Sinner or Saint? Martin Luther King Jr. and the Civil Rights Movement in Selma

African American women, political activists for their entire history on the American continent but long denied the right to vote and hold office, have resorted to nontraditional politics. This article explores the nature and extent of African American women's political participation, beginning with the slave era. As victims of racial and sexual discrimination, these women have been active in the African American liberation movement and the women's movement. Along the way they developed a rich array of innovative alternatives to the traditional political activities from which they were excluded. After the 1965 Voting Rights Act, nontraditional activities began to give way to more traditional ones. Currently, they are the prime users of the ballot, hold a higher percentage of their race's elective offices than do white women, and as officeholders exhibit higher levels of women's organization membership than do white women and are highly supportive of women's issues. African American women receive high praise for their performance as officeholders. Unlike their white counterparts, African American adults have not experienced a gender gap.

Key words: African Americans; Elizabeth Ross Haynes; history, labor, social welfare; As a pioneer social worker, author, politician, woman, and community activist, Elizabeth Ross Haynes constantly advocated and agitated for the rights of African Americans and for the rights of women. In 1937 she challenged her contemporaries with the following question: If Frances Perkins (the Honorable Frances Perkins), secretary of labor, can fill one of the most difficult posts in the Cabinet of the President of these United States--and this she had done superbly despite any criticisms--is to extend and enlarge the opportunity fought for by Susan B. Anthony and Sojourner Truth, especially since the latter could neither read nor write? (Haynes, n.d.) Haynes offered herself as a role model. She involved herself in researching, writing, and speaking about women's labor issues, women's spiritual and Christian growth, women's roles in the political arena, and women's use of all their talents and skills and did these to such an extent that she can be described as a pioneer in the women's movement of the Progressive Era and beyond Like most African American of her time, however, Haynes has been virtually ignored in the study of women's contributions to social welfare history and to the development of social welfare institutions for African Americans and for the larger community. This invisibility of African American in history leaves gaps in social workers' cognition, distorting the knowledge base. As Brown (1989) noted, an even greater problem is that because of the exclusion of African American like Haynes, the concepts, perspectives, methods, and pedagogues of women's history and women's studies have been developed without consideration of the experiences of black women (p. 610). Furthermore, recent efforts to uncover African American women's history occurred parallel to the development of theory. The consequence of this timing is that African American women's history is often couched inside the perspective, which, according to Brown, was designed to omit the experiences of of color. African American generally have held marginal positions in the movement. The misperception is that African American deal either with women's issues or with race issues, and then sequentially, not simultaneously. White have complained that they did not want to dissipate their energies dealing with issues of race, because their time could be better spent addressing issues of importance to all (Giddings, 1984; Smith, 1985). For them, the primacy of female oppression denies the structured inequalities of race. On the other hand, McDougald (1925) stated that the African American woman's feminist efforts are directed chiefly toward the realization of the equality of the races, the sex struggle assuming a subordinate place (p. 691). Some writers (Palmer, 1983; Terborg-Penn, 1983) have argued that the term feminism is partly responsible for the exclusion that African American feel, because feminism puts a priority on gender, not race. To deal with the problem of terminology, author Alice Walker (1983) and others (Hine, 1996; Ogunyemi, 1985) have used the words and to describe the African American female experience. Walker defined womanist as a consciousness that incorporates racial, cultural, sexual, national, economic, and political considerations for all people. Hine believed that womanism speaks to a double legacy of oppression and a resistance movement among African American women. The term may be uncomfortable for some, but its ideals are descriptive of the life careers of many African American pioneer social welfare leaders of the Progressive Era. Leaders such as Ida B. Wells-Barnett, Janie Porter Barrett, and Birdye Henrietta Haynes knew that their oppressed positions in society resulted from both gender and race and that their struggle must include both, because they were not fragmented individuals but whole and holistic in consciousness and purpose. …

We all live in an obesogenic environment. 1 The availability of high energy dense, palatable, inexpensive food is only surpassed by the mechanized labor-saving and entertainment devices designed to keep us from moving too much. We have evolved from a society of hunter–gatherers to a society of drivethrough picker-uppers. A number of factors likely determine our responses to the obesogenic environment, including level of exposure, resources available, and our biologic predisposition to energy imbalance. Despite the individual variation in these factors, certain patterns of obesity prevalence have developed over time, with a higher prevalence being noted in African American women. Reasons for a seemingly higher susceptibility of African American women to the obesogenic environment are unclear; equally unclear are the reasons for their differential response to treatment. Papers in this issue of the Journal of General Internal Medicine by Lynch et al. and Barnes et al. identify factors that influence African American women and their interaction with the obesogenic environment. 2,3 The perspective provided by each group, from examining attitudes about bariatric Surgery to struggles related to weight maintenance, is a unique contribution to the literature. Lynch et al. identified themes of lack of time and access to resources, issues regarding control, and identification with a larger body size. Women also expressed fears and concerns about the effects of bariatric Surgery and held perceptions that surgical treatment for obesity was an extreme measure. 2 Barnes et al. reported that a key difference between African American women who maintain a significant weight loss and those who regain weight may be their individual ability to counter the environment of home, family, and friends that appears to be additive to the obesogenic environment. 3 Are these barriers unique to African Americans or is it the response to these barriers that is unique? For example, most people might agree that lack of insurance coverage is a barrier to weight management because health insurance usually will not pay for weight control services. This barrier seems to be less specific to African American women and, at some level, could be considered a part of the overall obesogenic environment. It is important however, to consider the sociocultural context through which this barrier may be perceived by African American women. Some of our recent work suggests that African American and white women have distinctly different perceptions of how they should deal with their weight based to a significant degree on their racial identity. 4 African American women routinely suggested that their cultural environment was permissive for, and in many instances even promoted, weight gain (Fig. 1). Conversely, white women suggested that they consistently receive prompts to be thin because thinness is highly valued by members of their racial group. The sociocultural context is important to consider because it provides the lens through which the barrier is perceived by the individual and influences the response to that barrier. Therefore, the lack of insurance coverage for weight control services is perceived in the context of limited personal resources to dedicate to weight loss and a general sense that other members of the African American community do not necessarily value thinness. Balanced against other financial responsibilities and a low perceived value for the investment, losing weight using one’s personal resources becomes low on the priority list. Therefore, it is likely that the barrier is uniquely perceived, and the response to that barrier is partially a function of that unique perspective. Appreciation of the unique perspective of African American women is a key concept shared between the articles in this edition of the Journal of General Internal Medicine. While achieving a lower body weight may be important at an individual level for a given African American woman, many of the cultural norms African American women identify with suggest that being “skinny” is not truly critical to one’s happiness, health, and personal sense of well being. As a result, the energy required to overcome the initial inertia associated with challenging the obesogenic environment is significantly increased. At this point, the increased effort required to make or sustain the behavior change appears daunting, while conversely, a response that is similar to that of other members of the group would result in a sense of belonging and identity. This sense of group identity is particularly important because being a member of an ethnic minority group limits the opportunities for identifying with a wider array of groups, particularly outside of the racial boundaries. Going against the perceived cultural norms within the ethnic minority group can make one even more of a “minority.”

Certain residential characteristics in urban neighborhoods have shown to have negative impacts on health, especially in the African American population. The purpose of this systematic review is to understand the relationship between urban neighborhood and residential factors and breast cancer risk, incidence, stage at diagnosis/late stage diagnosis, survival, and mortality in African Americans. Using PubMed and Web of Science, the existing literature was reviewed. Observational, cross-sectional, cohort, and prospective studies until February 2017 were examined. Studies that included populations of African American women, setting in “urban” areas, and a measure of a neighborhood or residential factor were reviewed. Three parameters related to neighborhood/residential factors were extracted, including neighborhood socioeconomic status (SES), residential segregation, and residential pollution. Eighteen studies were identified for systematic review. 10 studies showed significantly higher odds of late-stage diagnosis, higher mortality, and lower survival in African American women living in lower socioeconomic neighborhoods. One study showed slightly higher odds of upward neighborhood change and probability of distant metastasis at diagnosis of African American woman compared to White women (OR=1.24). Similarly, 5 studies showed significantly high associations between residential segregation and late-stage diagnosis, as well as high associations of residential segregation and higher mortality in African American women. Two studies assessed residential pollution on breast cancer risk. The first study showed a weak rate of breast cancer risk in African American women between differentiating levels of trihalomethane in public water (RR=1.2). The second assessed the association of magnetic field exposure and breast cancer risk and found that the odds of getting breast cancer were not significant in African American women (OR=1.02). This review provides a qualitative synthesis of major neighborhood and residential factors on breast outcomes in African American women. By enacting health policies and utilizing tools such as health informatics, steps can be taken to drive the breast cancer disparity down in this population. Citation Format: Brandi Patrice Smith, Zeynep Madak-Erdogan. Urban neighborhood and residential factors associated with breast cancer in African American women: A systematic review [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the Tenth AACR Conference on the Science of Cancer Health Disparities in Racial/Ethnic Minorities and the Medically Underserved; 2017 Sep 25-28; Atlanta, GA. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Epidemiol Biomarkers Prev 2018;27(7 Suppl):Abstract nr A09.

PurposeThe purpose of this research was to empirically examine the career transitions of mid-career African American women leaving traditional careers for entrepreneurship. The authors illustrate how transition theory and effectuation principles ameliorate an African American woman's transition to entrepreneurship.Design/methodology/approachThe authors conducted semi-structured interviews with nine African American woman entrepreneurs. The data collected were evaluated through the lens of transition theory and effectuation theory.FindingsThe study results show that despite being the chief officer, many African American women still face inequalities when negotiating business deals, interacting with partners and when seeking capital for their business. Effectuation theory partially supports an African American woman's career transition to entrepreneurship, but the theory does not fully address the unique experiences of this demographic.Research limitations/implicationsThe results of this study reveal that effectuation principles do not fully explain the entrepreneurial career transition experiences of African American women. Theory development and extensions of existing theories should consider the potential discriminatory practices that limit financial resources and strategic partnerships for African American women entrepreneurs. The authors also advocate for consideration of identities, particularly related to gender and race, as factors that contribute to entrepreneurial experiences.Practical implicationsThe study findings support the notion that each woman's situation will be different and unique, requiring aspiring African American woman entrepreneurs to assess their individual situation. Consistent access to minority-specific programs can help aspiring African American women entrepreneurs visualize her new identity and provide the support needed to enhance her career transition. There is no one-size-fits-all solution, so each woman will need to craft her own individualized plan.Social implicationsFindings from this study solidify the role of African American women entrepreneurs as business leaders with influence and direct impact on the US economy. Their success enables African American women to contribute to more inclusive societies through their service to diverse members of society. In addition, their attainment of success serves as a testimony to aspiring African American women that entrepreneurial success is achievable, encouraging more diversity in entrepreneurship.Originality/valueFew entrepreneurial studies exist on both women and racial minorities, resulting in a paucity of strategies to support African American women throughout their entrepreneurial journey. The results of this study revealed barriers which require specific strategies to address discriminatory lending practices and acceptance when forging new business relationships.

Fixating on and Fixing the African American Woman's Representation of Self in Modern Periodicals Lourdes Arciniega A free race cannot be born of slave mothers. A woman enchained cannot choose but give a measure of bondage to her sons and daughters. No woman can call herself free who does not own and control her body. No woman can call herself free until she can choose consciously whether she will or will not be a mother. —Margaret Sanger, The Birth Control Review Margaret Sanger, founder of the first birth control clinics in the United States, published The Birth Control Review, a journal that ran from February 1917 to January 1940, specifically to challenge the Comstock Law, a federal act governing the "Suppression of Trade in, and Circulation of, Obscene Literature and Articles of Immoral Use," in effect since 1873 (Jütte; Kranz), which prohibited the dissemination of birth control information. Sanger had to word her content in a legally ambiguous manner to avoid censorship; thus, her writing straddled a fine line between calling attention to the need for birth control education and avoiding giving direct information on contraceptive devices. From the very first issue of The Birth Control Review, which bore the headline "Shall We Break this Law?", Sanger was forthright in her journal's mission as a powerful forum for reproductive rights activism. The "We" in Sanger's headline called everyone, regardless of gender or race, to participate in the struggle for access to universal birth control education. Thus, in 1919, she edited a special "Negro" issue of The Birth Control Review to address reproductive politics in the context of the African American population.1 Sanger's periodical featured two reproductive-rights texts by African American women playwrights: the drama They That Sit in Darkness by Mary P. Burrill and the short story The Closing Door by Angelina Grimké. This article explores how the African American voices in this issue of The Birth Control Review were carefully chosen by Sanger to promote her own ideology, and not necessarily to further African American interests. Yet, when these African [End Page 231] American playwrights wrote dramas and stories for Sanger's Birth Control Review, they re-created and reinstated the neglected African American woman and mother on stage and set up African American maternity as a controversial site from which to debate reproductive rights and women's rights in general. More importantly, publishing these dramas in Sanger's periodical gave these two women playwrights an opportunity to access and define a ground-breaking public and cultural space more attuned to African American women's voices. As a result of her publication in Sanger's journal, aspiring and unknown playwright Burrill found a multicultural audience for her present and future work. Grimké's short story became the precursor for her canonical play Rachel (1920), the first drama written by an African American woman playwright to enjoy a commercial production. By addressing reproductive rights for Sanger's periodical, these African American playwrights embarked on a journey of artistic transformation that would later bring them theatrical recognition. Burrill and Grimké were part of a rising Little Theatre Movement2 of "resistant" playwrights, to borrow a term that Jill Dolan applies to feminist critics. Dolan argues that resistant readers analyze "a performance's meaning by reading against the grain of stereotypes and resisting the manipulation of both the performance text and the cultural text that it helps to shape" (Spectator as Critic 2). Defying the pressure to tailor their reproductive-rights narratives to the expectations of Sanger's mostly white audience, Burrill and Grimké created innovative African American women's drama that left a theatrical imprint for other contemporary playwrights to follow.3 Writing on the link between drama and periodicals, Susan Smith contends that periodicals were an "important site of public deliberation, contestation and intellectual circulation, at once interlocking and in tension" (xi). Furthermore, she states that drama was a "powerful agent in the attempt to establish and sustain difference and distance between the middle and the lower classes and between the Anglo-Saxon and the various 'Others'" (xv). Documenting and disseminating racial and social anxiety, periodicals were reflections of the continuous struggles for...

Despite decades of research on stroke awareness and prevention targeting Americans in the U.S., research focusing on African American Woman (AAW) has remained limited. Pilot Study’s Specific Aims were: Determine AAW’s knowledge of major signs and symptoms of TIA and stroke. Determine AAW’s knowledge of major risk factors for TIA and stroke Identify the major factors affecting AAW’s delay in seeking treatment when a TIA or stroke is suspected. Theoretical Framework: The Common Sense Model was the guiding framework that provided the structure for identifying and interpreting the AAW’s perceptions and actions. Sample: A convenience sample of 203 AAW ranging in age from 20-91 (M=55) were obtained through local churches. Educational levels were 42.3% college graduates, 24% some college, 15.8% technical training, and remaining high school graduates. Thirty percent were either married or single and remaining divorced or widowed). Design and methodology: In this descriptive study after obtaining informed consent, participants completed a demographic form and an instrument assessing their knowledge of TIA and stroke signs and symptoms, major risk factors, treatment seeking behavior, and major factors affecting treatment seeking. The study instrument had content validity and a Cronbach alpha reliability of .76. Results: With regard to stroke symptoms, weakness and ability to speak were identified 85% and 87% respectively, while visual disturbances were selected 71% of the time. Shortness of breath and chest pain were also incorrectly identified 50% of the time as major symptoms. Ninety-six percent knew hypertension was a major risk factor as cigarette smoking (78%), and being African American (75%). Fewer than 20% knew being male was a risk factor. The first action for 97% of the participants who suspected a TIA or stroke was calling 911. The major factors identified as being linked to actually calling 911 were the signs/symptoms of speaking difficulties (F=3.08, p =.003), weakness F=4.53, p=.004), the risk factors of high cholesterol (F=4.56, p=.04), diabetes (F=4.2, p=.006) and obesity (F=4.07, p<.008) in that order. Building upon these study findings a larger longitudinal study will be designed with an educational intervention component.

Depression is gradually increasing in African American women. These women are experiencing role changes and additional life stressors. Depressed African American women may perceive themselves as being devalued by society with fewer support systems to buffer stressful events. Depressive symptoms may develop into clinical depression and a further decrease in the quality of life for the African American woman. The assumption that all women share similar experiences does not allow for differences to emerge regarding the diagnostic process, measuring tools, and successful treatment strategies for various cultures. The authors developed a Multifaceted Model of Depression in African American Women for improving treatment of African American women with depression and future research needs. Cultural background plays a vital role in how the symptoms of mental illnesses are developed, reported, interpreted, and how women are treated. African Americans who subscribed to the Strong Black Women Archetype (SBWA) are naturally strong, resilient, self-contained, and self-sacrificing. This self-reliance prevents them from reaching out for social support. This, in turn, can contribute to depressive symptoms with negative health outcomes. The African American women are more apt to have less access to routine medical care where early diagnosis and interventions can be done, so their mental health problems (e.g., depression, stress, etc.) are often more developed, complicated, and their social supports more depleted when they do access treatment. When African American women do have access to mental health care, they receive poor quality care compared to Whites.

Journal Article African American Women in the Struggle for the Vote, 1850–1920. By Rosalyn Terborg-Penn. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998. xiv, 192 pp. Cloth, $39.95, ISBN 0-253-33378-4. Paper, $16.95, ISBN 0-253-21176-X.) Get access Jane Rhodes Jane Rhodes University of California, San Diego, California Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of American History, Volume 86, Issue 1, June 1999, Page 273, https://doi.org/10.2307/2567500 Published: 01 June 1999

African American (AA) women face unique sociocultural barriers to physical activity (PA) engagement. Such barriers may contribute to their low PA levels and high cardiometabolic disease burden. One particular barrier reported among AA women in recent research is that being physically active can have an undesirable effect on the hairstyles and hair maintenance of many AA women. However, the underlying mechanisms contributing to this barrier have not been fully elucidated. The purpose of this study is to explore hairstyle maintenance as a barrier to PA among AA women and to identify effective strategies to overcome this barrier in the design of a culturally relevant PA intervention. A qualitative study design was used. Data were collected from the focus groups comprising 23 sedentary and obese AA women (median age = 38.1 years, median body mass index = 39.8 kg/m2). Content analysis was used to analyze these focus group data. Three key themes emerged from the qualitative narratives of participants: (1) impact of perspiration on hair and hairstyle maintenance, (2) image and social comparisons, and (3) solutions to overcome hair-related barriers to PA. For impact of perspiration and hairstyle maintenance, participants described how perspiring while engaging in PA negatively impacts many of their hairstyles. Participants further discussed how time and monetary burdens associated with PA-related hairstyle maintenance further contributed to this issue. Findings for the theme of image and social comparison focused on how an AA woman's hairstyle is an important part of the image and the social comparisons made by non-AAs regarding the hairstyles and maintenance practices of AA women. For solutions to hairstyle maintenance barriers, participant described a variety of potential styling techniques that may help alleviate PA-related maintenance concerns, including braids, locks, and natural hairstyles. However, no styling technique was uniformly endorsed by all study participants. Findings highlight the significance of hair in the AA community and provide further insight on appropriate intervention design strategies to overcome this sociocultural barrier to PA. Future research is needed to corroborate and further expand on our findings.

While African American women routinely outnumber African American men on the historically Black college and university (HBCU) campus, the African American woman’s voice is usually relegated to the margins within social and academic frameworks. The author seeks to gain a deeper understanding of the actual liberation of African American women on HBCU campuses. Drawing from undergraduate and graduate experiences as an African American female on campus, the author uses Collins’s (Black feminist thought: Knowledge, consciousness, and the politics of empowerment. Routledge, New York, 2009) Black feminist epistemology as a lens through which to examine her own decision to attend an HBCU while giving specific attention to the implications and intersections of race and gender. Using Black feminist epistemology and autoethnography, the author provides a critical analysis of her education at an HBCU in relationship to the experiences of other African American women. The author concludes the article explaining the intersections of education, liberation, and resistance with implications for HBCU administrators and staff in preparing African American women as campus and community leaders.

a song, full of the faith that the dark past has taught us. a song full of the hope that the present has brought us. Facing the rising sun, of our new day begun. Let us march on 'till victory is won. These words from James Weldon Johnson's Lift Every Voice and Sing can be used to describe vividly African peoples' struggles to obtain literacy, equal access to schooling, and educational advancement in American society. Unlike the situation historically for other ethnic groups, African Americans have had to fight and struggle for the legal right and access to formal schooling. From the period of their legal enslavement in this country, African Americans have possessed a strong desire for education. From the lessons shared in the darkest of night in the midst of slave quarters to current generations of college graduates, African Americans have struggled to educate themselves and their children. (1) When examining the history of African American education, there are some names that are somewhat familiar, such as Fannie Jackson Coppin, Booker T. Washington, Lucy Craft Laney, Major Richard Robert Wright, Charlotte Hawkins Brown, Laurence Clifton Jones, Mary McLeod Bethune, and Septima Poinsette Clark. Reference can be made to famous institutions in all parts of the country. Many of these institutions, however, were founded by white philanthropists and/or missionaries and educated black males and females, such as the Tuskegee Institute, Hampton Institute, and the Institute for Colored Youth in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. The school examined in this essay, however, does not fit into either of these categories because it was founded by an African American woman, for African American women and girls, and initially it was funded completely by the African American community. This essay examines the National Training School for Women and Girls (later renamed the National Trade and Professional School for Women an d Girls), founded in 1909 by Nannie Helen Burroughs in Washington, DC. (2) This school educated African, African American, and Caribbean women from ages fifteen to adulthood in areas that would allow them to be independent women with a commitment to serve their God, their families, and their communities. (3) As a school founder, orator, and social and political activist, Nannie Helen Burroughs built a school for African American women and girls in Washington, DC, that produced well-trained women who were well qualified to compete in the work force. What made Burroughs' school unique? Among other things, it was not co-educational, it was not funded by any white benefactors, and it was not limited to training women and girls for the traditional 'female occupations. Burroughs wanted to train God-fearing women who would be self-sufficient and committed to the uplift of their race. The activities and accomplishments of educator Nannie Helen Burroughs have been often overlooked by historians examining the African American experience. Historian and feminist scholar Sharon Harley pointed out that although Burroughs was one of the best known and most respected figures among African Americans in the 20th century, she remains absent from most contemporary historical works. (4) However, more recently, Burroughs' efforts have not gone totally unnoticed, and several scholars have begun to document Burroughs' contributions to African American women's advancement, the National Baptist Convention, and the African American community in general. Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, in her book Righteous Discontent: The Women's Movement in the Black Baptist Church, 1880-1920, described Burroughs leadership activities within her denomination, and Opal V. Easter assessed Burroughs work as an educator among adult African American women. (5) Karen A. Johnson's recent book Uplifting the Women and the Race focuses o n the social and political activism and educational philosophies of Nannie Helen Burroughs and Anna Julia Cooper. …

The disproportionate impact of human immunodeficiency syndrome (HIV) disease on African American women is devastating to their lives, their families, their communities, and our society. Among AIDS cases in women, 52.5% are black. African American women with HIV disease constitute one of the least powerful and most burdened segments of society. The African American woman whose behavior places her at risk for HIV infection must be the focus of increased prevention and treatment efforts. This article will describe risk factors for HIV infection and AIDS educational needs of women at risk. The interaction of race, gender, and social class will be explored. The controversy over medical manifestations of HIV will be addressed within the context of the social reality of African American women at risk. Reproductive rights and public policy issues will be discussed. Health educators must overcome their fear, class prejudice, and racial bias in order to form the interracial coalition necessary to lead our nation in the struggle to stop the devastation of AIDS among African American women and children.

This article provides evidence of a culturally specific dance intervention to decrease obesity as measured by body fat and body mass index (BMI) in African American women. A community partnership was formed with two African American churches to develop an intervention to address the issue of obesity. The culturally specific dance intervention was delivered two times per week for 8 weeks, choreographed to gospel music selected by the experimental group participants, and taught by an African American woman. Body fat and BMI were assessed at three time points and revealed significant differences between the two groups. Attending a minimum of 7 classes was enough to show an observed dose effect and the intervention was found to be culturally specific by understanding their roles as African American women. This community partnership was an effective way to promote a church-based, culturally specific dance intervention to improve the health of African American women.

In this study, we examined how engagement and disengagement strategies for coping with discrimination might explain how gendered racism influences psychological distress among 212 African American women enrolled in an institution of higher education. Engagement strategies were coping with discrimination using resistance and education/advocacy. Disengagement coping strategies were detachment from the stressor, internalization/self-blame, and use of drugs and alcohol. In addition, we examined the potential moderating or buffering role of gendered racial identity centrality (i.e., how important being an African American woman is to one’s self-concept) in the links between gendered racism and psychological distress, and between gendered racism and strategies for coping with discrimination. Results from our online survey revealed that both coping with discrimination via detachment and internalization/self-blame uniquely mediated the gendered racism–psychological distress links. In addition, findings from the moderation analyses indicated that the direct effect of gendered racism and detachment coping and the conditional indirect effect of gendered racism on psychological distress were contingent on gendered racial identity centrality; these relations were only significant among African American women with moderate to high levels of identity centrality, suggesting that identity centrality does not play a buffering role. Our findings suggest the importance of applying an intersectionality framework to explore the experiences of gendered racism and gendered racial identity centrality in African American women’s lives. Our results also lead us to recommend future work that helps African American women reduce the use of disengagement strategies to cope with discrimination. Online slides for instructors who want to use this article for teaching are available to PWQ subscribers on PWQ's website at http://pwq.sagepub.com/supplemental