Social Mobility of the Interwar Jewish Medical Elite during the Holocaust

Is Social Status Linked to Pain Sensitivity Responses for Latinx-Americans? The Role of Social Mobility

Immigration comes with rapid changes in social status that have effects on mental health. Research with nonimmigrant populations has identified relevant social status indicators, but these indicators are not sufficient to address changes that are uniquely relevant to immigrants. This study aimed to identify social status indicators that change during the process of migration and to examine their association with distress using variable- and person-centered analyses. We used data from an archival dataset of West African immigrants in New York City. Pre- and postmigration changes across work, marriage, language use, urbanism, and residency status were used to assess whether positive, negative, or no change in social status had occurred. Changes in social status indicators across migration were predicted to account for variance in mental health outcomes (i.e., anxiety, depression, somatization, and posttraumatic stress) beyond premigration potentially traumatic events (PTE). Several social status indicators predicted wellbeing in this population and accounted for variance in distress beyond premigration PTEs. Ward's method clustering suggested that 3 distinct social status profiles were characterized primarily by changes in work and marriage. The cluster with the greatest positive changes in work was almost all female and had the highest depression scores. These findings suggest that the impact of change in social status across immigration is not uniform across social status indicators. Additionally, changing gender roles across migration appear to have an influential impact on postmigration social status and mental health. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

Do post-migration perceptions of social mobility matter for Latino immigrant health?

In films, clothing is the most important part of forming the character of the character being played. The clothing in the 2019 film Orang Kaya Baru can function as a marker of the character's change in social status from lower class to upper class. In society, social status cannot be seen from the dressing style of each individual because each person has a different dressing style. This is very different in films, in films clothing is very important to show social status. Based on the analysis carried out by researchers on the characters mother, Duta, Tika, and Dodi in the 2019 film Orang Kaya Baru, character changes can be seen from the clothes they wear. This research uses Ferdinand de Saussure's semiotic theory to identify changes in clothing worn by Ibu, Duta, Tika, and Dodi in the 2019 film Orang Kaya Baru. The type of research used is qualitative research with descriptive methods. The results of the research were four figures who were analyzed based on visual scenes with characteristic mise en scene aspects with a research focus on clothing that could indicate changes in social status. Changes in a character's clothing can be a sign and sign of a change in social status. Keywords: Semiotics, Clothing, Social Status

Numerous studies have primarily concentrated on the disparities in health and well-being based on objective measures of social mobility across various countries with conflicting views. Recent focus and debate have been directed toward the subjective dimension of social mobility. Beyond the conventional focus on intergenerational and intragenerational mobility, I incorporate a third form of prospective mobility while differentiating between their upward and downward trajectories as well as varying degrees of change in social status. This study analyzes subjective perceptions of social mobility by different forms, directions, and distances in contemporary China and investigates their relationships with health outcomes and happiness. Using pooled data from eight waves of the Chinese General Social Survey, this study employs multiple scales to assess perceived social mobility, distinguishing it from previous research that typically depends on a singular survey question. Results support the theories of "Falling from Grace" and "Rising from Rags" on the role of intergenerational mobility on health and happiness, as well as the influence of prospective mobility on health alone. However, the detrimental impacts of intragenerational upward and downward mobility on health are consistent with the dissociative thesis. The findings on varying degrees of mobility among the three forms of perceived social mobility further shed light on the significance of distance in connection to mobility. The findings also advance the state of knowledge in intergenerational mobility by comparing its effect with that of intragenerational and prospective mobility on health and happiness.

In this paper, I examine the structure and significance of godparentage in the process of social transition among the Finnish new bourgeoisie of the nineteenth century. Godparenthood is analyzed from the unexplored viewpoint of social upward mobility. Godparent relations are studied in two wealthy business families, the Parviainens and the Ahlströms, who both ascended from a farmer background to the economic elite within one generation during the latter part of nineteenth century. Characteristic of godparenthood interactions was the significant role of kinship, geographical vicinity and heightened consciousness of status and social class. Godparenthood was in many cases the first formal contact between families and an essential expedient to accelerate one's upward social mobility. This familial formalization could be strengthened and maintained by marriages, which is a finding substantiated by numerous pre-marital godparent links between families. Downward social mobility became an intra-familial barrier. Reciprocity in godparenthood relations between a newcomer family and an established upper class family was achieved only when the socio-economic status of the former equalled that of the latter. Various godparenthood patterns and phases could be distinguished particularly during periods of change in economic and social status. While the patterns differed by generation, in the socially turbulent second generation business acquaintances and others of the same profession were favoured over relatives. However, inter-familial variations in strategies increased due to social mobility and migration. The baptismal witness strategies of the rising Finnish business elite mainly adhered to the horizontal, trust-centred and kin-dominated godparental model of entrepreneurs presented by historians Guido Alfani and Vincent Gourdon. The overall picture is diversified by the disparity of the socially mobile generation, in which socially vertical relations dominated instead of the horizontal ones prevalent in the first phase of godparent acquisition. In the light of the Finnish case, godparenthood can be characterized more as a means to create and strengthen business relations than as a way to protect them.

The association between body height and social status is known. We were interested in the effect of intergeneration changes in social status on height. Body height was measured in 2008 paternal grandfather-father-son and 1803 paternal grandfather-father-daughter triplets. The sample consisted of four child cohorts born in 1988, 1985, 1983, and 1980, and was measured annually from 6 to 11, 9 to 14, 11 to 16, and 14 to 18 years of age. Triplets were dichotomized according to grandfathers' occupation, into one "lower" and one "upper" grandparental class; and according to paternal education, into one "lower" and "upper" paternal class, resulting in four "family histories": two nonmobile (grandfathers and fathers stayed in the same social class), and two mobile histories (social class of fathers and grandfathers differed). "Upper" class fathers are taller than "lower" class fathers. This class effect on height persists into the third generation. Upward social mobility ("lower" class fathers receive secondary or university education) results in taller stature both in the fathers and in the children. The opposite applies for downward social mobility. "Upper" class fathers with only basic or vocational education lose the social advantage and remain shorter. So do their children. The class effect on height tends to persist into the next generation, but depends on education. Upward social mobility measured as a "better" education, results in taller stature, up to the third generation. The study highlights the importance of education as a major regulator of body height.

Asymmetric effects of experimental manipulations of social status on individual immune response

Social mobility is a relatively common phenomenon in society; however, in the period of the Slovak State (1939–1945) it was predominantly caused by the economic and social engineering of the single ruling Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party. Anti-Semitism was made one of the main pillars of the internal state policy. Systematic pauperisation of the Jewish community gradually aff ected each perspective of everyday life of Jews in Slovakia, including the limitation of Jewish people’s living space. This practice led to involuntary moving out from houses and fl ats in designated urban zones. Subsequently, this process culminated in the Aryanization of the housing formerly owned by Jews. The main aim of this contribution is to analyse spatial and social consequences of the reshaping of the Jewish housing opportunities with special interest in the entangled social mobilities of both Jews and Gentiles, which will be mainly exemplifi ed through selected cases from the Banská Bystrica district.

The life-history strategies of organisms are sculpted over evolutionary time by the relative prospects of present and future reproductive success. As a consequence, animals of many species show flexible behavioral responses to environmental and social change. Here we show that disruption of the habitat of a colony of African cichlid fish, Haplochromis burtoni (Günther) caused males to switch social status more frequently than animals kept in a stable environment. H. burtoni males can be either reproductively active, guarding a territory, or reproductively inactive (nonterritorial). Although on average 25-50% of the males are territorial in both the stable and unstable environments, during the 20-week study, nearly two-thirds of the animals became territorial for at least 1 week. Moreover, many fish changed social status several times. Surprisingly, the induced changes in social status caused changes in somatic growth. Nonterritorial males and animals ascending in social rank showed an increased growth rate whereas territorial males and animals descending in social rank slowed their growth rate or even shrank. Similar behavioral and physiological changes are caused by social change in animals kept in stable environmental conditions, although at a lower rate. This suggests that differential growth, in interaction with environmental conditions, is a central mechanism underlying the changes in social status. Such reversible phenotypic plasticity in a crucial life-history trait may have evolved to enable animals to shift resources from reproduction to growth or vice versa, depending on present and future reproductive prospects.

Subjective social status is defined as the perceived social standing of a person in a social hierarchy and may change across time. Although the link between subjective social status and well-being is widely recognized, the dynamic nature of changes in subjective social status across the life span is not well understood. We predicted that gains and losses in subjective social status will be associated with changes in positive and negative affect over time. This link should be particularly evident in middle adulthood because the desire for social status might be more important in midlife than in later adulthood. Specifically, we argue that social status gains in midlife may facilitate generativity, a developmental task in this period of the life span that arguably contributes not only to the well-being of others but also oneself. Our analyses of a 10-year longitudinal study (N = 2,306, 40-84 years at T1) using latent change score models suggested that individuals, who lose (or gain) social status (i.e., change their perceived position on the social status ladder), experience an increase (decrease) in negative affect and a decrease (increase) in positive affect. As predicted, these associations were stronger, and in fact only significant, for middle-aged (40-64 years), but not older (65-84 years) adults. Finally, in middle-aged adults, the effects of status changes on changes in affective well-being were mediated by generativity. This pattern of findings suggests that changes in subjective social status are more self-relevant in midlife and may become less relevant to affective well-being as people age. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

هدف این مقاله، بررسی تأثیر سرمایۀ فرهنگی عینیت‌یافته بر تحرک اجتماعی میان‌نسلی در شهر گرگان است. روش تحقیق مورد استفاده در پژوهش، پیمایشی مبتنی بر روش همبستگی است. ابزار تحقیق، پرسش‌نامۀ محقق‌ساخته است که برای تعیین اعتبار پرسش‌نامه از تکنیک اعتبار صوری و اعتبار محتوا با استعانت از تکنیک ضریب نسبی روایی محتوا استفاده شد. بعد از طراحی پرسش‌نامه و اجرای پایلوت بین 30 پاسخ‌گو، میزان پایایی سؤالات با استفاده از ضریب آلفای کرونباخ 82/0 محاسبه شد. جامعۀ آماری این پژوهش شامل کلیۀ زنان و مردان 30 تا 54 ساله ساکن شهر گرگان که تعداد آن‌ها بر‌اساس سرشماری سال 1390 برابر با 146238 نفر می‌باشد. حجم نمونه بر‌اساس فرمول کوکران 384 نفر تعیین شد. برای انتخاب نمونه‌ها از روش نمونه‌گیری تصادفی چند‌مرحله‌ای مورد استفاده قرار گرفت. نتایج پژوهش نشان داد که بین سرمایۀ فرهنگی عینیت‌یافته با تحرک اجتماعی میان‌نسلی افراد در شهرگرگان، در سطح ضریب اطمینان 95 درصد رابطه وجود ندارد. تفاوت جنسیتی در میزان تحرک اجتماعی وجود دارد که به نفع مردان است. میزان تحرک اجتماعی پاسخ‌گویان، 6/8 درصد دارای تحرک میان‌نسلی نزولی، 24 درصد دارای تحرک میان‌نسلی افقی و 4/67 درصد دارای تحرک میان‌نسلی صعودی بوده‌اند.

The Research Committee of the Japan Sociological Society conducted in 1952 a sample survey of social stratification and social mobility in the six large cities of Japan (cf. Japanese Sociological Review, No.12, 1953). In order to supplement the defects of the 1952 survey, and to make some experiments with new techniques of data collection and analysis, the Committee undertook a second survey in 1955. This time the survey was not limited to the six large cities ; a national sample was taken, and in addition, an attempt was made at detailed analysis of the ranking of occupations, class self-identification and social attitudes in a few selected communities (Tokyo metropolitan area, Kanazawa City, and two rural communities in Okayama and Iwate Prefectures). This interim report, prepared primarily for the Third World Congress of the International Sociological Association to be held at Amsterdam in August 1956, is confined to an outline of the data on social mobility only emerging from the tabulation and preliminary analysis of the 1955 survey. (Ch. I Introduction.) In the present survey, as in the previous one, social mobility was defined as change in the hierarchical structure of a society by virtue of change in the social status of its individual members, either in their own lifetimes, or between the generations within a single line of lineal succession. In measuring social status, three different approaches were used : 1) an objective approach in which social status was measured based mainly upon respondents' ranking of occupations ; 2) a subjective approach in which individuals were ranked according to their own subjective evaluations of social status ; and 3) an approach similar to W. Lloyd Warner's Evaluated Participation. As measures of delineating social mobility, an Index of Succession, an Index of Association and an Index of Persistence were used. Another analytical tool for the study of occupational careers was a series of patterns - “rising, ” “descending, ” etc. (Ch. II The Measurement of Social Status and Social Mobility.) The date on social mobility outlined in this report are divided into the following three parts : 1) those on inter-generation mobility ; 2) those on mobility within the individual's lifetime ; and 3) those on the relation of the patterns of mobility with various social attitudes of respondents. The aspects of inter-generation mobility considered are : a) occupational mobility, b) changes in educational background, c) respondents' subjective evaluations of the relative statuses of themselves, their fathers and grandfathers, and d) the relation between objective occupational mobility and respondents' subjective evaluations of changes in status. (Ch. III Inter-generation Social Mobility.) The forms of mobility within the individual's lifetime dealt with here are : a) respondents' own occupational careers, b) their own subjective evaluations of changes in their social status over a period which includes the upheaval of the recent war, and c) the relation between the occupations respondents desire for their children and patterns of their own occupational careers. (Ch. IV Social Mobility within the Individual's Lifetime.) With regard to the relation between mobility patterns and social attitudes, the following problems are discussed : a) inter-generation mobility and attitudes, b) subjective evaluations of status changes and attitudes, and c) occupational career patterns and attitudes. (Ch. V Social Mobility and Attitudes.) Finally, the results of the present survey are compared with those of our 1952 survey and the 1950 National Census. (Ch. VI Comparison with Other Similar Studies.)

The aim of this research is to measure the influence of social downgrading on consumer values and practices. Intergenerational mobility is defined as a process leading to a change in social status from parents to children. The first part of this paper presents social mobility and emphasises its multi-dimensional character. In particular, we detail the different types of objective and subjective mobility. In the second part, we analyse the symbolic and psychological aspects of the acceptance or rejection of social downgrading. We present the results of an exploratory study based on the life stories of a dozen families. It appears that some downgraded individuals do not accept to give up the lifestyle inherited from their childhood and perceive it as an intimate part of their identity. Others, on the contrary, rebuild new identities and modes of consumption based on a "reappropriation of their declassification". This study provides a better understanding of social downgrading by presenting it as a complex process combining the incorporation of a new social status, transgenerational capital and new forms of consumer resistance.

<p>The aim of this research is to measure the influence of social downgrading on consumer values and practices. Intergenerational mobility is defined as a process leading to a change in social status from parents to children. The first part of this paper presents <strong>social mobility </strong>and emphasises its multi-dimensional character. In particular, we detail the different types of objective and subjective mobility. In the second part, we analyse the symbolic and psychological aspects of the acceptance or rejection of social downgrading. We present the results of an exploratory study based on the life stories of a dozen families. It appears that some downgraded individuals do not accept to give up the lifestyle inherited from their childhood and perceive it as an intimate part of their identity. Others, on the contrary, rebuild new identities and modes of consumption based on a <strong>"reappropriation of their declassification". </strong>This study provides a better understanding of <strong>social downgrading</strong> by presenting it as a complex process combining the incorporation of a new social status, transgenerational capital and new forms of consumer resistance.</p>