Social Exchange: Barter as Economic and Cultural Activism in Medellín, Colombia. Brian J. Burke

This essay reviews the history of Japanese Canadians' political, economic, and cultural activism, primarily in the West Coast, before and after World War II, and elucidates how migration generated and shaped those activities and activism. Transnational migrants often have interests, priorities, and motives that differ from the interests of the nation-state. Furthermore, the migration itself creates space for alternative economic, political, and cultural activities that defy national borders and that critique the ideology of the nation-state. Migrants' interstitial lives should not be seen only in the light of alienation and exclusion from a nation-state, for through such lives migrants in different historical periods have administered creative and innovative political and/or economic agency. In order to see an in-between space as an active space, we first need to free ourselves from our nationalistic premises embedded in the field's main discourse.

This analysis of hierarchy in the world interpreted by Jane Austen focuses on cultural principles and actors' pragmatic use of them. Austen's most highly ranked individuals are those “naturally” most “independent”: the male heads of landed families, who can make choices without deference to others. However, those who are independent have dependents—and depend on them to be able to express their own high status. Austen's novels exploit the irony of a hierarchy grounded in a concept (independence) that contains its own negation—since completely independent persons could have no connections to others. Moreover, the native understanding of rank as based on the unchanging, natural facts of birth and blood is belied by Austen's depiction of the performance of rank. Austen shows that relative status is not natural but is continually recreated through symbolic interactions. By focusing on the ongoing negotiation of status, Austen's novels suggest the ability of fictional narratives to illuminate political and social debates by exploring rather than ignoring cultural ambiguity and diversity. [ethnography and literature, social hierarchy, cultural pragmatics, exchange theory, 19th-century England]

Brian J. Burke Social Exchange. Barter as Economic and Cultural Activism in Medellín, Colombia. Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick (NJ) 2022. xiii, 224 pp. Ill. $37.95.

This paper examines the question of whether a consilient theoretical framework for the study of business ethics can be developed. If a certain compatibility is to be found among the current and differing approaches to business ethics, such compatibility must be drawn from an understanding of the consilience of business ethics theory with its adjoining disciplines. In this paper human social exchange is seen as the essential linkage between human psychology and economic activity and, from there, to broader issues of social and cultural reciprocity. The method used to examine exchange is derived from praxeology as developed by the Austrian School of economics. From this level of abstraction, it is then possible to craft a definition of moral exchange in a more concrete form, as being the absence of net coercion between the parties to an exchange. Motivations driven by the notion of subjective value are applied to both the supply and demand side. This conception of value exchange is presented as being capable of integrating the elements of psychology, sociology, and culture. The resulting calculus supplies an immanent framework for deriving moral conclusions about economic activity. As a result of its starting point in social exchange, this approach is able to connect with the evolutionary past of human beings as well the higher developments of culture, including the philosophical approaches to business ethics.

Piaget's sociology revisited

Service exchange activities in the sharing economy: Professional versus amateur peer providers

Recreational fishing is a rapidly growing leisure and economic activity in Malaysia. While previous research has profiled coastal, pond, and general recreational anglers, stream fishing anglers—a group interacting directly with fragile freshwater ecosystems remain significantly understudied. This conceptual paper addresses this gap by proposing a multidimensional framework for profiling stream anglers in Malaysia. Synthesising insights from established theories such as the Theory of Planned Behaviour and the Social Exchange Theory, the framework integrates four key dimensions: (1) socio-demographic profile, (2) motivational drivers, (3) economic engagement, and (4) conservation orientation. The paper advances testable propositions concerning the interrelationships between these dimensions and highlights critical implications for sustainable fisheries management. By providing a theoretically-grounded foundation, this framework is poised to guide future empirical studies and evidence-based policymaking that balances angler recreation with urgent conservation goals in Malaysia's vital stream ecosystems.

PurposeThe recent COVID-19 pandemic caused a severe economic downturn. Employees working in these organisations face employment uncertainty. The pandemic disrupted their daily routines, and it added a layer of complexity to the already resource-constrained environment. During these times, employees would conserve their resources to maintain competitiveness, one of which is knowledge hiding. While economic activities are resuming, the appearance of new variants could mean the transition towards endemicity could be put on hold. Hence, there is a need to rethink the behaviour of employees as they would have elevated levels of anxiety towards resuming daily work activities. Therefore, this study aims to address the question of understanding employees’ perspectives toward knowledge sharing and knowledge hiding.Design/methodology/approachDrawing on the conservation of resources theory, social learning theory and the social exchange theory (SET), a conceptual framework involving ethical leadership was developed to examine if knowledge hiding or knowledge sharing behaviour is a resource for employees during these times. The partial least squares method of structural equation modelling was used to analyse results from 271 white-collar employees from Singapore.FindingsThe results show that ethical leadership encourages knowledge sharing but does not reduce knowledge hiding. At the same time, knowledge hiding, not knowledge sharing, improves one’s perception of work performance. Additionally, psychological safety is the key construct that reduces knowledge hiding and encourages sharing behaviour.Originality/valueOverall, this study extends the theories, demonstrating that, first and foremost, knowledge hiding is a form of resource that provides employees with an added advantage in work performance during the endemic. At the same time, we provide a new perspective that ethical leaders’ demonstration of integrity, honesty and altruism alone is insufficient to encourage knowledge sharing or reduce knowledge hiding. It must lead to a psychologically safe environment.

Social relationships play an important role in organizational entrepreneurship. They are crucial to entrepreneurs' decisions because, despite the bleeding-edge technological advancements observed nowadays, entrepreneurs as human beings will always strive to be social. During the COVID-19 pandemic many companies moved activities into the virtual world and as a result offline Social relationships became rarer, but as it turns out, even more valuable, likewise, the inter-organizational cooperation enabling many companies to survive. This chapter aims to develop knowledge about entrepreneurs' SR and their links with inter-organizational cooperation. The results of an integrative systematic literature review show that the concept of Social relationships, although often investigated, lacks a clear definition, conceptualization, and operationalization. This chapter revealed a great diversity of definitions for Social relationships, including different scopes of meaning and levels of analysis. The authors

In his Principles of Economics Carl Menger presented the causal laws by which individuals alone and in association with others provide for their needs. (1) Menger offered an explanation of how basic exchange institutions are formed in response to the economizing actions of individuals. His teaching and manner of approach became the pillar of a school of thought that achieved international reputation around the turn of the century and is undergoing somewhat of a renaissance today. (2) In the first part of this paper I summarize what Menger had to say about the formation of exchange institutions and the part they play in economic development. It is in the context of economic development that exchange institutions take on a precise and important meaning in Menger's intellectual system. In the second part of this paper, I concentrate on those technical aspects of Menger's theory of exchange that contributed to what is now termed "orthodox," or "neoclassical," price theory. I am especially concerned with specifying the ways in which Menger's theory of price formation differed from the now-current neo-Walrasian theory of price determination. In the final section I explain why Menger did not consider the determination of market price to be the principal problem in the science despite his own substantial contributions to the subject. I Thoughout his Principles Menger compared modern civilization and its advanced methods of production and exchange with primitive, or what he termed "isolated household" economies. (3) Among primitive peoples engaged in economic activity the success of any single household's plans was largely independent of the plans and choices made by other households. The problem of what I shall call "coordinative uncertainty" simply did not exist. This is not to say that the life of primitive man was idyllic. On the contrary, his superstitions and ignorance of basic science left him pitifully at the mercy of nature. He lacked what Menger termed defnite knowledge about the "causal connections between goods" (53, 55 and 58). Primitive man planted his seeds in the earth and stood helplessly by praying for a bountiful harvest. One year the harvest was rich and abundant, the next year scarce and tragic. The range of variation of output both in quality and quantity was, according to Menger, enormous and unpredictable. As civilization progressed and man acquired the scientific know-how to manipulate physical processes and achieve technical objectives, he was able to bring the relationship between certain inputs and outputs more closely under his control. (4) At the same time he learned how "indirect" methods of production are used to achieve greater output levels. Capital-using methods of production involve the application of one collection of (capital) goods to produce other (capital) goods that are used to produce still other goods, and so on, until eventually goods emerge in a form that is directly serviceable to human needs. Menger termed goods far removed from final consumption "goods of the higher orders" and goods closer to the point of final consumption "goods of the lower orders" (56-58). Menger's successor, Eugen von Bohm-Bawerk summarized this notion when he offered the historical observation that capital-using methods of production become increasingly more "roundabout." Capitalistic methods of production, while extremely productive of a wide range and quality of goods, are inherently more "time consuming." This means that goods that could be applied toward the satisfaction of present, or current, needs are instead tied up in a process that yields greater benefits, but only at a future date. This extension of the construction period increases uncertainty because the likelihood of uncontrollable forces upsetting the process once it is set in motion is enhanced. Fortunately, the disadvantages of extending the construction period are offset by an increased willingness on the part of individuals to expand their planning horizons and adopt these roundabout methods of production. …

In his Principles of Economics Carl Menger presented the laws by which individuals alone and in association with others provide for their needs. (1) Menger offered an explanation of how basic exchange institutions are formed in response to the economizing actions of individuals. His teaching and manner of approach became the pillar of a school of thought that achieved international reputation around the turn of the century and is undergoing somewhat of a renaissance today. (2) In the first part of this paper I summarize what Menger had to say about the formation of exchange institutions and the part they play in economic development. It is in the context of economic development that exchange institutions take on a precise and important meaning in Menger's intellectual system. In the second part of this paper, I concentrate on those technical aspects of Menger's theory of exchange that contributed to what is now termed orthodox, or neoclassical, price theory. I am especially concerned with specifying the ways in which Menger's theory of price formation differed from the now-current neo-Walrasian theory of price determination. In the final section I explain why Menger did not consider the determination of market price to be the principal problem in the science despite his own substantial contributions to the subject. I Thoughout his Principles Menger compared modern civilization and its advanced methods of production and exchange with primitive, or what he termed isolated household economies. (3) Among primitive peoples engaged in economic activity the success of any single household's plans was largely independent of the plans and choices made by other households. The problem of what I shall call coordinative simply did not exist. This is not to say that the life of primitive man was idyllic. On the contrary, his superstitions and ignorance of basic science left him pitifully at the mercy of nature. He lacked what Menger termed defnite knowledge about the causal connections between (53, 55 and 58). Primitive man planted his seeds in the earth and stood helplessly by praying for a bountiful harvest. One year the harvest was rich and abundant, the next year scarce and tragic. The range of variation of output both in quality and quantity was, according to Menger, enormous and unpredictable. As civilization progressed and man acquired the scientific know-how to manipulate physical processes and achieve technical objectives, he was able to bring the relationship between certain inputs and outputs more closely under his control. (4) At the same he learned how indirect methods of production are used to achieve greater output levels. Capital-using methods of production involve the application of one collection of (capital) to produce other (capital) that are used to produce still other goods, and so on, until eventually emerge in a form that is directly serviceable to human needs. Menger termed far removed from final consumption goods of the higher orders and closer to the point of final consumption goods of the lower orders (56-58). Menger's successor, Eugen von Bohm-Bawerk summarized this notion when he offered the historical observation that capital-using methods of production become increasingly more roundabout. Capitalistic methods of production, while extremely productive of a wide range and quality of goods, are inherently more time consuming. This means that that could be applied toward the satisfaction of present, or current, needs are instead tied up in a process that yields greater benefits, but only at a future date. This extension of the construction period increases uncertainty because the likelihood of uncontrollable forces upsetting the process once it is set in motion is enhanced. Fortunately, the disadvantages of extending the construction period are offset by an increased willingness on the part of individuals to expand their planning horizons and adopt these roundabout methods of production. …

Weber’s theory of formal and substantive rationality (WFSR) explains the range of people’s motivations when engaging in different forms of economic activity. Human rationality is driven by formal rationality, which focuses on economic gains, and substantive rationality which considers non-economic factors such as power, trust, and cultural values that could offset the shortcomings of social exchange theory (SET). The study used the exploratory sequential mixed method including semi-structured interviews with key tourism stakeholders and follow-up survey. Most stakeholders from both groups agreed that tourism brings about economic benefits and employment opportunities; however, tourism results in adverse environmental and cultural impacts. Sapa stakeholders generally support tourism development for both economic and non-economic reasons. The findings of this study do support that the SET and Weber’s theory explain the contradictory perspectives of multiple ethnic groups in the community. Specifically, in this study, the perspectives of Kinh respondents regarding impacts of tourism development were found to be quite contradictory compared to those of the ethnic minority groups. Such contradictions could present a challenge to the application of participatory approaches in tourism development and the development of a “shared vision” among tourism stakeholders. Implications for tourism planners and suggestions for future research are also discussed.

In the late 19th century, the German Empire intensified its economic, military, and cultural activities on Ottoman territory. Within the field of archaeology, the Royal Museums in Berlin endeavoured to demonstrate their hegemony. Thus, they focused particularly on the acquisition of ancient objects from the Ottoman territory. The Ottoman authorities’ responses differed between political and cultural actors: While Sultan Abdülhamid II used Hellenistic and Byzantine antiquities as diplomatic gifts to improve his foreign relations to Berlin, the Müze-i Hümayun (Imperial Museum) appeared as an antagonist to foreign claims in the Ottoman Empire. Its directors, Osman Hamdi and Halil Edhem, aimed to rectify the discrepancy between political concerns and the will to preserve antiquities within the Ottoman realm. However, German archaeologists, museum representatives and diplomats strived to benefit from this discrepancy to obtain cultural objects for Berlin. The article argues that Prussia’s strategies of appropriating ancient objects for the Royal Museums correlated and entangled with the valorisation of antiquities in Istanbul.

Moral economy can be defined as a common notion of the just distribution of resources and social exchange. The concept has been developed and is used in the context of political and social analysis to understand, for example, various systems of social exchange or instances of rebellion. It is claimed that social communities tend to invoke a moral repertoire for all kinds of social exchanges and transfers that leads them to distinguish between legitimate and illegitimate social practices. The transition from traditional to market economies is emphasized by many authors because this transition challenged traditional communal norms and values and can lead to social and political unrest. In more recent accounts, moral economy contends that economic activities are insufficiently understood in narrow economic terms. Rather, they need a broader understanding of how economic and normative motives are blended and how markets are permeated by social norms and values. The centerpiece of the moral economy argument claims that human action is embedded within the wider social environment and institutions and is therefore deeply colored by noneconomic considerations.

The socio-economic life of the community is an important aspect in the structure of society, influenced by many factors such as economic activity, education level, type of work, and income level. In Ulusaddang Village, economic conditions play a crucial role in directing socio-economic change in the community. The purpose of this study is to determine the causes of socio-economic change and the impact of social change on the socio-economic life of farmers. This study uses a qualitative descriptive research type, which aims to describe in more detail the socio-economic life of farmers and social change. The theories used in the study are Piotr Sztompka's theory of social change and social exchange. Data collection techniques were carried out by means of observation, interviews, and documentation with data analysis techniques using data reduction, data presentation, and drawing conclusions. The results of this study indicate that the causes of socio-economic change in farmers in Ulu Saddang Village involve changes in community planting patterns, communication networks, and farmer education. The social changes that occur have a significant impact on the socio-economic life of farmers, including increased economic income, rapid exchange of information, increased farmer solidarity, shifts in values ​​and culture.