Some demographic and social aspects regarding the village of Liliești, Prahova County 1921–1950

An ecological study was conducted using aggregated data from the National Institute of Statistics (INE) for the period 2010-2022. Trends in overall birth rates and age-specific fertility rates were described, as well as changes in the relative contribution of each maternal age group to the total number of births. The number of births in Chile declined by 24.5% between 2010 and 2022. Fertility among women aged 15 to 24 showed a marked decrease, while the proportion of births among women aged 30 and over increased steadily. A progressive shift in the reproductive timeline toward older maternal age groups was observed. Chile is undergoing an advanced stage of demographic transition, characterized by delayed motherhood. This shift is associated with higher levels of female education, unequal labor conditions, and structural barriers to balancing work and caregiving. Public policies must adapt to this new scenario through a life-course approach that promotes equity and shared responsibility, strengthening both the prevention of adolescent pregnancy and support for later motherhood.

This study examined the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on marriage, divorce, birth, and death rates using the Poisson regression model and an interrupted time-series Poisson regression model. Before the pandemic, marriage and birth rates were decreasing, while divorce and death rates were increasing, with only the trend in birth rates being statistically significant. The immediate effect of the pandemic was a significant decrease in the divorce rate, but there were non-significant effects on birth and marriage rates. However, in the months following the onset of the pandemic, there was a statistically significant sustained effect on increasing death and divorce rates. Forecasts based on pre-pandemic data showed that by the end of 2020, marriage, divorce, death, and birth rates were higher compared to pre-pandemic levels. In conclusion, the pandemic has greatly impacted society, particularly in terms of death and divorce rates. Birth rates were not immediately affected to the time lag between decisions and actual births. Fear of COVID-19 may have increased death rates as people avoided seeking medical help. Vaccination and effective treatment strategies are vital in reducing the pandemic's impact on mortality. Supporting families financially is important due to the role of economic issues in couples’ decisions.

This study examines birth rates and infant mortality rates in Brazil among singletons, twins, and higher order multiples between 2010 and 2023. Data were obtained from the Brazilian Ministry of Health's Live Birth Information System and Infant Mortality Information System. The dataset comprised 39,663,928 live births and 464,843 infant deaths occurring within the first year of life. Twin birth rates increased steadily over time, while singleton birth rates declined. The highest twin birth rates were observed in the Southeast (11.64‰) and South (11.47‰), whereas the lowest were observed in the North (7.81‰) and Northeast (9.23‰). Infant mortality among twins was approximately five times higher than among singleton, and higher order multiples faced an approximately threefold greater risk compared to singletons. Infant mortality rates were highest in the North and Northeast and lowest in the Southeast and South. Sex ratios varied by gestation type, with singletons showing the expected male bias and twins a slightly reduced male proportion, reflecting biological and regional influences on birth rates in Brazil. The data reveal a marked demographic shift between 2010 and 2023, with birth rates declining among women in their teens and 20s and increasing among those in their late 30s and 40s. Using Weinberg's differential method, we identified divergent trends in zygosity: dizygotic birth rates increased significantly over time, whereas monozygotic rates remained stable. This contrast underscores the environmentally responsive nature of dizygotic twinning, particularly its association with advancing maternal age and assisted reproductive technologies, compared to the relatively biologically stable pattern of monozygotic twinning.

BackgroundAlthough within Latin America Chile has one of the lowest birth rates among adolescents, it has a high rate in comparison to other developed nations.AimTo explore trends in birth rates...

For Chilean teenage mothers under 15 years old and from 15 to 19 years old, to evaluate the trends in birth rates and reproductive risk for the period of 1990-1999. A database was constructed using data from the Demography Yearbook (Anuario de demografía) volumes published by Chile's National Institute of Statistics (Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas) for 1990-1999. From that database we calculated the trends in the number of live births and in the rates of maternal mortality, late fetal mortality, neonatal mortality, and infant mortality among the teenage mothers under 15 and from 15 to 19 years old. We calculated the risk odds ratio (OR) for both of those age groups in comparison with women from 20 to 34 years old. The groups were compared using Fisher's exact test or the chi-square test, and the analysis of trends in the period studied was carried out with Pearson's correlation, with an alpha level of 0.05. In the period studied, for the teenage mothers under age 15, the respective rates for maternal mortality, late fetal mortality, neonatal mortality, and infant mortality were 41.9 per 100 000 live births, 5.1 per 1 000 live births, 15.2 per 1 000 live births, and 27.4 per 1 000 live births. For the adolescents from 15 to 19 years, the corresponding rates were 19.3, 4.1, 8.1, and 16.6; for the women 20-34 years old, they were 26.8, 5.0, 6.7, and 12.1. The adolescents under 15 had higher risks of maternal mortality (OR = 1.56; 95% confidence interval (CI): 0.50 to 4.31; P = 0.372) and of fetal mortality (OR = 1.02; 95% CI: 0.76 to 1.36; P = 0.890), but those differences were not statistically significant. However, the younger adolescents did have significantly higher risks of neonatal mortality (OR = 2.27; 95% CI: 1.92-2.68; P < 0.0001) and of infant mortality (OR = 2.39; 95% CI: 2.04 to 2.62; P < 0.0001). In comparison to the women 20-34 years old, the teenage mothers from 15 to 19 years old had significantly lower risks of maternal mortality (OR = 0.72; 95% CI: 0.56 to 0.92; P < 0.008) and of fetal mortality (OR = 0.81; 95% CI: 0.77 to 0.86; P < 0.0001) but significantly higher risks of neonatal mortality (OR = 1.20; 95% CI: 1.16 to 1.25; P < 0.0001) and of infant mortality (OR = 1.38; 95% CI: 1.35 to 1.42; P < 0.0001). Among both the older teenage mothers and the mothers 20-34 years old there was a significant downward trend in maternal, fetal, neonatal, and infant mortality rates in the period studied; in the younger adolescents only neonatal mortality and infant mortality declined significantly. There was a rising trend in the number of live births among the two groups of teenage mothers, but that trend was statistically significant only for the mothers under 15; among mothers 20-34 years old there was a statistically significant downward trend. In the period studied, the Chilean teenage mothers faced greater reproductive risk than did the women 20-34 years old. The number of live births among teenage mothers tended to rise during the 1990-1999 period, but the change was significant only for the mothers under age 15. These results point to the need to develop programs that improve both sex education and birth control practices starting in early adolescence.

THERE are reprinted below certain charts from two publications of the National Office of Vital Statistics in the U. S. Public Health Service, FSA, "Monthly Vital Statistics Index" and "Current Mortality Analysis." From the former are the trends in birth rate and infant mortality rate. These are based on provisional data and may be subject to slight change when final figures are available. Birth rates are per 1000 estimated population excluding armed forces overseas; infant mortality rates are per 1000 live births, adjusted for the changing number of births. Attention is called to the persisting high birth rate and the gratifying continuing fall in infant mortality. [See Figure in Source Pdf] The variation charts (p. 703), from Current Mortality Analysis, are printed to indicate the present day seasonal changes in these diseases as well as to show the extent of the differences which may usually be expected from one year to the next. Although the charts are based on a 10% sample it may be expected that in general they come close to describing the actual situation in the country at large. It should be noted that the data represent death rates as reported on death certificates and therefore reflect only indirectly the prevalence of the disease. The three components of the variation charts are: (1) the dots which represent the values of the monthly death rates observed from the sample, (2) the central line which represents the expected death rate for a given cause of death in a particular area and (3) the shaded band above and below the central line.

We would like to correct misinterpretations in the article “Fertility and Parental Consent for Minors to Receive Contraceptives,” which appeared in the August 2004 edition of the Journal. This article examines the effect of requiring parental consent for minors to receive medical contraceptives from the McHenry County Department of Health in Illinois. Zavodny concludes that the parental consent requirement has significantly raised the number of teenage pregnancies in the county. To reach this conclusion, the author used birth rates for women aged 18 years and younger. This is a serious error in the study population. The McHenry County Board of Health’s 1998 decision allowed medical contraceptives to be provided to teenagers aged 17 years and younger only with parental consent; for women aged 18 years and older, parental consent is not required. During the “before” period (1997–1998), 67% of all births to teenagers in McHenry County were to women aged 18 and 19 years. During the “after” period (1999–2000), this percentage increased to 72.1%. However, the percentage of births to teenagers aged 17 years and younger actually decreased, from 33% before imposition of the parental consent requirement to 28% afterward. The increase in overall teenage birth rate suggested by the author is likely to be due to the increase in the number of births to 18- and 19-year-olds, not to termination of the Title X program in McHenry County. The removal of this age group removes a large portion of the study population, decreases the sample size, and thus greatly affects the conclusions that can be drawn from this study. Additionally, the author failed to offer an explanation for why teenage birth rates increased from 1997 to 1998 even though Title X was available for all counties in the area. Finally, we feel that the time interval under study was far too short to see any valid increase or decrease in teenage birth rates. Intervals of 5 to 10 years before and after the county’s termination of the Title X program would have been far more appropriate to assess an actual trend in birth rates rather than a possibly random fluctuation. McHenry County has exhibited some of the lowest teenage birth and infant mortality rates in the state of Illinois,2 both before and after the Board of Health’s decision regarding Title X. The board maintains a high interest in this subject and continues to monitor this situation closely.

This article analyses fertility rate trends in Latvia over a medium-term period of 53 years, from 1970 to 2022, aiming to predict the immediate prospects for population replacement. The novelty of this interdisciplinary research, which encompasses demography, mathematics, economics and sociology, lies in applying mathematical analysis to the study of socio-demographic processes, which has not been attempted before by Latvian or international researchers. Moreover, this study is the first to draw on the theory of economic cycles to identify demographic cycles and their phases in Latvia and predict the near-term birth rate in Latvia. Furthermore, analysing comparative data from 2004 and 2022 sociological surveys cast light on the principal cause of Latvia’s declining fertility rate. This shift is due to changes in societal values, where the family and children no longer hold a central place, which is particularly true of women in Latvia. Consumerism-driven value changes have ceased to be a sine qua non of achieving their life goals and ambitions. Facilitating an increase in the fertility rate would require considering Latvian society’s values and pursuing socioeconomic policies that comprise both internal measures, such as increasing residents’ financial security, and external initiatives, including neighbourliness promotion. Latvia’s fertility rates will continue to decline for several more years until the trough of the following demographic cycle is reached, which will be lower than that of the previous cycle. There will be an upturn within the linear downward trend in birth rates – but even this anticipated rise will not reach the earlier peak. Thus, as the findings of the study suggest, the projected increase in Latvia’s total fertility rate to 1.77 children per woman, as envisioned by the FAMILY — LATVIA — 2030 (2050) Population Reproduction Strategy, is practically unattainable by 2027.

The association of poor childhood socioeconomic circumstances with increased infant mortality rates (IMR) makes IMR a useful public health index. We analysed Irish trends for 1984-2005. All-cause IMR and all-cause IMR stratified by SEG were calculated and plotted. Tests of trend were computed. In 22years, there were 1,217,014 births; 8,212 infants died. IMR per live births declined from 9.6 to 3.7 per 1,000 (P<0.001). This decline was observed among all SEG categories, but was much lower among infants whose guardian had 'Unknown' SEG. The overall secular decline in IMR is welcome, and where available, the trends were similar among SEGs. However, as almost half the deaths occurred in infants with a guardian with SEG 'Unknown'. A uniform SEP classification system, record linkage and monitoring data collection could assist in improving the data quality required to further reduce IMR in Ireland.

The Maltese mother is compared with her British counterpart. Differences are discussed in terms of racial, sociological, economic and religious influences. Trends in birth rate, maternal and perinatal mortality rates are reviewed and factors responsible for maternal morbidity are presented.

Proximate determinants of Palestinian fertility: a decomposition analysis

The SARS-CoV 2 pandemic is now responsible for over 48 million infections and one million deaths worldwide. Pandemics impact population growth not only by excessive mortality, but also by preventing births. In previous pandemics occurring in the 20th and 21st centuries, a trend towards birth rate reduction was observed 9 months later (Figure 1). After the 1918-20 HIN1 influenza pandemic, birth rates dropped by 5 to 15% in comparison to average rates before the pandemic [1]. This drop was related to higher death rates in pregnant patients (case fatality rate of 27%), as well as miscarriages and stillbirths (increased by 0.4% and 2.2% respectively as compared to prior average rates) [1,2]. A rebound in birth rates, however, occurred 1-2 years after this decline [3]. Moreover, several studies have shown that children born in 1919, and thus exposed to the H1N1 virus in utero, experienced worse health and socioeconomic outcomes in older ages than surrounding birth cohorts [4]. SARS-CoV and Ebola were also associated with similar trends in birth rates during and after the pandemics in 2004 and 2015, respectively. In Brazil, the Zika virus pandemic led to a 10 to 20% drop in birth rates [5].

AOSOP5 Birth rates among male cancer survivors: A population-based cohort study

To assess the change in birth rates, both overall and in age, parity, socioeconomic and geographical subgroups of the population, after the introduction of the Baby Bonus payment in Australia on 1 July 2004. Population-based study using New South Wales birth records and Australian Bureau of Statistics population estimates for the period 1 January 1997 - 31 December 2006. All 853 606 women aged 15-44 years with a pregnancy resulting in a birth at > or = 20 weeks' gestation or a baby > or = 400 g birthweight. Change in birth rate in 2005 and 2006 compared with the trend in birth rates before the introduction of the Baby Bonus. The crude annual birth rate showed a downward trend from 1997 to 2004; after 2004 this trend reversed with a sharp increase in 2005 and a further increase in 2006. All age-specific birth rates increased after 2004, with the greatest increase in birth rate, relative to the trend before the Baby Bonus, being seen in teenagers. Rates of first births were not significantly affected by the bonus; however, rates of third or subsequent births increased across all age, socioeconomic and geographical subgroups. In the first 2 years after the introduction of the Baby Bonus, birth rates increased, especially among women having a third or subsequent birth. This could represent an increase in family size and/or a change in the timing of births.

Impact of COVID-19 on birth rate trends in the Italian Metropolitan Cities of Milan, Genoa and Turin