Sõjainvaliidide elu ja hoolekanne Eesti Vabariigis 1920. ja 1930. aastatel
The life and welfare of disabled soldiers in the Republic of Estonia in the 1920s and 1930s World War I and the Estonian War of Independence were two devastating wars that had a huge impact on the Republic of Estonia and its people. During both wars, tens of thousands of men were conscripted, many of whom did not return from the battlefields. It is estimated that around 10,000 men died or were listed as missing in action during WWI. Another 5,889 dead and 13,775 wounded from the Estonian War of Independence can be added to this number as war casualties. While most soldiers returned home from the war with none or minor injuries, some came back with injuries that had mutilated their bodies. These men had trouble coming to grips with the new situation they found themselves in and needed help from their government. Right after the Independence War, from 1920 to 1922, it was reported that there were at least 3,000 disabled soldiers living in Estonia.The aim of this article is to explore the welfare system that was in use in Estonia during the 1920s and 1930s and its impact on the post-war lives of invalids. Laws and regulations published in the Riigi Teataja in the 1920s and 1930s have been used to describe the welfare system, alongside articles from the newspaper Invaliid, which provide insights into how disabled soldiers viewed the welfare system. Notice sheets from archival subcollection no. 1652 on disabled veterans from the Tallinn department of the Eesti Vigastatud Sõjameeste Ühing (Estonian Disabled Soldiers Union) have also been used to gain an understanding of the socioeconomic situation and the actual effects of the law. These sheets contain up to 30 questions that disabled soldiers had to answer when joining the union. Their analysis provides an insight into the lives and wellbeing of disabled soldiers during the 1920s and 1930s, along with an improved understanding of their situation.The welfare system for disabled soldiers that was in use in the Republic of Estonia in the 1920s and 1930s focused mainly on maintaining the wellbeing of veterans of the Estonian War of Independence and of people who became disabled in the military during the interwar period. This left tsarist Russian Army veterans in a very poor economic situation. Veterans from the Independence War could receive pensions that were up to five times larger than the pensions of WWI veterans. They also received far more support in other fields, such as medical aid and transportation. This all stemmed from the idea that the Estonian Republic should support only those disabled soldiers who had been injured fighting for their country. It was felt that men who had been disabled while fighting in the tsarist Russian Army should receive their pension from the nation they had fought for.Analysis of Estonian Disabled Soldiers Union notice sheets of disabled veterans from the Tallinn department indicates that a considerable number of disabled soldiers lived in poverty. Most of its members were WWI veterans who had suffered at least a 50 percent loss of ability to work. If they were able to, most of them worked as farmhands and factory workers. Those who could not work received a small pension that was insufficient for living. Few disabled soldiers had other wealth in the form of property. Additionally, at least half of the members were married and had children to support.While the monetary support provided by the government played a significant role in the wellbeing of disabled soldiers, the aspect of support and understanding from the rest of the population cannot be cast aside. The population’s attitude towards disabled soldiers was very mixed. As was the case in the welfare system, veterans of the Independence War were treated more fondly than tsarist Russian Army veterans, but the people could rarely differentiate the two on a war basis. As a result, all disabled soldiers experienced the same attitude towards them on the part of their compatriots, which generally ranged from passive understanding to complete disgust. This disappointed disabled soldiers since they saw themselves as heroes who had given everything for their compatriots but did not even earn their respect in return.
- Research Article
15
- 10.1111/acem.12129
- May 1, 2013
- Academic Emergency Medicine
This article briefly reviews the evolution of medical support during wars and conflicts from ancient to modern times and discusses the effect warfare has had on the development of civilian health care and emergency medical services (EMS). Medical breakthroughs and discoveries made of necessity during military conflicts have developed into new paradigms of medical care, including novel programs of triage and health assessment, emergency battlefield treatment and stabilization, anesthesia, and other surgical and emergency procedures. The critical role of organizations that provide proper emergency care to help the sick and injured both on the battlefield and in the civilian world is also highlighted.
- Research Article
- 10.15157/tyak.v0i43.12443
- Dec 9, 2015
The purpose of this article is to give an overview of the development of educational science and teacher education during the 95 years of the University of Tartu as an Estonian-language university. The article views teacher education throughout three historical periods. The first period includes the establishment of the Chair of Pedagogy in 1920 and the development of teacher education in the interwar period. The second period entails the Soviet Period and its diverse influences on teacher preparation. The third period involves the reforms and developments that occurred after the restoration of Estonian independence in 1991. The field of teacher education has emerged as one of the largest in the university as measured by the number of students during the aforementioned period. At the same time, the content and organisation of teacher education has gone through major changes. Although history has seen eras of both progress and decline, the main components of teacher education—preparation in a subject field and general pedagogical studies in combination with teaching practice at school—have remained at the centre of the specialty throughout time. The attention paid to the smooth functioning of teaching practice has been a constant topic during this long time period. In the first decades of the Soviet rule the practice period in teacher education was reduced to a minimum. With the eventual liberalisation of the Soviet rule school practice emerged again, largely in a form similar to that applied in the interwar years, while the importance of practice started to grow even more in time. This article highlights that the most radical changes in teacher education were in the theoretical content of the teacher preparation. In the 1920s Germany remained the main catalyst in the development of pedagogy. The earlier theoretical orientation according to which the emphasis was on educational aims and learning about the past began to recede in the 1930s. In light of new sub-disciplines (didactics, educational psychology), pedagogy acquired increasingly more attributes of an applied science. After 1944 the Communist ideology became dominant in the curriculum and textbooks. In the 1960s the original textbooks written by the professors of the University of Tartu appeared, and a program of pedagogy which was in use until late 1980s was developed. Many issues (conceptual bases of teacher education curricula, optimising student teachers’ school practice) that were topical in Estonian teacher education in the interwar and post-war period became relevant again after Estonia regained its national independence in 1991. In conclusion, the historical trajectory of teacher education reveals the interesting fact that the essential issues of the field share many similarities over different periods. Therefore, a good knowledge of the historical process is essential for the development of teacher education in the present and future. It could help us uncover the historical ideas, concepts and scenarios that we unconsciously enact when visualising the processes of the future.
- Research Article
- 10.15157/tyak.v0i43.12434
- Dec 9, 2015
This article explores the beginning of the professionalization process of female lawyers in Estonia upon the example of the profession of a notary public. Here, women students were allowed to study law and female lawyers were allowed to practice professionally several decades later compared to many countries in Europe and the world. Women got access to a wider variety of educational lanes after the Republic of Estonia gained its independence and women students started to be accepted to the university on equal basis with male students. Between the two world wars, several offices in Estonia needed specialists with a higher education in law. The most natural potential career paths for a legal academic are usually working in the court system, bar association or as a notary public. Yet, the prejudices widespread in the society and later the economic crisis of the 1930s, alongside the competition with male lawyers made it difficult for women to get a job that corresponded to their education. During the interwar years 1,618 students graduated from the faculty of law: 1,475 of them were men. There were 143 women graduates in the period, i.e., 8.8% of the law students. About a half of the law graduates found work in the field, while several female lawyers worked as apprentices or low-paid office clerks at courts. No female lawyers were appointed judges in Estonia before World War II, 42 women were admitted to the Bar Association. The first woman to become notary public, Ilma Sarepera, was appointed to office as late as in 1936. It is remarkable that the first appointed woman notary public remained the only woman notary public until 1944 when the Soviet power in Estonia was restored and authorities actively started to appoint women notaries. There was no actual resistance to appointing women notaries before World War II. At the same time, female lawyers were not queueing to get an appointment. The faint interest female lawyers expressed towards the profession of notary public can be explained with objective reasons: in the conditions of an economic crisis women rather preferred a low-paying but stable job as an office clerk. Several women also decided to become advocates or found work in an entirely different field. Most women notaries were appointed to office by the Soviet power in Soviet Estonia. War losses, repressions and the replacement of the former body of law practitioners in the 1940s brought new employments perspectives. In April 1949 there were a total of 28 notaries in 26 offices in Estonia, 11 of them women, all of them Estonian. The next women notaries after Ilma Sarepera were appointed to office in 1944 when the work of notarial offices was rapidly restarted. Only one of the women who were appointed notary public in 1944–1949 had a higher education in law, which shows that women without a relevant education were also appointed to office. Most of the women went to three-month courses for the preparation of notaries public in the USSR rear zone in Yegoryevsk, Moscow oblast or in the Tallinn Law School before they started work as notaries public. During the Soviet period women had more opportunities to become a notary public, yet, at the same time, a legal education was not considered as important as loyalty to the Soviet power and membership in the Communist party.
- Book Chapter
- 10.1007/978-981-13-6541-6_5
- Jan 1, 2019
In China, the medical security for farmers is an issue weighed heavily on people’s mind. In ancient times, “doctors were only available in imperial palaces” and the medical security system was only accessible to royal relatives, bureaucrats and officials with a certain rank in military blocs. After entering the modern times, China greatly improved its medical technologies and standards, but the medical system and social security were mainly to serve the powerful and influential class and the rich. All the time, farmers made decisions on seeing a doctor based on their financial situations and had no access to the medical security system. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, the Chinese government adopted different governance policies in urban and rural areas due to the limited resources. Farmers making up for 90% of the total population were excluded from the welfare system. For quite a long time thereafter, China’s medical welfare and security policies and system were only targeted at state cadres and employees of enterprises and public institutions. As the largest group of people, farmers had always been a forgotten part. As a large agricultural country, it is indeed important for China to provide medical security to farmers as it has a direct bearing on farmers’ physical health and rural economic development and social stability.
- Research Article
1
- 10.1447/96698
- Jan 1, 2019
Youth policies and welfare systems: A comparative analysis (Italy, Greece, Bulgaria, Estonia)
- Research Article
- 10.15157/tpep.v24i1.13001
- Aug 8, 2016
Olev Lugus was born in a farmer’s family in the Sangaste Parish, Valga County on the 12th of March 1935. He began his education in the Restu primary school and continued in Valga Accounting and Planning Technical High School. After graduating from the Technical High School, he started his working career as an economist in the industry department at the Planning Committee of the Pärnu region. In 1953, his career continued in the Pärnu woodworking factory „Viisnurk“ in the position of senior engineer, later as a head of department. In parallel with work, Olev Lugus went to study at the Tartu State University, from which he graduated in 1962 in the speciality of industrial economics. After graduating, he decided to take up an academic career in economics. In 1962, he started his long and productive research career at the Institute of Economics, Academy of Sciences of the Estonian SSR (later Estonian Institute of Economics at Tallinn University of Technology); at first as a junior researcher, then, after post-graduate studies and defending the thesis of a Candidate of Economics (PhD) „The Main Perspectives and Economic Efficiency of the Complex Using of Wood in the Estonian SSR“ as a senior researcher (1971). Quite soon, in 1972, he was appointed a head of the department of industrial economics. In 1986, he was promoted to the position of research director and in 1989, was elected a director of the Institute of Economics. He remained the director of the Institute also after re-elections until 1998. In the period 1998–2000, he worked as an economic advisor to the Estonian Employers’ Confederation. Olev Lugus was the director of the Institute of Economics in a complicated but also a very interesting and promising period when Estonia regained its independence. It was not easy to be part of the process of reforming the Estonian Academy of Sciences and the research system. At the same time, it was very stimulating to take new challenges – important orders from new institutions of the Republic of Estonia for applied research and analyses. One of the new challenges was the launch of applications for international research projects. Under the leadership of Olev Lugus, the Institute of Economics faced these challenges successfully. The main area of his personal research was analysis and prognostication of development of the Estonian industry, focusing on analysis of the use of Estonian forest resources and wood industry. In the period of regaining independence in Estonia, different macro-economic research topics were on the agenda. Olev Lugus was the Estonian leader in 10 international projects, including with such partners as PHARE programme, International Centre of Economic Growth (ICEG, USA), Finnish Institute of Economic Research (ETLA) etc. He was also one of the leaders of working out the programme of Estonian economic independence (so-called IME-project). Olev Lugus was the Estonian coordinator of the ICEG (1985–1998); a member of the Estonian President’s Academic Council (1994–1996); a vice-chairman of the Estonian Economic Association and had several other important public appointments. He made over 2100 presentations in Estonia and abroad about his research findings and development problems of the Estonian economy. He was also an author of nearly 150 publications and an editor of 8 collections of research papers on economics, including the Estonian-Finnish joint collection “Comparison of the Estonian and Finnish Socioeconomic Development” (Helsinki 1993), which in 1994 received the Estonian Science Award in humanities and social sciences. Olev Lugus has been awarded a Badge of Honour Order (1981) and in 1987, he received the honorary title of the meritorious cultural figure of the Estonian SSR. Colleagues remember Olev Lugus as an energetic, productive and capable scientist who achieved a lot. He was a warm and friendly person, very considerate and kind to his colleagues. Olev Lugus, an internationally renowned Estonian economist and tireless populariser of economics died on the 27th of June 2014 in Tallinn
- Research Article
1
- 10.1080/0047729x.2018.1461745
- Jan 2, 2018
- Midland History
Many significant welfare reforms of the early twentieth century were intended to help people avoid becoming reliant on the poor law. Nevertheless, the latter system continued to operate alongside these reforms, such as the old-age pension and unemployment support, into the interwar period. The relationship between the ‘old’ and ‘new’ forms of welfare provision, and how they influenced and impacted upon each other at a local level, has however been relatively little explored. This is particularly true in the case of early social housing policy. Through the case study of Blaby poor law union and the Saffron Lane estate in Leicestershire, this article examines the impact of a newly-constructed housing estate on local poor law administration during the 1920s. It argues that the implementation of national welfare reforms could, within specific local conditions, push people towards the poor law rather than enable them to move away from it. The ‘old’ welfare system still had a role to play in relieving destitution, demonstrating flexibility in a changing welfare landscape.
- Research Article
- 10.15157/tyak.v0i41.1182
- Jan 1, 2013
The Tartu Poudrette factory or Why the Water Supply System in Tartu was constructed so late At times the sanitary problems grew quite grave in the fast growing cities of the 19th century. Technology and medicine also developed swiftly but it was not always that the different fields provided support to each other at the right time and according to necessity. The University of Tartu is known as an innovative centre of medicine. The city had been studied by chemists (e.g., the research on the wells of Tartu by Carl Schmidt), physicians (medical topography already since the early 19th century), demographers (biostatisticians),etc. Considering this, it is somewhat surprising that the sanitary conditions in Tartu were rather poor at length even for those times. The University constructed its own water supply system already in 1889 but institutions and classes were unable to reach an agreement with regard to the city water supply. The newly emergent body of active Estonians responsible for building the grand and modern Vanemuine theatre house was willing to live in quite modest conditions in view of hygiene. In order to solve the city’s issue of human waste a Poudrette factory was built on the territory of the Jaama city estate in 1866. This solution was somewhat outdated already then. The factory produced a fertilizer mix of dry night soil, which sold quite well. Gustav Post, the lessee and later owner, became a rich man. The factory was municipalized even before WW I and it developed to be a substantial source of income for the city in independent Estonia. Tartu was the only city in Estonia where this part of the city’s economy brought a profit. This is likely one of the reasons why a water supply system that covered the entire city was built only in the 1930s in Tartu.
- Research Article
- 10.15157/tyak.v0i45.13902
- Dec 5, 2017
At the beginning of the 1990s, the situation was favourable for making changes in the Estonian health care system. Innovation was supported by physicians, patients, politicians, health care managers and the academic society. The most profound improvements were planned in the field of primary health care. Up to the 1990s, there was no specific training for and specialty of family doctor/general practitioner in the field of primary care. The primary health care system based on family physicians/general practitioners had existed for more than twenty years in several Western Europe countries and its efficiency for providing health care for the population had been proven. Countries with strong primary care provide high-level, cost-effective and prevention-orientated services for patients. The implementation of the family medicine system in Estonia was the result of different stakeholders’ cooperation. Initially, international experts were invited to provide specific training, especially Finnish colleagues from the Universities of Tampere and Turku. Professor Mauri Isokoski was later elected Honorary Doctor of the University of Tartu for support and cooperation in the field of family medicine. Academic lecturers and family doctors were sent to courses of family medicine in the Nordic countries, United Kingdom, Canada and elsewhere. In 1991 a specialised course for family doctors was launched. Previous district doctors and paediatricians were the first trainees. They were interested in reorganising their work to provide comprehensive care to patients. Training was conducted by the Department of Family Medicine in cooperation with other specialties. Family doctors who had been retrained step-by-step started teaching and they were the first supervisors of residency training in family medicine. The Estonian Society of Family Doctors was established. In 1992 the Department of Family Medicine in the Faculty of Medicine, University of Tartu was opened, including a professorship in family medicine. Family medicine was included in the basic programme of students in the medical faculty. Residency training in family medicine was organized according to European Union standards. Research in family medicine started; a PhD programme in family medicine was launched. During following decades, 15 PhD theses were prepared and defended. Family medicine in Estonia was recognized as an academic specialty. In 1993 the specialty of family medicine was included into the list of specialties in Estonia. It means that family doctor is a specialty with specific training, evidence and research-based practice in Estonia, equal with other medical specialties. The Estonian Health Project conducted by the Estonian Ministry of Social Affairs supported the development of instruction in family medicine, the training of family medicine lecturers abroad, and replacement of office equipment and the creation of a legal environment suitable for family medicine. In 1997 a regulation of the Estonian Ministry of Social Affairs was issued to control the implementation of patient lists, financing from the Health Insurance Fund, and specifying the job description of family doctors. In 2002 all those principles were included in the Health Services Organisation Act. Follow-up surveys of patients’ satisfaction with the family doctors’ system showed that patients were mostly satisfied and usually got help for their problems at family doctors’ offices. International cooperation within the World Health Organization, EURACT, WONCA, World Bank and other working groups allows to share Estonian experiences of developing family medicine as well as to learn from other countries. Implementing family medicine in the Estonian health care system was successful thanks to cooperation between physicians, the University of Tartu, Ministry of Social Affairs, local government institutions and patients.
- Research Article
2
- 10.7250/hesihe.2021.004
- Oct 20, 2021
- History of Engineering Sciences and Institutions of Higher Education
Riga Polytechnicum (RP) / Riga Polytechnic Institute (RPI) was the only higher education institution in the territory of the present Baltic States where it was possible to obtain higher technical education in the 19th century and early 20th century. Well-known Estonian architects, engineers and industrialists also studied there. Karl Tarvas (1885–1975), a famous Estonian architect, studied at RPI from 1906 to 1915. His creative heritage significantly influenced and shaped the architecture of Tallinn and its suburbs in the 1920s and 1940s. During the Interwar period in the Republic of Estonia, K. Tarvas deliberately chose to improve the living conditions of the less affluent population by designing standard wooden buildings, which we now know as the Tallinn House (Estonian: Tallinna maja). This research provides an insight into the study years of K. Tarvas and critically evaluates his professional activity. K. Tarvas was one of the founders of Riga Estonian Students’ Society (Estonian: Riia Eesti Üliõpilaste Selts; REÜS) established in 1909, which united Estonian students at RPI. He also was among the creators of the Estonian Association of Architects (Estonian: Eesti Arhitektide Ühing) in 1921. His three sons Paul, Peeter and Pärtel also chose the profession of an architect, Peeter Tarvas (1916–1987) was the most prominent of the three.
- Research Article
- 10.15157/tyak.v0i45.13916
- Dec 5, 2017
The University of Tartu Museum’s laboratory porcelain collection mostly includes items that were purchased for the University of Tartu laboratories for research (substance analysis etc.) and teaching purposes (for performing practical tasks such as making medicines). The porcelain collections in Estonian museums (the Mikkel Museum, Art Museum of Estonia and Estonian History Museum) mainly consist of tableware, ornaments and memorabilia. Several museums (e.g., in Saare and Järva Counties) have apothecary ware. The University of Tartu Museum’s laboratory porcelain collection reflects the evolution of ceramics in the general historical development of chemistry and pharmaceutical laboratories. The oldest items were likely ordered by two professors active in the 19th century: Carl Schmidt (1822–1894, Professor of Chemistry 1852–1892) and Georg Dragendorf 1836–1898, Professor of Pharmacy). Both professors had the opportunity to renew their laboratory equipment in the middle of the 19th century, which they did. The most valued part of the collection is the vast selection of older porcelain items from the Institute of Pharmacy, created in 1844. The collection of laboratory porcelain has accumulated over the years and it currently consists of more than 1,000 items. The oldest pieces ordered for the University of Tartu laboratories date from the mid-19th century, starting from 1844–1847 (Köningliche Porzellan Manufaktur Berlin). The porcelain items that were ordered for the University in the 19th century and the early 20th century come from other sources, too, mainly from German companies such as Staatliche Porzellan-Manufaktur Meissen, Sanitäts-Porzellan Manufactur W. Haldenwanger and Spandau. The grog and stoneware purchased for the chemistry laboratory at the same time also came from other parts of Europe (the United Kingdom and France). The porcelain labware purchased after World War II starting from the 1950s and 1960s mainly came from the porcelain factories of Leningrad and Riga and Klin in Moscow Oblast. The product list and its changes are reflected in catalogues issued by porcelain companies, which were also used for determining the names and details of the porcelain items discussed in this overview. The collection only has a few items produced by Europe’s oldest porcelain manufacturer Meissen. Most of the items from the older period bear the marking of the Royal Porcelain Factory in Berlin, which was one of the main porcelain manufacturers in Germany apart from Meissen. The list of items from W. Haldenwanger’s porcelain factory is also varied. Apart from a few exceptions, the laboratory porcelain from the second half of the 20th century mainly comes from the porcelain factories of St. Petersburg, Riga and Klin in Moscow Oblast: the collection includes a few items from the Porcelain Factory in Leningrad and a varied selection from Riga and Klin. The products of these three factories differ from German laboratory porcelain from the late 19th and early 20th century both for the quality of the porcelain and finishing of the glazing. The later labware is visually more robust and has simpler finishing, visually resembling hard earthenware, the ingredient quantities and clay type of which can slightly differ from hard-paste porcelain. The older objects include more specific items made for special purposes while the majority of the later ones are of general nature. Many porcelain items fell into disuse due to advancements in university studies and laboratories. Pharmacist training used to include detailed courses on preparing medicines, because many products (e.g., tinctures, ointments and suppositories) that are now produced by large drug companies used to be made in pharmacies. Additionally, new special fireproof and durable materials have been introduced in the field of labware, the use of which results in different and better quality indicators than those of traditional porcelain.
- Research Article
- 10.4000/monderusse.8120
- Jul 1, 2014
- Cahiers du monde russe
L’ouvrage traite de l’eugénisme dans les pays Baltes durant l’entre‑deux‑guerres. Les sept contributions qui portent sur l’Estonie, la Lettonie et la Lituanie sont réunies dans une première partie. La seconde partie, qui rassemble quatre textes, vise à placer les politiques eugéniques baltes dans une perspective internationale. Disons‑le d’emblée, ce livre possède le défaut d’être mal construit en ce qu’il présente une collection de textes que les deux parties dissocient plus qu’elles ne les ...
- Research Article
- 10.1080/09668136.2014.956445
- Oct 21, 2014
- Europe-Asia Studies
Bjorn M. Felder & Paul W. Weindling (eds), Baltic Eugenics: Bio-Politics, Race and Nation in Interwar Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania 1918-1940. On The Boundary of Two Worlds. vol. 35. Amsterdam & New York, NY: Rodopi, 2013, 335pp.
- Research Article
50
- 10.1007/s00405-013-2446-8
- Mar 31, 2013
- European Archives of Oto-Rhino-Laryngology
The International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health Core Set for Head and Neck Cancer (ICF-HNC) covers the typical spectrum of problems in functioning experienced by patients with head and neck cancer (HNC). The major goal of the present work was to evaluate patients' priorities using the brief ICF-HNC as a starting point. A priorities assessment checklist consisting of 15 statements was created based on the 14 validated categories of the brief ICF-HNC. In a cross-sectional study, patients were requested to select up to 5 items that were especially important to them. The checklist was sent by mail to 465 patients at different time points of cancer follow-up and handed out to 56 patients with recent HNC diagnosis. Altogether 300 (64.51 %) patients returned the checklist. The top priority of our sample was "I want to survive the cancer", followed by "I want that all the expenses for cancer treatment, cancer care and any additional follow-up treatments be covered by my health insurance or by the welfare system", "I want to be able to continue performing all daily life tasks well", "I want to have trusting relationships with my doctors, nurses and therapists" and "I want to be able to speak clearly". Although survival was, as expected, the top priority for patients enrolled in the study, we show that the weight given to survival and further symptoms or daily life activities meaningfully changes when the biopsychosocial perspective proposed in the ICF is adopted.
- Research Article
- 10.31203/aepa.2013.10.2.002
- Jun 30, 2013
- Asia Europe Perspective Association
China has undergone a fundamental economic reform from socialist to market economy since the late 1970s. The social welfare system, which used to be an integral part of the socialist economy, has inevitably been subject to a drastic reform process. This article examined the core parts of new welfare system through an old-age pension, medical insurance and the minimum living allowance system on the premise that the main characteristics of reconstructing of welfare system in China after the Reform is socialization of social welfare. The results are as follows: socialization of social welfare in the end means a beneficiary of welfare services now shares a duty on funds for welfare services that is chinese people who never paid for welfare services during planned economy period now have to pay for social security even though that is offered from the state, and it eventually means socialized social welfare has an attribute of commercialization or commodification. In this context new social welfare system in China after the Reform could be described as a developmental welfare regime considering that there are considerable welfare difference between urban and rural areas and it mainly is resulted from the state's urban-oriented policy inclination in the process of reconstructing social welfare system for economic growth a superior goal and the peasants―the most vulnerable groups indeed need a care from the state in contemporary China do not have the force to achieve their interests. Changes on the stats's preference on national goals and a capacity of the civil society will be major factors exerting an influence upon the frame of social welfare system in China after this, political democratization is the most influential variable among the rest.
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