Simplification or Semantics? Evaluating Vavilov's Impact on Standard of Review

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The Supreme Court of Canada’s pivotal decision in Canada (Minister of Citizenship and Immigration) v. Vavilov introduced a categorical approach to standard of review analysis, aiming to simplify the existing framework. This article traces the evolution of standard of review analysis and outlines previous empirical studies that examine Vavilov’s effect on this analysis. The article describes a new empirical study that employs a current large language model to measure various variables pertaining to Federal Court and Federal Court of Appeal decisions, such as length of standard of review analysis and party agreement on standard of review. The findings confirm that Vavilov has simplified the standard of review analysis, but perhaps that this simplification may have resulted from an evolving approach that began in the years preceding Vavilov.

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Submissions to Senate Standing Committee on Legal and Constitutional Affairs re Modifications to the Supreme Court Act
  • Nov 20, 2013
  • SSRN Electronic Journal
  • Paul Daly

The Committee has been asked to consider sections 471 and 472 of Bill C-4, which modify the Supreme Court Act. It has been asked to consider them in the midst of an important controversy. In late September, 2013, Prime Minister Harper nominated the Honourable Justice Marc Nadon, then a member of the Federal Court of Appeal, to replace the retiring Morris J. Fish as a member of the Supreme Court of Canada. After Justice Nadon was sworn in, but before he could take an active part in proceedings before the Court, a challenge was launched to the legality of his nomination. Mr. Rocco Galati, a Toronto lawyer, contended amongst other things that Justice Nadon was not eligible for elevation to one of the three seats on the Court reserved for jurists from Quebec. Justice Nadon stepped aside pending the resolution of the challenge to his nomination. Subsequently, the federal government took two steps. It proposed modifications to the Supreme Court Act as part of Bill C-4. And it referred two questions to the Court for the decision: whether federal court judges can be appointed to the Court pursuant; and whether Parliament can enact declaratory provisions to end the ongoing uncertainty about the validity of Justice Nadon’s appointment and to confirm for the future that judges from the federal courts can be elevated to the Court.In my written submissions, I propose to address three issues: (1) Can a member of the Federal Court or Federal Court of Appeal be appointed to one of the three Quebec seats on the Supreme Court of Canada in accordance with the provisions of the Supreme Court Act? (2) Do the provisions of Bill C-4 alter the existing law? (3) Do the provisions of Bill C-4 require a constitutional amendment? A brief summary of my answers is as follows: (1) No: The most natural reading of the English and French versions of ss. 5 and 6 of the Supreme Court Act is that sitting or former judges and lawyers with 10 years’ experience are eligible for appointment (s. 5), but that in the case of the three seats on the Supreme Court of Canada reserved for Quebec there is an additional requirement that the appointee be a current judge or practitioner from the province (s. 6). A purposive approach underpins this conclusion. The most obvious inference is that the object of s. 6 is to ensure that the Quebec judges on the Court have current knowledge of Quebec’s Civil Code. This is confirmed by the legislative history leading to the adoption of s. 6 and its subsequent evolution. The purpose of ensuring familiarity with civil law underpinned the policy choice to list the Quebec courts and Quebec bar as the sole sources from which the Quebec seats on the Court could be filled.(2) Yes: Parliament may enact declaratory provisions to cure doubts or mistaken interpretations of existing law by declaring the law’s ‘true meaning’ not only for the future but also for the past. A court faced with the question will have to take the declaratory provisions into account and will likely conclude that the proposed ss. 5.1 and 6.1 serve to put the appointment of Justice Nadon beyond all doubt. Whether the deployment of Parliament’s powers in the judicial domain is desirable is a separate question. (3) Maybe: It remains to be seen what approach the Supreme Court of Canada will take to the interpretation of the amending formulas set out in Part V of the Constitution Act, 1982. There is scope for it to take an approach which would protect core provisions of the Supreme Court Act from unilateral amendment by Parliament. The Court may well conclude that a change to s. 6 of the Supreme Court Act constitutes a change to the “composition of the Supreme Court of Canada” and requires a constitutional amendment. There is accordingly a risk that s. 6.1, declaratory or not, is beyond the powers of Parliament because alterations to s. 6 of the Supreme Court Act can be accomplished only by a constitutional amendment. Equally, however, the Court may conclude that the Supreme Court Act can be amended by Parliament.

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The withdrawal of treatment is still treatment
  • Aug 5, 2014
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  • Joel B Zivot

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Justice Iacobucci and the 'Golden and Straight Metwand' of Canadian Tax Law
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The Duty to Consult and Reconciliation: The Supreme Court’s Idea of the Purpose and Practice of Consulting Indigenous Peoples
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The duty to consult is an Aboriginal right protected under s. 35 in the Constitution Act, 1982. This article analyzes 11 Supreme Court of Canada (SCC) decisions concerning the duty to consult and distinguishes between the SCC’s promotion of the purpose and practice of reconciliation. This distinction more accurately depicts how the SCC understands why and how the Crown should advance reconciliation in the context of the duty to consult. This article finds that the SCC has consistently stated that reconciliation is required due to the existence of Aboriginal rights and the assertion of Crown sovereignty, creating an obligation to reconcile Indigenous and non-Indigenous societal interests. However, the practices outlined by the SCC on how the Crown can fulfill the duty suggest that the Crown is given a wide latitude to pursue its legislative objectives, which may result in the unjust infringement of Aboriginal rights over time. For instance, the Crown has discretion over the communication of decision-making to affected Indigenous parties and the balancing of Indigenous and non-Indigenous societal interests. Consequently, the practices of the duty to consult call into question the extent to which the duty can uphold the purpose of reconciliation between the Crown and Indigenous peoples.

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The Inventive Concept in Patent Law: Not So Obvious
  • Feb 9, 2023
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<p>The inventive concept in patent law, central to the Supreme Court’s test for whether a patent is invalid because of obviousness, lacks clarity. This article discusses that lack of clarity with reference to the vague and inconsistent treatment of the inventive concept in the jurisprudence of the Federal Court, Federal Court of Appeal and Supreme Court of Canada. In particular, this article discusses two unanswered questions: whether the inventive concept is a necessary part of the obviousness inquiry and what the inventive concept actually means. In answering the second question, this article explores three discrete stages in the evolution of the inventive concept: (1) the genesis of the inventive concept in Canadian jurisprudence in Apotex Plavix; (2) a notable dialogue regarding the interpretation of the inventive concept between the Federal Court and Federal Court of Appeal in Apotex Combigan; and (3) the persisting confusion surrounding the current meaning of the inventive concept. This article concludes by urging appellate courts to provide clearer guidance with respect to the significance and meaning of the inventive concept.</p>

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The Inventive Concept in Patent Law: Not So Obvious
  • Feb 9, 2023
  • Joshua Sealy-Harrington

<p>The inventive concept in patent law, central to the Supreme Court’s test for whether a patent is invalid because of obviousness, lacks clarity. This article discusses that lack of clarity with reference to the vague and inconsistent treatment of the inventive concept in the jurisprudence of the Federal Court, Federal Court of Appeal and Supreme Court of Canada. In particular, this article discusses two unanswered questions: whether the inventive concept is a necessary part of the obviousness inquiry and what the inventive concept actually means. In answering the second question, this article explores three discrete stages in the evolution of the inventive concept: (1) the genesis of the inventive concept in Canadian jurisprudence in Apotex Plavix; (2) a notable dialogue regarding the interpretation of the inventive concept between the Federal Court and Federal Court of Appeal in Apotex Combigan; and (3) the persisting confusion surrounding the current meaning of the inventive concept. This article concludes by urging appellate courts to provide clearer guidance with respect to the significance and meaning of the inventive concept.</p>

  • Research Article
  • 10.2139/ssrn.2533524
The Supreme Court of Canada: Policy-Maker of the Year
  • Feb 7, 2017
  • SSRN Electronic Journal
  • Benjamin Perrin

Each year, the Macdonald-Laurier Institute for Public Policy recognizes a “Policy-Maker of the Year”. Past recipients have included former Bank of Canada Governor Mark Carney and Foreign Minister John Baird, who have had a tremendous impact on our country’s economic stability and international stature, respectively.One could argue that, while people in such positions are undoubtedly influential, there is another entity that is rarely acknowledged for its influence on policy, but in the last year has changed Canadian public policy in wide-reaching and long-lasting ways – the Supreme Court of Canada (SCC). This paper examines the Court’s 10 most significant judgments of the last 12 months in terms of their importance and policy implications, on issues ranging from the Senate reform reference to the Bedford case challenging Canada’s prostitution laws to the Tsilhqot’in Aboriginal land claim in BC.This analysis comes at a time when media commentators have characterized recent high court decisions as a string of “losses” for the federal government. So what does the evidence show?• The policy and legal impact of the Supreme Court of Canada’s decisions of the last year are significant and likely enduring;• The Supreme Court of Canada was a remarkably united institution with consensus decisions on these significant cases being the norm, and dissenting opinions rare; and• The federal government indeed has an abysmal record of losses on significant cases, with a clear win in just one in 10 of them.In the last year, the Court has effectively taken Senate reform off the federal agenda for the foreseeable future, torpedoing both the governing Conservatives’ reform program and the Opposition New Democrats’ policy to abolish the Senate. The Court has struck down much of Canada’s prostitution legislation, resulting in a dramatic rewriting of the law by the current government. It has changed the landscape in parts of Canada for Aboriginal rights, affected tools available for fighting crime and terrorism, and cast into question how future appointments to the Court from Quebec will be managed. One would be hard-pressed to find another actor in Canada who has had a greater impact on such a wide range of issues than the Court has in the last year, such that the moniker Policy-Maker of the Year is appropriate. The Court, no doubt, would resist such a label on the view that it simply applies the law as part of its constitutional mandate. But the policy impact of its recent decisions is clear.

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