Silicosis disease burden in Zambian ex-copper miners continues to persist: Need for policy and programmatic reform to address ongoing challenges

Istanbul Protocol implementation in Central Asia: Bending the arc of the moral universe

The Impact of Health Sector Reform on State and Society in Bangladesh, 1995-2005

The growing influence of market mechanisms in Canadian higher education is evident in policy and program reforms enacted by governments at both the federal and provincial levels in recent years. This is particularly the case with respect to comprehensive reviews of the higher education system carried out by most of Canada’s provincial governments between 2004 and 2010. This paper provides an overview of the higher education policy reforms advocated by these system reviews as well as the policy and program reforms introduced by Canadian federal and provincial governments over the coinciding time period. This analysis focuses primarily on the issue of reforms to student access policies, providing insight into the influence that market principles have on the formulation and direction of Canadian policies concerning higher education fees, student financial assistance, and access for disadvantaged and underrepresented groups.

Engaging the paratransit sector in Cape Town on public transport reform: Progress, process and risks

Countries vary in their political commitment to change and in the capability of their bureaucracies. Policies vary in their organizational and political demands. These institutional variations can be incorporated into the design of trade and investment policy reform. In virtually all countries the presumption should be for reforms to dismantlenot reconfigure-restrictive entry rules and dysfunctional discretionary investment incentives. But there is no single approach, common across countries, through which trade policy reform sbould proceed. Countries with weak administrative capabilities should push import liberalization to the limits. But politically constrained countries with a stronger administrative capability might consider roundabout reforms that secure outward orientation without full-scale, prior import liberalization. During the past decade, it has become apparent that efforts to reform trade and investment policy in developing countries have had uneven results. A number of studies have sought to account for this uneven record by going beyond the narrow concerns of the optimal design of economic policies. One approach, reviewed by Paul (1990), has been to highlight problems in implementation as the source of weaknesses and to imply that these can be overcome by improving institutional capability. A second approach, exemplified by the burgeoning literature on neoclassical political economy (Colander 1984; Rodrik 1992) has been to probe into the underlying political determinants of a country's ability and willingness to adopt and implement trade and investment policy reforms. Taken alone, each of these approaches is too narrow. Countries vary both in their political commitment to change and in the organizational capability of public bureaucracies. Moreover, policies vary significantly in their organizational as well as political demands. It follows that the mix and sequence of reforms should be quite different in countries where the political commitment to policy reform is strong but organizational capabilities are relatively weak than in countries that have strong organizational capabilities but only limited political commitment to reform. This article illustrates in some detail how these crosscountry variations in institutional capabilities can be most effectively incorporated into the design and sequencing of programs of trade and investment policy reform.

The Gambia's economic recovery: Policy reforms, foreign aid, or rain?

This study has gone a long way in showing the trend of economic performance before and after independence. The study aimed at shedding light on the kind of economic trend that Tanzania experienced from the Arusha declaration--a declaration that paved the way for Tanzanian socialism under the Ujamaa policy--all along to the current policy reforms. The study was a case study design focusing on Tanzania economic performance before and after independence. The methodology that was used involved reviewing various documents and publications that explain the trend of economic performance that cover the period under review. In a Review Article Bilame; AJAEES, Article no. AJAEES.2014.6.025 757 way, a descriptive analysis of the information/data from those sources took a centre stage. The results show that after independence some achievements were sustained in terms of economic growth but were then eroded by the negative impacts that emanated from waging a war against Uganda in 1978. By the time the war ended in 1980, Tanzanian economy was hardest hit. It was due to this deteriorating economic performance that Tanzania launched policy reforms under the name of Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs). In the late 1980s and early 1990s some economic achievements that had far reaching effects to the rural people were sustained following the implementation of the reforms. Since then, Tanzania further pursued other policy reforms that ranged from Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS) all along to National Strategy for Growth and Reduction of Poverty (NSGRP). Indeed, all these policy reform programmes have indeed influenced economic growth that is not inclusive because a sector like agriculture that employs over 75 percent of Tanzanians has been left aside and as such the economic growth that has been sustained has not trickled down due to poor distributional dynamics. To this end, agriculture has been hit the hardest because it has been excluded in contributing to the economic growth. In a way, the rural people are increasingly becoming poorer. The study concludes that in order to have a balanced reforms strategy, equal distribution of the national cake is of paramount importance. This can only be achieved if economic growth is inclusive of all sectors of the economy and in particular inclusive of the agricultural sector that employs the majority of Tanzanians.

How COVID-19 deepens child oral health inequities

Japan's acquisition and development of Taiwan did not stem from the efforts of a capitalist class seeking cheaper resources and new market outlets, or engaging in dumping practices to maintain a high rate of domestic profit. Taiwan's economic transformation was brought about by enterprising bureaucrats who formulated a policy of state action in areas unattractive to private capital in order to create conditions that would encourage and sustain private investment. Taiwan's traditional economy was not destroyed completely, but restructured in such a way that land and labor became more productive and resources previously idle were now employed. Japanese colonial policy was successful for the following reasons.(1) The administration of Kodama and Gotō consisted of able leaders assisted by expert young subordinates who were dedicated to their jobs. Kodama was a first class administrator and apparently had a genius for organizing and extracting the best from his officials. Throughout his governorship he gave Gotō full support, especially in the early years when many military officers and foreign advisers complained to Kodama about Gotō's administrative methods. Aldiough Kodama's career ended in 1906, he stands out as one of the most able and imaginative young officials of the late Meiji period. In Gotō, Kodama had an enterprising, intelligent, and dedicated assistant capable of surrounding himself with able, loyal officials and providing the coordination and leadership necessary to organize their work efficiently. Gotō also had the initiative and ability to make the right strategy move or policy decision when the occasion demanded. He possessed a unique talent for discerning which elements in the traditional society could be used to strengthen modern institutions. His policy of integrating the pao-chia with a modern police system was the political key to the Japanese success in enforcing their control in the colony and obtaining local acceptance of it at the same time.(2) The Kodama-Gotō administration simultaneously introduced a number of important reforms and investment to establish an extensive infra-structure. This encouraged expansion of the market and enabled the administration to formulate policies of promotion, regulation, and financial support to build an industry of great comparative advantage to the island, sugar.(3) Kodama and Gotō relied on fiscal reform and deficit financing to finance their programs of reform and economic development. Taiwan's fiscal resources were limited, but the administration managed to secure the home government's underwriting of a large debt issue. The land tax reform, the introduction of new excise taxes, and the creation of the monopoly bureaus resulted in large tax revenues which enabled the administration to repay its debt within the stipulated repayment period and accumulate large budget surpluses at the same time. Taiwan's early economic growth was financed on a pay-as-you-go basis.On first appearance, the events in Taiwan seemed to duplicate the Meiji modernization achievement. But one important distinction must be kept in mind. The Meiji bureaucracy, unlike the small group of active bureaucrats in Taiwan's administration, applied their policies of reform and state support to sectors other than agriculture. Kodama insisted that Taiwan's agriculture, particularly the export of food and raw materials to Japan, be developed to augment Japan's power for economic warfare. Had Kodama and Gotō remained in Taiwan, they might have introduced different economic and social programs in response to changing demands from Japan's industrialization and Taiwan's population increase. Subsequent colonial administrators only imitated Kodama's economic program, and while it is easy to explain this behavior by reference to the usual pattern of modern colonial rule, this seems overly facile in the light of Japan's early and heavy investment in her colony. An explanation of this puzzle is possible only after further study of Taiwan's economic growth and her economic and political relationships with Japan.

Part 1 The need for policy reform: the economic policies of a typical LDC the effects of these policies on economic growth the record. Part 2 Economic and political issues in formulating reform programmes: reform episodes conditions in which reforms are undertaken policy instruments requiring alteration how much reform should there be and how rapidly should it be undertaken? the role of the international institutions and aid agencies international indebtedness and the availability of resources. Part 3 Experience with reform programmes: successful and unsuccessful reform programmes why do governments adopt policies so inimical to growth?

254 China Review International: Vol. ?, No. ?, Spring 1994 Westview Press, 1991). Although the present study of Chinese almanacs can stand alone, readers who wish to gain a fuller background to appreciate the role ofalmanacs in Chinese culture should consult this earlier work. This short book is published in the "Images ofAsia" series of Oxford University Press and fits their goal by being "written for the non-specialist reader by an authority on the subject, with extensive illustrations...." Nevertheless, for English readers who have never seen a Chinese almanac, the best introduction is still the translation by Martin Palmer and others, titled TungShu (Boston: Shambala, 1986), which reproduces the size, format, and contents of an actual almanac. However, for those who want a convenient and authoritative historical survey of the genre unencumbered by notes, this erudite and colorful little book by Smith is unsurpassed. David W Chappell University of Hawai'i Dorothy Solinger. China's Transitionfrom Socialism: StatistLegacies and Market Reforms, 1980-1990 Armonk, New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1993. vii, 292 pp. Hardcover $49.95, paperback $19.95. copyright1994 by University of Hawai'i Press As it is now more than a decade since the Dengist program of economic reform was first implemented, this collection of essays assessing the political-economic changes brought about by the reform is a timely one. The trajectory of economic reform in the People's Republic of China (PRC) over the last decade is nicely captured in this well-documented, carefully researched, and thought-provoking volume by Dorothy Solinger. In a series of essays written over the span of a decade, the author presents a portrait of a socialist reform program that has its roots in the policy debates of the 1950s, between Mao and Chen Yun, whose reform ideas were never implemented before Mao's death. Solinger's topics range from an analysis of the reform of the commercial sector (chapter 3), to changing relationships between the center and localities (chapter 7), to the new (but not necessarily ideal) relations between the state and emerging private sector (chapter 11). Setbacks and policy reversals notwithstanding, economic reforms which have been adopted in the PRC in the last decade should not be taken lightly by Western social scientists. Beginning with an essay which traces the origins of current reform policies to the economic policies initially raised at the 1956 party congress, Solinger contends that the Dengist reform program of the late 1970s was really, as she calls it, a "reformulation" ofmany of the themes addressed by Chen Yun and Xue Reviews 255 Muqiao some two decades earlier (chapter 1). In so reasoning, Solinger offers a fresh interpretation ofthe Chinese reforms as a reemergence ofimplementation of reform policies that could nothave been carried outbecause ofthe interruption ofradical Maoism from the Great Leap Forward onward. Such an interpretation is certainly not in line with the interpretation ofthose who argue that the reforms were primarily crisis-driven, prompted by the urgent need to solve the problems ofboth a sagging economy and the waning ideological commitment of the masses, nor does it complement the currentlypopular reading ofthe reforms as a "second revolution" in the history of the PRC. Solinger's work represents a stimulating and provocative addition to this debate. Throughout the essays contained in this volume, the author forcefully insists on her contention that the Chinese reform represents "a package ofmeasures valued for their potential to improve the working ofand to increase the state's receipts from national economy," and that"the fundamental commitment supporting reform, then, was a contingent and not an absolute one" (p. 4; emphasis added). The statist intention on the part of the leadership and their commitment to socialism, the author reminds us from time to time, remains basically unchanged (pp. 23, 79, 143-144). This is certainly true of the majority of the CCP leaders, including Deng himself. However, while one is easily convinced of the contingent, pragmatic nature ofthe reform program, one wonders if the original intentions ofthe leadership matter at all once the Rubicon is crossed, and whether or not such shifting contingencies push the threshold ofthe original statist (socialist) commitment. Indeed, as the author herselfhas shown quite eloquently in the later...

Global financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (WB) have played a dominant role in shaping the global financial architecture since their establishment at the 1944 Bretton Woods Conference in the United States. On paper, critics say that these institutions were created to promote international economic cooperation, stabilize currencies, and rebuild economies after World War II. However, their operations in the global south have often been critiqued for perpetuating structural inequalities. This is because IMF and WB through the structural adjustment programs (SAPs) to debt servicing obligations, impose neoliberal economic reforms that prioritize laissez-faire and fiscal austerity, frequently undermining the role of state sovereignty. The African continent has not been immune from the impacts of these institutions on development possibilities. Therefore, the paper used the classical Dependency Theory to explore the role of International Financial Institutions (IFIs) in Africa’s (under)development possibilities. The paper utilized a qualitative secondary analysis, drawing on existing literature as the foundation for the analysis. The findings indicate that IFIs function to integrate African economies into the global capitalist system as subordinate entities, perpetuating exploitative dynamics. The paper concludes by arguing that the current IFIs loan and reform policies are both a constraint and a paradox for Africa’s development possibilities. The paper recommends alternative development paradigms that challenge capitalist hegemony and foster equitable, self-determined growth pathways for Africa. The paper contributes to the ongoing debate on the role of IFIs in shaping Africa’s economic trajectory, highlighting how their loan conditions and structural reforms reinforce dependency rather than fostering genuine development. Keywords: Bretton Woods Conference, Dependency Theory, International Financial Institutions, Structural Adjustments Programmes

Challenges in the measurement of racial disparities in school discipline are a significant barrier to identifying policy and programmatic reforms that are effective at closing gaps. This article reviews key measurement issues and presents a set of empirical analyses as an illustrative case study. Specifically, we reframe the interpretation of discipline data in light of initiatives designed to reduce racial discipline disparities. We also characterize common metrics and recognize several additional ones for use in discipline disproportionality outcome evaluations. Leveraging a statewide policy reform as an example, we report findings from a quasi-experimental evaluation, which demonstrated that the various metrics can point to differing conclusions. We conclude with proposed guiding principles for the selection and use of discipline disproportionality metrics in evaluations.

Following the so-called Seoul National University Nth Room case, deepfake-related sexual crimes have garnered heightened societal concern. As a form of digital sexual violence, such offenses constitute a serious infringement on victims’ human rights and engender profound psychological trauma, thereby establishing themselves as grave social harms necessitating systematic countermeasures. Against this backdrop, the present study seeks to critically examine the current framework of victim support in relation to deepfake sexual crimes and to propose comprehensive strategies for its enhancement. Methodologically, the study employs a multi-pronged approach encompassing a review of scholarly literature and media reports, coupled with an analysis of relevant statistical data and judicial precedents, from which key findings are derived. On the basis of this analysis, key problems are identified, and a set of targeted improvement measures is advanced. Specifically, the proposed strategies encompass: (1) legal and policy reforms (raising awareness, strengthening penalties, and revising laws); (2) institutional reforms (enhancing expertise, reinforcing the role of digital sex crime victim support centers, and providing victim-centered support); and (3) programmatic reforms at digital sex crime victim support centers (treatment and recovery programs).

The relation between IMF conditionality and country ownership of assistance programs is considered from a political economy perspective, focusing on the question of why conditionality is needed if it is in a country's best interests to undertake the reform program. It is argued that heterogeneity of interests must form the basis of any discussion of conditionality and ownership. The Paper stresses a conflict between a reformist government and domestic interest groups that oppose reform, leading to a distinction between government and country ownership of a program. A model of lending and policy reform is presented that illustrates the effects of unconditional and conditional assistance first without and then with political constraints. It is shown that conditionality can play a key role even when the Fund and authorities agree on the goals of an assistance program.