‘Some Like it Hot’: exploring crime cold spots, environmental criminology and crime prevention through environmental design (CPTED)

Introduction 376 Defensible Space and the Concept of CPTED 378 First-Generation CPTED 379Territoriality 380 Image Management 380 Legitimate Activity Support 380 Target Hardening 381 Access Control 381 Surveillance 381Geographical Juxtaposition 381 Second-Generation CPTED 382Social Cohesion 382 Community Connectivity 383 Community Culture 383 Threshold Capacity 383CPTED on an International Scale 384 City Revitalization in South Korea 384 CPTED in Sub-Saharan Africa 385 Police Label Secure Housing in the Netherlands 386Crime Prevention through Urban Design and Planning (CP-UDP) 389 Managing Expectations 391 Measuring and Evaluating CPTED Impacts 393 Crime Displacement 394 Future Directions and Considerations for Taking CPTED Seriously ......... 394 Glossary of Terms 396 Discussion Questions 397 Suggested Reading 397 Recommended Web Links 398 References 399Learning Outcomes After reading this chapter, you should understand• The fundamental principles of Crime Prevention through Environmental Design (CPTED)• The differences between first-and second-generation CPTED • The ways by which CPTED is implemented on an international scale • The challenges associated with measuring/evaluating the impact ofCPTED initiativesThe previous entries in this text set out something of the variety of responses to the challenge of preventing crime. The reader will recognize that there are several different approaches that one can take in this regard. Some will prefer, or otherwise focus on, increased efforts to manage known offenders, while some others will look to the strengthening of social structures to prevent children and youth from becoming offenders in the first place. It is common to hear calls for the criminal justice system to take crime problems more seriously. The basis of this notion of taking crime seriously often includes an admonishment or at least a firm prodding to start with addressing so-called root causes of crime, or to perhaps reap the crime rate dropping gains of focusing on repeat or “prolific” offenders. The following statement is from a 2008 Home Office (United Kingdom) document, the “Youth Crime Action Plan.” The statement is taken from the Minister’s Foreword to the planning document:Both of these prevention objectives take the offender as the primary unit of focus. Much of the research and theorizing in criminology and sociology of crime tends to follow this general view: that offenses are committed by individuals and that these individuals require some form of correction, be it (re)training, therapy, or punishment. Our focus in this chapter takes the crime event as the central issue (an event that has spatial, temporal, and situational aspects) rather than as a case involving people (i.e., victims, offenders, witnesses, etc.). The distinction is an important one; once we (i.e., police, academics, or practitioners) begin to view crime as a complex setting, we can broaden our theoretical thinking about social and geographic settings, rather than limiting ourselves to people and their relation to the law (Brantingham and Brantingham 1984; Brantingham and Faust 1976). Environmental criminology is an example of one orientation that takes this wider view as a starting point for the study of crime events. Environmental criminology is primarily interested in the dynamic interaction between people and their surroundings (Rossmo 2000, p. 111). The use of Crime Prevention through Environmental Design (CPTED) as a tool for crime prevention focuses the influence of the built environment on human behavior and interaction. This chapter will provide an overview of the core CPTED principles and will examine the implementation of CPTED within an international context.

2003년 이후 우리나라 범죄 발생이 한해 200만 건을 넘어서는 등 범죄가줄어들지 않는 실정 속에서 한정된 경찰력에 의존한 범죄예방은 한계를 드러내고 있다. 중앙정부와 지방자치단체에서는 한정적인 경찰력에 의한 단속, 범죄자의 처벌과 교육 등 공공의 역할만으로는 범죄가 해소되기에는 한계가 있음을 인식하여 범죄예방 환경디자인(CPTED)을 범죄예방 방안으로 수용하여 사업을 추진하고 있다. 본 연구에서는 2016년 강남역 화장실 묻지마 살인사건 이후 중앙정부와 지방자치단체(이하 지자체)에서 추진한 국내 범죄예방 환경디자인 사업사례를 검토하여, 사업추진의 시사점을 도출하고자 한다. 또한, 범죄예방 환경디자인 사업을 담당하고 있는 공무원과 경찰의 범죄예방진단팀이 범죄예방 환경디자인 사업에 대해 어떠한 인식 차이를 보이는지 살펴보고자 한다. 사업의 시사점과 사업 주체의 인식 차이 고찰을 통해 범죄예방 차원에서 적극적으로 도입하려는 범죄예방 환경디자인 사업의 효율적 추진방안을 제안하고자 한다. 첫째. 지자체는 사업을 추진하는데 필요한 조직구조 및 필요 인력을 확보하고, 충분한 사업예산을 확보하여야 한다. 둘째. 사업의 모든 단계에 지자체와 경찰이 정보를 교환하고 협력하여야 한다. 셋째. 범죄예방 환경디자인 사업의 협업체계를 구축하면서, 참여 주체의 역할 및 책임을 명확히 할 필요가 있다. 넷째. 범죄예방 환경디자인 사업의 추진성과를 적극적으로 홍보함으로써 지역주민들이범죄예방 환경디자인의 효과성을 분명하게 인식할 수 있도록 하여야 한다. 다섯째. 범죄예방 환경디자인은 안전한 도시환경 조성이라는 관점에서 필수적인개념으로 모든 사업에 접목되어야 하며, 종합적 사업으로 추진되어야 한다. 끝으로 범죄예방 환경디자인 사업 역시 시민참여가 필수이지만, 양적인 부분 치중보다는 시민참여를 위한 자연스러운 유도에 방점을 찍어야 한다. 범죄예방 환경디자인 사업은 짧은 시간에 단편적인 만족도를 끌어낼 순 있으나, 지역 특성을 무시한 채 모든 대상지에 일괄적으로 적용된다면 실효성이지속할 수 있을지에 대해 의문을 가져야 한다. 지역 정체성을 반영하는 범죄예방 환경디자인 사업은 성공도가 높아 지역경제 활성화에도 이바지 할 수 있다고 판단되며, 지역관광사업과 유연한 연계가 있으면 성공 가능성이 높다. 참여와 협업을 통해 견고하게 완성된 범죄예방 환경디자인 사업은 도시만들기에 있어서 또 하나의 마중물로 긍정적인 파급효과를 얻을 수 있을 것으로 기대된다.Since 2003, crimes in Korea has exceeded 2 million cases a year, and crime prevention, which has relied on limited police force, has revealed its limitations. The central government and local governments recognized that there was a limit to resolving crimes only through the public role, such as crackdowns by limited police forces, punishment and education of criminals. The project was promoted by accepting the Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design(CPTED) as a crime prevention plan. This study aims to derive the implications of project promotion by reviewing the domestic crime prevention through environmental design business cases promoted by the central government and local governments after the wanton murder case of Gangnam Station. In addition, it is intended to examine how the crime prevention diagnosis teams of public officials and police in charge of the crime show different perceptions about the crime prevention through environmental design project. Through consideration of the implications of the project and the perceived differences between the business entities, we would like to propose an effective business promotion plan for the Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design(CPTED) project, which is actively being introduced at the crime prevention level. First, local governments should secure the organizational structure and necessary manpower necessary to carry out the project, and secure a sufficient project budget. Second, the local government and the police must exchange information and cooperate at every stage of the project. Third, it is necessary to clarify the roles and responsibilities of the participants while establishing a collaborative system of crime prevention through environmental design. Fourth, by actively promoting the results of the crime prevention through environmental design project, local residents should be able to clearly recognize the effectiveness of the crime prevention environment design. Fifth, crime prevention through environmental design project is an essential concept in terms of creating a safe urban environment and should be applied to all projects and promoted as a comprehensive project. Lastly, the crime prevention through environmental design project is also essential for citizen participation, but it should focus on natural induction for citizen participation rather than quantitative emphasis. The crime prevention through environmental design project can bring out partial satisfaction in a short period of time, but it is necessary to question whether the effectiveness can be sustained if it is applied collectively to all target areas, ignoring regional characteristics. The crime prevention through environmental design project that reflects regional identity is highly successful, and is thought to contribute to the revitalization of the regional economy. Also, if there is a flexible connection with the regional tourism business, the chances of success will be high. It is expected that the crime prevention through environmental design project, which has been solidly completed through participation and collaboration, will have a positive ripple effect in creating cities.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to critically review the core findings from recently published place‐based crime prevention research. The paper aims to critically evaluate the available evidence on the contribution of crime prevention through environmental design as a crime prevention strategy.Design/methodology/approachLarge‐scale evaluations of crime prevention through environmental design (CPTED) are reviewed with a view to clarifying current knowledge on the evidence of crime prevention through environmental design.FindingsThe review concludes that there is a growing body of research that supports the assertion that crime prevention through environmental design is effective in reducing both crime and fear of crime in the community.Research limitations/implicationsAlthough the paper may not review all the evaluations of CPTED, it nonetheless provides a detailed compilation and overview of the most significant research in the area, including an extensive and modern bibliography on the subject. Research implications will be the subject of a forthcoming paper.Practical implicationsCPTED is an increasingly fashionable approach and is being implemented on a global scale. Additionally, individual components such as territoriality, surveillance, maintenance, access control, activity support and target‐hardening are being widely deployed. However, the evidence currently available is inconclusive and much criticised, which effectively prevents widespread intervention and investment by central government. The paper details the difficulties associated with demonstrating the effectiveness of CPTED.Originality/valueThe paper concludes that although empirical proof has not been definitively demonstrated, there is a large and growing body of research, which supports the assertion that crime prevention through environmental design is a pragmatic and effective crime prevention tool. This review provides an extensive bibliography of contemporary crime prevention through environmental design and a follow‐up paper will discuss the future research priorities for it.

This study aims to analyze crime prevention through an environmental design approach in crime prevention policy in Indonesia and to analyze weaknesses in crime prevention through an environmental design approach in suppressing the crime rate in Indonesia. Crime prevention through environmental design is related to interaction between humans and the physical environment. Efforts to control behavior through design and use are as old as civilization. Crime Prevention through Environmental Design (CPTED) is based on the idea that appropriate design, natural access control, and effective use of the built environment can reduce the incidence and fear of crime, by using normative legal research methods. The results of this study indicate Crime prevention through environmental design approach in crime prevention policy in Indonesia, Indonesia has never used CPTED concept in crime prevention policy in Indonesia, CPTED concept is a crime prevention concept that is not familiar in Indonesia. However, in Indonesia, the concept of a Secure Guard Area is a concept that offers an area with a crime prevention mechanism that is fully handed over to security officers. Crime prevention in the concept of security officers must have the ability to control territorial areas, the ability to carry out supervision, must be able to have the ability to describe a good environmental image, so that officers can provide comfort and security for the areas under their duties.

환경설계를 통한 범죄예방(Crime Prevention through Environmental Design: 이하 CPTED)’은 범죄 감소를 목적으로 1970~80년대에 부상한 범죄 예방기법으로써 건축학, 도시 공학, 심리학, 범죄학을 통합한 다학제적 접근법이다. 또한 CPTED는 유관 기관들로 하여금 각자의 기능을 범죄 감소 및 치안 유지에 적용토록 유도하는 다기관 모델(multi-agency) 의 전형으로 학계에 널리 알려져 있다. 그러나 환경 범죄학이나 범죄과학이 학제성을 적극 수용하고 학문적 입지를 다져온 것과는 달리 CPTED는 그렇지 못한 실정이며 특히나 학술적 엄밀함에 있어서 그 결함이 지적된다. CPTED는 Crowe(2000), Ekblom(2011), Armitage(2013) 등 다양한 학자들에 의해 정의되고 재정의 되고 있지만, 현재까지도 그 구성 원리나 환경 요인들과 관련해 의견 일치에 도달하지 못했으며 이것은 단순히 원론적인 차원에서의 의견 불일치에 그치지 않는 것으로 해석된다. 이와 같이 CPTED 연구에 대한 논점은 국내에 국한되지 않으며 Armitage(2013)는 영국의 주택 설계가 범죄에 미치는 영향이 어떻게 국제적인 차원에서 정책적으로 고려될 수 있는지를 보고한 바 있다. 현재 한국에서 범죄자, 특히, 절도범의 관점에서 재고한 CPTED 적용방안이 전무한 상황에서 이 논문은 영국의 사례를 분석하고 재해석하여 차후 침입절도에 대한 CPTED 전략의 참고자료로 활용될 것으로 예상되며 실용적인 CPTED 개념의 적용을 통한 학술적 정의 재조명을 기대한다.Mapping the multidisciplinary field of urban design, architecture, criminology and psychology, Crime Prevention through Environmental Design(CPTED) is a set of design principles used to deter potential criminals from committing crime and reduce the likelihood of offending in the community. Though CPTED has been practiced over the past 50 years, there still remains a lack of specificity regarding CPTED’s definition and scope. Acknowledging such discrepancies in the world of academics and that of policy-makers, this study aims to help redefine the existing principles of CPTED and to provide a practical guide for CPTED in Korea by analyzing a case study of UK. A sample of 22 incarcerated burglars from three different prison in England were shown 16 images of residential housing and were to describe the design of residential housing at first glance. The results of the study showed that the design of residential housing influenced burglar’s decision making, reemphasizing the importance of environmental design in preventing crime.

Imaginings of cities are powerful...imagination can be either an escape...or an act of resistance or both (Bridge and Watson 2000: 16). Imagination and the city are closely entwined for Gary Bridges and Sophie Watson who organise the relationship between the city and the imagination in two areas: how the city affects the imagination and how the city is imagined. They see that the city provides both constraints and stimulus on the imagination of all its inhabitants. From screenwriters to urban planners to policy makers to city visitors from suburbs or country towns, each person has his or her imagined city and this is reflected in the way we live (lifestyle), where we choose to live (urban versus suburban) and how we use public and private space. The effects of the city on the imagination are also apparent from the way cities are represented in film, the way they are planned and how they are produced in a range of discourses. However, these diffuse imaginations can be opposing and it these opposing imaginations that forge the distinctions between an imagined city and an urban imagination. So where is this evident? The most visible evidence is found in the use and role of public space. Both Mike Davis and George Morgan document how public space is viewed as a threat giving rise to what Davis calls defensible space and a clear demarcation between public and private space (1994, 79). Davis witnesses that this practice, when applied, results in a fortress mentality of guarded properties and walled-in private suburbs that is destroying accessible public space(1992, 226). Documenting a more sociological approach is Jane Jacobs' argument that the city and social interactions within are a street ballet (2000, 107) and Lewis Mumford's notion of urban drama (2000, 92). This sociological approach views public space as providing an opportunity for people to invest in and interact. These longstanding opposing views toward public space as either a threat or an opportunity are a large part of the urban imagination and have consequences for the way in which the city is designed and planned. General concerns on security are evident by the ever-increasing reliance on architecture to provide security. This is most noticeable in urban areas where the rise of defensible space is apparent. Defensible space can be achieved by applying a commonly accepted practice amongst urban planners known as CPTED (pronounced sep-ted and standing for Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design). CPTED recognises that proper design and effective use of the built environment can lead to a reduction in the fear and incidence of crime, and an improvement in the quality of life (Howe, http://www.cpted-watch.com, 2002). CPTED principles are built on four overlapping strategies of natural surveillance, territorial reinforcement, natural access control and target hardening. These strategies are equally apparent in urban theorists like Morgan, Davis, Bridges and Watson; indeed even Jacobs can be seen as an early pioneer of CPTED with her views on natural surveillance. However, the application of these strategies differ in the separation of public and private space and how public space is designed and planned. Davis may concede CPTED's existence as perhaps only one small component of urban theory and practice that, for the most part, he argues, ignores the existing trend of fortifying the built and natural environment: Contemporary urban theory has been strangely silent about the militarisation of city life that is so grimly visible at street level (1992, 223). For Davis, who is referring to Los Angeles, Hollywood fiction has, ironically, been more realistic and politically perceptive in its representations of the urban. And these representations support Bridge and Watson's view of how the city affects the imagination as they only extrapolate from actually existing trends (Davis 1992, 223). Davis also sees a post-Liberal Los Angeles obsessed with the physical (security systems) and collaterally with policing of social boundaries through architecture. Such developments though are not unique to LA. In Australia the use of CPTED principles, though relatively low-key, are applied to the new Brisbane Busway Stations. In this instance it is the use of natural surveillance, a design concept primarily aimed at maximising the visibility of people and space through site location (parallel to highly utilised suburban streets and a major freeway) and site design (use of glass walls and bright lighting). The application of CPTED principles indicate that the role public space plays in a community has been in the imagination of the planning fraternity and the wider public for many years. Whilst the Brisbane Busway initiative may seem tame in comparison to enfortressed LA, Morgan reveals how CPTED principles have been key to urban and suburban planners in Australia since the late-nineteenth century and involved the imposition of middle-class ideals of how and where to live. Drawing on Sydney's urban planning response to two contrasting moral panics in the late-nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Morgan locates an ironic contrast between the fear of a dense and public sociability at the turn of the [20th] century and the contemporary fear of urban crime which is based on lack of sociability in street spaces that are not occupied or controlled (1994, 80). This contrast depicts the use of public space as associated with inner urban living to the more private existence of outer suburban living which has its roots in the urban planning undertaken in the late nineteenth century. The planning at that time was a response, in the main, to middle-class fears of social ills and disease that over-crowding in the inner city were thought to produce. This same middle class further extended their influence by pushing a population outward and in the process changed the use of public space by disconnecting the existing social and cultural networks of established communities. This outward movement eventuated in suburbs that were founded on the modernist thought of progress reflected in decentralisation, growth in car ownership and a denial of traditional urban life which were seen as dissonant and unacceptable (Morgan 1994, 82). These unacceptable traditions of a gregarious street life were controlled ultimately by urban planning through the design of new suburbs that were sold as a utopian landscape that offered land ownership a concept only previously dreamt or imagined. As the populace spread and thinned out, new communities developed. These new suburban arrivals adapted similar lifestyles and a degree of homogeneity formed within the community that eventually established and then fostered a socio-psychological division between public and private personas as suburban living nurtured a more private existence (1994, 84). This division is a very real danger to Jacobs' idea of a city as a street ballet and to Mumford's notion of urban drama as it takes the view of public space as not a place to stop and interact but as a space to be used, in many cases literally, as a thoroughfare to another private destination. This use of public space is exemplified in the everyday activity of driving a private vehicle straight from work to home. And, more importantly, this use of public space has detrimental affects on the role of public space, most noticeably on streets and sidewalks a city's most public of spaces. Jacobs recognises that the key to making a neighbourhood a community and making a city livable is, first and foremost, the use and safety of the street: Streets and their sidewalks, the main public places of a city, are its most vital organs, Jacobs suggests, and if a city's streets look interesting, the city does so (107). Jacobs addresses the issue of safety as the fundamental task of a city street and sidewalk and is critical of planners, and their inability to understand that people and their subsequent activity leads to attracting even more people to use or watch a sidewalk. By indicating that nobody watches an empty street, Jacobs implies that people do not seek emptiness from an urban setting and by removing the players from the drama also means removing the audience: in this case, the street's natural observers or, in CPTED terms, the safety net that natural surveillance can provide. Despite this apparent resonance between CPTED planning and critical urban theory, there are important distinctions. Mumford's sociological view of what a city is supports Morgan's and Jacobs' views that planners often did not understand the social web of community. In questioning the role of the city as a social institution Mumford identifies a handicap in that planners have had no clear notion of the social functions of the city...(and)... derive these functions from a cursory survey of the activities and interests of the contemporary urban scene (2000, 93). The risk as witnessed with the spread of garrison-suburbia is that the physical organisation of the city may deflate the essential drama and imaginative spur that Mumford believes a city requires. When Mumford identifies that the city fosters art and is art; the city creates the theatre and is the theatre (2000, 94) he is urging that planning considers the fulfilment of people's imaginations, or put another way, their fantasies. The physical layout and organisation of a city is not an end in itself and it must not solely shelter the human body but also the human imagination; it must not simply be at the convenience of industry but must account for social and cultural needs. Or as Mumford states the physical organisation of a city, its industries and its markets, its lines of communication and traffic, must be subservient to its social needs (2000, 94). Thes

The use of crime prevention initiatives on American college campuses has rapidly increased in the past three decades as high profile crime incidents continue to erode the public’s perception of universities as sanctuaries —isolated from criminal activity. Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (CPTED) is an environmental approach to crime prevention that refers to strategies that focus on reducing crime opportunities by manipulating the physical and social qualities of the environment. Although empirical research on CPTED is growing, little is known about the impact of this method on educational settings. The main argument of the present study is that CPTED has the potential to foster campus safety by reducing crime and increasing the perception of safety. Based on findings from previous studies, it is expected that universities with higher level of CPTED are more likely to have lower crime rates, and students residing in high CPTED campus facilities are more likely to have higher perception of safety. To test the hypothesized effect, a content analysis of the annual safety reports of 100 postsecondary institutions in the United States was conducted. In addition, the residents of two dormitories of a university were surveyed to assess their safety perceptions. Furthermore, a case study was conducted in a college campus with a systematic deployment of the CPTED approach. In-depth interviews, one focus group, in-site observations, and analysis of secondary data were performed to contextualize the study findings. Although the quantitative analysis of the national review of the annual safety reports did not provide evidence in support of the hypothesized effect, it uncovered a reverse relationship between crime rate and use of environmental crime prevention measures. The results of the survey of students’ perception of safety, on the other hand, revealed evidence in support of the second hypothesis of the dissertation. Furthermore, the qualitative case study analysis provided insight into the implementation procedures, strengths, and challenges of the systematic CPTED program. The main findings show how CPTED works in the academic context and what alterations are needed to advance the program.

The awareness level of residents to prevent crime is increasing while the characteristics of the physical environment and atmosphere within the residential areas have been utilized to discourage crime. Crime Prevention through Environmental Design (CPTED) as an effective crime prevention strategy has been introduced since 1971 where it evolved from the first-generation to second-generation after including intangible components into the practices. Currently, the emergence of digital technologies such as Building Information Modelling (BIM) has started to gain more attention from academicians and practitioners. The features in BIM such as simulation, visualizing and estimating should be utilized to enhance CPTED effectiveness in preventing crime which will form the fundamental of third-generation CPTED. This study intended to explore the potential to integrate BIM into existing CPTED to develop a third-generation of CPTED. Therefore, this study has reviewed the journal articles pertinent to the BIM application in CPTED which elaborate the potential of BIM to be used practically to provide new concept of third-generation CPTED which embracing digital technology. This study found the potential of BIM to integrate with four tangible principles (surveillance, access control, territoriality and target hardening) and two intangible principles (sense of community, and management and maintenance) have been discussed. All existing principles can be integrated with BIM to further enhance their effectiveness but there are some conflicts found between the principles practiced in CPTED. This study has provided a comprehensive overview of the integration of BIM to CPTED practitioners for the development of third-generation CPTED in future research.

Crime prevention through environmental design (CPTED) was defined along with how it works and what it can be used for relating to school safety. An overview of its origins, history, and history of its successful uses in other fields to create safe environments is shown. Psychological and sociological theories of rational choice and deterrence were discussed as they relate to CPTED. The process of assessment to develop the proper creation and application of CPTED in the design of school building(s) was explained along with how CPTED can be applied to existing school buildings via assessments by CPTED professionals and how modifications of existing buildings can be accomplished to obtain the same results as an originally designed building. The 11 elements of CPTED were identified, and the chapter explains how they can be implemented to provide a safe environment through the environmental design. The benefits of what CPTED can be accomplished by creating a safe environment for students, teachers, and administrators in the school campuses and buildings is also presented.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to investigate the impact of Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (CPTED), a crime prevention tool, on reducing rates of sexual assault. In addition, the study attempts to understand if CPTED results in crime displacement in non-target areas.Design/methodology/approachThis research utilizes a Weighted Displacement Quotient (WDQ) model to analyze the effects of CPTED, which is an appropriate tool in fields of regional-scale crime prevention and on sexual assault prevention. WDQ is capable of analyzing policy effectiveness while controlling for geographical crime displacement, a known side effect of CPTED in the literature.FindingsThe analysis results show that CPTED is an effective tool to prevent sexual assaults in South Korea. The sexual assault occurrence rate decreased in the CPTED implementation zone of Yeomri-dong Mapo-gu. WDQ showed that crime displacement occurred in adjacent areas in Daeheung-dong and Ahyun-dong. But, crime displacement was lower than the policy effectiveness in the target zone.Originality/valueThe policy implications of this research are immense. First, CPTED for the prevention of sexual assaults should be considered as a pre-control tool. Second, a strategic method for more effectively implementing CPTED is required. Third, because CPTED is a policy done on a regional scale, provisions need to be in place to manage crime displacement.

This contribution will explore the symbiosis between Crime Prevention through Environmental Design (CPTED) theory, Situational Crime Prevention (SCP), Rational Choice Theory and the Routine Activity concept of guardianship. In doing so, it will show how a more explicit integration between CPTED, SCP and these Environmental Criminology theories of opportunity can help facilitate more effective guardianship against crime. Drawing on empirical evidence about the importance of guardians in facilitating the relationship between environmental design and crime, this contribution will put forward an integrated framework for enhancing guardianship through environmental design. Implications for a more sophisticated synergy between CPTED and (SCP) will be discussed.

Crime prevention through environmental design (CPTED) has been legislated in every State and Territory of Australia despite the lack of clear empirical evidence that it is successful (Homel, 2005). Despite a commitment in the literature surrounding CPTED to isolate ‘what works’ (Cherney and Sutton, 2007), there is a distinct lack of empirical evidence in Australia that details how CPTED theory operates in practice. To address this gap in the existing literature, this paper presents the findings of a case study that was conducted on Martin Place, a major pedestrian thoroughfare located in Sydney, Australia. Following on from the research conducted by Zahm (2005) that explored the transference of CPTED knowledge from criminologists to those involved with the design of public places, this paper analyses how CPTED theory was understood and utilised as part of the multi-agency implementation of CPTED-based initiatives that occur in Martin Place. Furthermore, this paper presents a brief history of the development of CPTED in New South Wales (NSW), and a unique framework for understanding the application of CPTED within these contexts. With the help of this case study, this paper addresses the absence of research and evaluation of how CPTED has been implemented in Australia.

Examining the effects of crime prevention through environmental design (CPTED) on Residential Burglary

최근 환경설계를 통한 범죄예방(CPTED)은 범죄의 가능성을 감소시키는 중요한 역할을 해왔다. 본 연구는 기존 학교에 범죄예방환경설계를 도입하기 위한 관련자에 대한 조사를 통하여 도입을 위한 기초적인 자료로서 범죄예방환경설계에 대하여 얼마나 알고 있는지와 얼마나 중요하게 생각하는지를 알아보았으며, 현재 범죄예방환경설계 업무 담당자에 대한 일반적인 사항을 분석하여 일선 학교에서의 범죄예방환경설계의 현황을 살펴보았다. 또한 앞으로 범죄예방환경설계 업무를 누가 담당해야 하는지에 대하여도 고찰하였다. 현재 셉테드 업무를 수행함에 있어서 개선되어야 할 부분과 일선 학교에서 취약점으로 파악되는 부분에 대하여도 살펴보았다. 본 연구를 통하여 각급 학교와 공동주택에 범죄예방환경설계를 적용할 때 필요한 적용요소와 방안을 도출해 내어 향후 교육시설과 공동주택의 설계에 있어 범죄예방환경설계를 적용한 계획이 가능할 것으로 판단된다. 또한 학교안전 관련자의 의식조사를 통해 기존 학교에 범죄예방환경설계를 적용함에 있어 효율적인 적용방안 마련과 시행에 기초적인 자료를 제공할 것으로 기대된다. 더불어 향후 기타시설에의 적용을 위한 연구와 학교에서의 안전 확보를 위한 정책마련에 기초자료로서 활용될 수 있을 것으로 판단된다.Recently, Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (CPTED) has had a key role for decreasing possibility of crime. This study investigated the opinions of person involved CPTED for primary data about introducing CPTED; how much they know and how much CPTED is important. By analyzing general characteristic about a person in charge of CPTED, the current status of CPTED in school was verified. In addition, this research discuss who would be the best for the CPTED. Parts which had to be improved for performing CPTED and leakage of the first line school were also described. Through this study, necessary factors and methods that are needed when be adopted for each classes, schools and apartments could be determined. Thus, in future educational facilities and apartment design, CPTED would be able to be used. It is also expected to suggest an elemental material for CPTED provision and operation of effective application plans for existing schools through consciousness investigation of a person in charge of the school security. Moreover, it would be used as the basis data for study about being applied the other future facilities and school policy design for insurance against risk.

Crime Prevention through Environmental Design (CPTED) represents a multi-faceted approach to crime reduction that draws upon theories from urban design, psychology and criminology. Yet there remains a lack of clarity regarding CPTED’s definition and scope. CPTED has been defined by, amongst others Crowe (Crime prevention through environmental design: applications of architectural design and space management concepts, Butterworth–Heinemann, Oxford, 2000), Ekblom (Eur J Crim Policy Res 17:7–28, 2011) and Armitage (Crime prevention through housing design: policy and practice, Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke, 2013), and the principles upon which it is based have seen even greater discrepancy. Conscious that these principles have primarily been defined by academics and policy-makers, this research aims to rectify this imbalance. A sample of 22 incarcerated prolific burglars from three prisons (England), were asked to describe their response to 16 images of residential housing. The results confirm that the design of residential housing influences burglar decision making, but that the principles of CPTED should be re-examined, with surveillance, and physical security a clear deterrent, yet management and maintenance and defensible space not considered as important in offender decision making.