. Relevant but admittedly partial explanations are: the largely salutary and national developmental role of the founding president, Julius Nyerere; the caution and long-term fear of military intervention engendered by the 1964 East African mutinies; Tanzania’s radical foreign policy as a Frontline State; its ongoing territorial disputes with Uganda and Malawi; concerted efforts at coup-proofing through the co-opting of senior military commanders; and the country’s striking ethnic heterogeneity, in which none of the 125 plus ethnolinguistic tribes had the capacity to assume a hegemonic dominance. Each factor has a role in explaining Tanzania’s unique civil–military history, and together they may comprise a plausible explanation of the over 50 years of peaceful civil–military relations. They do not, however, provide a hopeful prognosis for future civil–military relations in a system that is increasingly challenging the dominant-party state, nor do they account for Tanzania’s subsequent democratic deficit.

Background: Civil Military Relations (CMR) is a complex mix of explicit, implicit, traditions, precedence, evolutions, powers forming part of the social contract that underpins the country`s governance. Arena of CMR is strategic. There are a few factors known as CMR Enablers and Barriers (EBs), which affect CMR. Objective: To study the basic relationships amongst the shortlisted EBs. Also to understand the driver and driven EBs. Methods and Analysis: Interpretive Structural Modeling (ISM) technique with Micmac Analysis was used. The inter-se and inter relationships between the EBs was derived. EBs was further categorized, based on their ability to drive others or their dependence on others. Ultimately, how critical each factor is for the success of CMR was identified. Findings: Legacy, Leadership and National Interest were found to be most critical EBs since they have individual effect on building a dynamic CMR which is of immense importance in Nation building by ensuring cohesiveness among Civil and Military parlors. Conclusion/Further Study: Enablers and Barriers are the key in the effective CMR implementation process. Conclusively, all ten EBs are relevant although they exhibit a varying degree of relative importance. Future study, could quantify the framework obtained from ISM model, using Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP).

Civil–military relations in Canada are “civil” not because Canadians are inherently “nice,” but because there is not much opportunity, incentive, or fodder for serious and intensive disagreement over defense policy between the military and the political leadership. This does not mean that disagreements do not arise or that the military has not chaffed from time to time under Canada’s relatively strict liberal-democratic traditions of civilian control over the military. Moreover, it is not the structure, traditions, and practices of government in Canada that best explain the relatively ordered nature of civil–military relations. Rather, one must look to the very nature of the Canadian defense and security situation. While Canada is also known for, and at times has vigorously promoted, its contributions to collective security through United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations, it has been its participation in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the North American Aerospace Defence Command (NORAD) that has determined almost all of defense policy and the posture and major weapons systems of the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF). This has had profound implications for civil–military relations in Canada and also accounts for the relatively “civil” tone, and the lack of tension and controversy, in those relations. This has meant that Canada’s political leaders and the senior leadership of the CAF have not had to engage in intensive “dialogue” on alternative conceptions of the international strategic environment and what a Canadian “grand strategy” should be in order to guide how the Canadian forces should be postured and equipped to meet security challenges. Canada does have a “grand strategy”; it is just not that grand. In the end, what tempers and smooths civil–military relations in Canada is that the CAF remains supportive of Canada’s not-so-grand grand strategy and accompanying expeditionary strategic culture, even if that culture is disciplined by a fiscal efficiency that sometimes seeks to extract as much international involvement out of as few military assets as possible. It is well understood on both sides of the civil–military divide that the CAF needs to maintain the confidence of political leaders to be effective in supporting the foreign policy objectives of the government through the applied or apprehended use of force when requested. In order to achieve this, the senior officer corps and the military apparatus must be cognizant of the breadth of nonmilitary factors that play into civil–military relations. Acknowledging that the scope of policy choices is inherently limited by international factors beyond Canada’s control, the importance of domestic priorities, and the access that Canadian politicians have to military expertise and assessments from other sources, the CAF has, for the most part, unobtrusively provided its political master with advice consistent with the realities facing Canadians at home and abroad. Even here, however, the Canadian military, perhaps more than most, understands the unequal character of its dialogue.

Part 1. Introduction 1. Civilians and the Military in Europe Part 2. Transition States 2. Stressed and Strained Civil-Military Relations in Romania, but Successfully Reforming 3. Differentia Specifica: Military Reform in Serbia and Montenegro 4. The Impact of Conflict and Corruption on Macedonia's Civil Military Relations 5. Political Irresponsibility and Lack of Transparency in Ukrainian Defence Reform 6. Striving for Effective Parliamentary Control over the Armed Forces in Georgia Part 3. Consolidating democracies 7. Problems Confronting Civilian Democratic Control in Poland 8. Civil-Military Relations in Hungary: From Competition to Cooperation 9. Executive Decisions and Divisions: Disputing Competences in Civil-Military Relations in Slovenia 10 Modernisation of the Czech Armed Forces: No Walk through a Rose Garden 11. The Eve of Statehood for Israel: a Battle for Civil Supremacy over the Military Part 4. Established democracies 12. The Military Voice in France: On the Streets and in the Newspapers 13. Democratic Control of the Swiss Militia in Times of War and Peace: Ideal and Reality 14. International Prestige and Domestic Democratic Values in Civil-Military Conflicts: Two Irish Case Studies 15. His Master's Voice? Freedom of Speech and the German Citizen in Uniform Part V. Conclusions Patterns of Democratic Governance of Civil-Military Relations