Shifting tin imports into the broader Eastern Mediterranean region during the Bronze and Early Iron Ages (ca. 2000-900 BC)

Sacrificial Tradition and Religion during the Early Iron Age in South Scandinavia – with Special Reference to Settlement SacrificesSacrificial customs and religion during the Early Iron Age (500 BC–400 AD) has occupied archaeologists from the infancy of archaeology. Most would probably agree that the religion was primarily fertility related, originating as it was in the existing peasant society. The literature does not reflect any disagreement about the religion of the Early Iron Age being polytheistic and consequently concerned a variety of gods. However, it is still unknown how the religion was integrated in the everyday life, and under which conditions it was practiced.The research interest and the overall synthesis framework have especially addressed sacrifices in bogs and wetlands (for instance weapon sacrifices, bog bodies, deposited earthenware, anthropomorphic wooden figures, domestic animals, cauldrons, ring sacrifices, etc.). Strongly simplified, the existing consensus may be expressed in one single sentence: The overall society-related sacrificial traditions develop from being almost exclusively connected with wetland areas during the Early Iron Age (until c.400 AD) to being primarily connected with dry land after this time, cf. Fig. 1.The question is whether – based on the intense data collection over the recent decades – archaeology can or should maintain this very simple picture of the development of the sacrificial traditions and the religions during the Iron Age? Is it possible that we – rooted in for instance narrow definitions of sacrificial finds, habitual thinking, and a “delusion” consisting of the numerous well-preserved, well-documented, spectacular, and impressive finds of bog sacrifices – fail to see numerous forms of deposits, which (as opposed to the impressive finds of sacrifices in bogs) are hidden in the archaeological material?The settlements of the Iron Age have been excavated in large numbers over the recent decades, and it is the ritual finds from these localities that provide the background for this article.The ritual deposits from the settlements can be divided into two superior groups distinguished by the physical context. One comprises sacrifices made to constructions, which are characterized by being directly connected to a specific structure; the other encompasses settlement sacrifices that are to a higher degree characterized by an overriding affiliation to the settlement. The establishment of a sacrifice definition suitable for scanning the archaeological material for relevant finds is of vital importance. As the definition should not beforehand restrict the search through the material, it is important not to narrow the basis by concentrating only on the physical characteristics of the individual artefacts. The general idea behind the present presentation is that the different ritual dimensions of a society are internally connected as they function within the same overall conventions and, as a consequence, make up parts of a general mental structure, which can leave physically recognizable traces across the different ritual dimensions, cf. Fig. 2. This principal viewpoint creates a theoretical starting point for my work and the established definition of sacrificial finds: All intentionally deposited objects, which analytically show significant similarities as regards their physical appearance and/or their deposition context with other recognized ritual objects/contexts, and which are closely connected to these in time and space, should, when analysed, be considered sacrificial finds.The British religious historian, Ninian Smart, describes religion as consisting of seven thematically describing situations, which – albeit not completely unconnected – may be described individually:1) A dogmatic and philosophical dimension, comprising doctrine systems.2) A mythical and narrative dimension, comprising tales of the deities, of the creation, etc.3) An ethical and judicial dimension, comprising the consequences of the religion in relation to the shaping of the life of the individual.4) A social and institutional dimension comprising organisations and institutions that tie together the individual religious society.5) An empirical and emotional dimension comprising the individual’s experience of god and the divine.6) A ritual and practical dimension comprising prayer, sacrifices, worship, etc.7) A materiel dimension comprising architecture, art, sacred places, buildings, and iconography.As archaeologists, we have a very limited possibility of investigating the very thoughts behind the practiced religion. It is therefore natural to concentrate to a higher extent on the overall setting for it – the ritual dimension and the materiel dimension respectively. The ritual dimension and in particular its sacrificial aspect is traditionally divided into groups characterised by their significance level within the religion as such.1) The first and most “important” group consists of cult rituals. These are characterized by being calendar rites based on the myths of the religion or the history of the people, and by playing a part in the events of the year.2) The next group comprises transition rites (rite de passage), which follow the life cycle of the individual.3) The last group comprises rites of crises, which serve the purpose of averting danger, illness, etc.It is important to realize that the two first ritual groups are predictable cyclic rituals addressing the gods, the myths, and/or the people/the individual respectively. Only the third and least central group of rituals is determined by non-predictable and “not-always” occurring incidences. On this background, it becomes central to analyse, which category one is facing when one wants to assess its importance for the religion as such, in order to evaluate the primary character of the religion.In an attempt to understand the overall importance of a specific ritual practice, one cannot ignore a very complicated problem, which is to evaluate whether the sacrifices were practiced by single individuals or by a larger group of people as part of more common and society-supporting rituals. The issue of the relation between different sacrifice types and the groups causing these has been addressed repeatedly. Often, narrow physical interpretation frames as to who sacrificed what are advanced (i.e. Fig. 3). However, the question is how suitable are these very narrow and rigid interpretation models? As mentioned above, a sacrifice is defined by the intention (context) that caused it rather than by the specific physical form of the object!The above mentioned methodical and theoretical issues provide the background for the author’s investigation of the archaeological sources, in which he focused especially on the relationship between ritual actions as they are expressed in bog deposits and in burial grounds and measured them against the contemporary finds from the settle­ments.The analysis of the archaeological material is based on those find groups (sacrifices of cauldrons, magnificent chariots, humans, animals, metals, and weapons), which have traditionally been presented as a proof that society supporting and more community influenced ritual sacrifices were carried out beside the bogs.The examination of the material supports that sacrifices of cauldrons, magnificent chariots, humans, animals, and earthenware are found in both settlements and wetlands (Figs. 4-12), and that the deposits seem to follow superior ritual conventions, i.e. Fig. 2. The sacrifices were not made in fixed sacred places but in a momentary sacred context, which returns to its daily secular sphere once the rituals have been carried out. Often, the ceremony consists of a ritual cutting up of the sacrificed object, and the pars pro toto principle occurs completely integrated in connection with both burial customs, wetland sacrifice customs, and settlement sacrifice customs. Sacrifices often occur as an expression of a rite de passage connected to the structures, fields, or infrastructure of the village. However, the repeated finds of earthenware vessels, humans, and animals in both wetland areas and in the villages indicates that fertility sacrifices were made regularly as part of the cyclic agricultural world. This places the find groups in a central position when it comes to understanding the religious landscape of the Early Iron Age. In a lot of respects, the settlement finds appear as direct parallel material to the contemporary wetland-related sacrificial custom and so one must assume that major religious events also took place in the settlements, for instance when a human or a cauldron was handed over to the next world. Both the selection of sacrificial objects, the form of depositing, and the preceding ceremonial treatment seem to follow superior ritual structures applying to both funerary rites and wetland sacrifices in Iron Age society.Often, the individual settlement-related sacrificial find seems to be explained by everyday doings, as largely all sacrifice-related objects of the Early Iron Age have a natural affiliation with the settlement and the daily housekeeping. However, it is clear that if the overwhelming amount of data is made subject to a comprehensive and detailed contextual analysis, settlement related find groups and attached action patterns appear, which have direct parallels in the ritual interpretation platform of the bog context. These parallels cannot be explained by pure practical or coincidence-related explanation models!As opposed to ploughed-up Stone Age axe deposits or impressive bronze depots from the Bronze Age and gold depots from the Late Iron Age, a ploughed-up collection of either earthenware, bones, human parts, etc. are not easily explained as sacrificial deposits. However, much indicates that the sacrificial settlement deposits of the Iron Age were not placed very deeply, and so they occur in the arable soil of later times. We

This article presents the role of climate fluctuations in shaping southern Levantine human history from 3600 to 600 BCE (the Bronze and Iron Ages) as evidenced in palynological studies. This time interval is critical in the history of the region; it includes two phases of rise and decline of urban life, organization of the first territorial kingdoms, and domination of the area by great Ancient Near Eastern empires. The study is based on a comparison of several fossil pollen records that span a north-south transect of 220 km along the southern Levant: Birkat Ram in the northern Golan Heights, Sea of Galilee, and Ein Feshkha and Ze'elim Gully both on the western shore of the Dead Sea. The vegetation history and its climatic implications are as follows: during the Early Bronze Age I (∼3600–3000 BCE) climate conditions were wet; a minor reduction in humidity was documented during the Early Bronze Age II–III (∼3000–2500 BCE). The Intermediate Bronze Age (∼2500–1950 BCE) was characterized by moderate climate conditions, however, since ∼2000 BCE and during the Middle Bronze Age I (∼1950–1750 BCE) drier climate conditions were prevalent, while the Middle Bronze Age II–III (∼1750–1550 BCE) was comparably wet. Humid conditions continued in the early phases of the Late Bronze Age, while towards the end of the period and down to ∼1100 BCE the area features the driest climate conditions in the timespan reported here; this observation is based on the dramatic decrease in arboreal vegetation. During the period of ∼1100–750 BCE, which covers most of the Iron Age I (∼1150–950 BCE) and the Iron Age IIA (∼950–780 BCE), an increase in Mediterranean trees was documented, representing wetter climate conditions, which followed the severe dry phase of the end of the Late Bronze Age. The decrease in arboreal percentages, which characterize the Iron Age IIB (∼780–680 BCE) and Iron Age IIC (∼680–586 BCE), could have been caused by anthropogenic activity and/or might have derived from slightly drier climate conditions. Variations in the distribution of cultivated olive trees along the different periods resulted from human preference and/or changes in the available moisture.

The article summarizes and analyzes information on 16 multilayered geoarchaeological sites of the Lake Baikal coast, including the famous Ulan-Khada site. The research is based on the results of excavations, literary and archival materials. A list of local sites has been determined, their mapping, archaeological assessment, and radiocarbon data (153 dates, mostly AMS) have been analyzed. These sites are provided with stratigraphic, geological, and geomorphological characteristics, high-quality and informative materials. They represent a reliable source base and are the basis for the study of the regional Holocene cultures and the reconstruction of paleoclimates and paleolandscapes. The predominant location of multilayered sites on the western coast of Lake Baikal and, first of all, its Little Sea section is noted. From 3 to 15 cultural levels have been recorded on multilayered sites, containing finds from different periods from the Stone Age to the Late Iron Age. Currently, only two multilayered sites (Kurla 1 and Kurla 4) are known on the Lake Baikal coast, containing complexes of the Final Paleolithic. Early Holocene assemblages were noted at 8 sites (the most significant are Sagan-Nuge, Berloga, and Ityrkhei 1). Stratified Neolithic complexes predominate belogning to the early (10 sites), middle (4 sites) and late (9 sites) stages of this period. Among the most significant sites containing several isolated Neolithic layers are Sagan-Zaba 2, Ityrkhei 1, Tyshkine 2, Katun 1, Buguldeika 1 and 2. Reference sites for the Early Bronze Age are Ulan-Khada 1, Katun 1, Tyshkine 2 and 3, and for the Late Bronze Age – Tyshkine 3, Katun 1 and Berloga. At the Sagan-Zaba 2, Katun 1, and Buguldeika 2 sites, studies of the Early and Late Iron Age are promising. Radiocarbon dates have been obtained for almost all the studied sites (14). The complexes of the Early (29 dates) and Late (22 dates) Neolithic are the most endowed with them. At present, the chronology of the Lake Baikal coast cultural complexes seems to be as follows: the Final Paleolithic – 19,270–14,250 cal BP, Mesolithic – 13,070–8220 cal BP, Early Neolithic – 8170-6900 cal BP, Middle Neolithic – 6930–6290 cal BP, Late Neolithic – 5840–4650 cal BP, Early Bronze Age – 4850(4530)–3220 cal BP, Late Bronze Age – 3330–2000 cal BP, Early Iron Age – 2120–1530 cal BP, Late Iron Age – 1240–940 cal BP.

Early Iran Age settlement on Funen During the last thirty years, our knowledge of Early Iron Age settlement on Funen has been enlarged by the discovery of many new settlements and graves, so that 504 localities are now known from the Pre-Roman, Early Roman and Late Roman periods. A list of finds according to period follows the text and these are also plotted on the maps figs. 1-4.Figs. 1 and 2 show the extent of settlement in the Pre-Roman and Early Roman periods of the lron Age respectively. The similarity between the two maps is apparent. Settlement affects the same areas and is almost as dense in the former as in the latter period. The Pre-Roman settlement first gains momentum from Period II (the Ripdorf stage) however, only 4 finds being known on the island from Period I (see note 1). In general, there seems to be no connection between the areas cultivated in the Early Iron Age and those cultivated in the Late Bronze Age (note 2). The massive Iron Age settlement first commences c. 200 B.C. and continues till c. 400 A.D., when it ceases, to judge by the subsequent lack of finds at least. In the Late Roman Iron Age (200-400 A.D.) settlement becomes more sparse in the northwestern part of the island (Vends herred) and in the coastal strip to the east of this (see map 3); otherwise it follows that of the two earlier periods. The first three maps are combined in fig. 4.In the three maps 1-3, the distribution of settlement and grave finds shows a tendency to concentrate in small local tracts. This division has been shown to have some correspondence with the later division into administrative districts or »herreder« (notes 4-5) and may be seen clearly in fig. 5, where the five ancient types of place­names are plotted, together with the administrative district boundaries. Between some of these local tracts, at least, there has been uncultivated and impassable border country.The Early Iron Age settlement constitutes as far as archaeological finds are concerned a compact entity (map 4). This settlement occurs suddenly, since no continuity can be observed between the Late Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age. The reason for this is probably the transition from a transitory cut-and-burn cultivation in the Bronze Age to a more permanent agriculture in the Early Iron Age, which was perhaps made possible by the stalling of animals, whereby their manure became available for use on the fields. A corresponding problem concerns the cessation of Iron Age settlement around 400 A.D., at which time the archaeological finds cease. The reason for this may be, however, that the peasants decide about this time to give up the dispersed settlement which is indicated by the refuse pits of settlements and the graves, and instead live together in villages, as we know them from the Viking and Medieval periods.Several ancient place-name forms can probably be linked to the 600 years of Early Iron Age settlement (figs. 1-3). Therkel Mathiassen and I have in previous works (notes 6, 8-14) tried to show that the ancient place-name endings, as recorded in fig. 5, are parts of names which the Iron Age peasants gave to the dispersed settlement areas but not to the villages. In the areas of northwest Jutland studied by Mathiassen villages were present in the Early Iron Age, whereas on Funen settlement was in general dispersed.The over 200 new finds which have been made since I discussed the relationship between place-names and settlement in the Early Iron Age, in Fynske Aarbøger 1951, corroborate the conclusions I then reached. The local settlement tracts which have been described above cover, true enough, a large part of the area of the island group of Funen, but a comparison between the maps figs. 1-5 nevertheless shows an unambiguous correspondence between the settlements and the five ancient types of place-names. Prominent among these are the numerous names ending in -lev and -inge. Their link with the Iron Age settlements is shown in the scheme on p. 132. This employs hypothetical place-name settlements. The five types of place-names are all well represented within the settlement areas of the Early Iron Age, so that if each hypothetical place-name settlement is allowed to have a radius of 2 km there must be said to be complete coverage of place-names by Iron Age settlement. This is apparent from the percentages in the last column. It can also be shown that only a few finds fall outside the place-name circles. Some must necessarily do so, as the five types of names treated here are not the only ancient ones, and may no longer be extant.Each place-name was tied to the local settlement tract with its individual farms. Later this name seems to have been transferred to the village which the local population for unknown reasons, be they economic, technical or defensive, decided to found, probably in the Late Iron Age. If this is correct, one should not generally expect to find antiquities of the Early Iron Age on the site of the present villages with ancient names. Prof. Aksel Christensen (note 26) has recently described this situation, "the regulated village with a certain commonalty probably existed as a type of settlement by King Gotfred's time ... many were previously founded by neighbours in a dispersed settlement after joint decision".E. Albrectsen

Thoughts on the Collapse: The Perspective of a Philistine

The Nuragic village of Sant’Imbenia in Alghero in north-western Sardinia (Italy) was inhabited between approximately the 14 th and the 7 th century BC. Foreigners including Eastern Phoenicians and perhaps Greeks settled in the village during the last stages of its existence in the Early Iron Age, importing their own culture and technology and developing the area. Some of the pottery artifacts produced during this period do not seem to belong to the Nuragic tradition, which suggests that local craftsmen were influenced by these contacts and exchanges with foreign cultures. The objective of this work was to characterize the artifacts and analyze the evolution in production techniques during the Middle-Late Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age. The main changes seem to have occurred during the transition from the Bronze to the Iron Age, and there was also a clear distinction between cooking and serving wares. We observed that the decoration on the surface of the ceramics changed from the smooth surfaces of the Middle-Late Bronze Age to the partially vitrified, normally red slip wares of the Early Iron Age. Fragments of volcanic rocks were detected in the Early Iron Age cooking wares instead of calcite, the temper typically used during the Middle-Late Bronze Age. Firing temperatures were slightly higher in the Early Iron Age, as inferred by the presence of new mineral phases and the vitrification of the matrix. The surfaces of the ceramics were red, especially during the Early Iron Age, while the mixture often had a black heart.

Three seasons of archaeological fieldwork were carried out in 1998–2000 by Cornwall Archaeological Un within the Imerys Stannon China Clay Works, Bodmin Moor. The first two seasons involved the excavation of an Early Bronze Age cairn group and Middle Bronze Age and Middle Iron Age settlement activity. The third season on the Northern Downs involved the evaluation a number of cairns, field systems, and palaeoenvironmental sites.The cairn group consisted of three earlier Bronze Age ring-cairns and two ‘tailed’ cairns. One ring-cairn continued to be used as a ceremonial monument in the Middle Bronze Age and was reused during the Iron Age as a dwelling. An artefact assemblage including Bronze and Iron Age pottery and stonework was recovered. Two prehistoric beads one of faience, the other of amber, were also found.Ten Bronze Age radiocarbon determinations spanning 2490–1120 cal BC and two Iron Age determinations (370–40 cal BC) were obtained from three of the cairns. Two pollen columns on the Northern Downs were also dated. Significantly, a series of eight determinations was obtained from a single column, which provided environmental information from the Mesolithic through to the early medieval period. The radiocarbon dating showed that impact on the vegetation of the Down commenced during the Neolithic, with larger-scale clearance during the Bronze Age. Widespread open grassland was established by the Middle Bronze Age.It is suggested here that use of space within the cairn group was structured and that the cairns formed a monument complex which was part of a wider landscape cosmology, involving groupings of particular monument types and the referencing of rocky outcrops and tors.The investigations on Stannon Down were important as an opportunity to study an Early Bronze Age ceremonial landscape and reconsider how later Middle Bronze Age and Iron Age peoples on Bodmin Moor might have engaged with and interpreted the materiality of earlier prehistoric monuments.

Summary Lusatian Urnfield communities inhabiting Lubusz Land and western Greater Poland (Wielkopolska) in the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages occupy a unique position on the settlement map of the middle Oder basin. For nearly a thousand years, they acted as a kind of buffer between the buoyant Silesian centre, which had achieved its culture-making role thanks to direct exchange contacts with the Transcarpathian and Danubian-Alpine centres of the south, and West Pomeranian groups inspired from the west and northwest by the Nordic circle. The importance of Lubusz-Greater Poland (Wielkopolska) populations to the overall cultural picture of the territories on the banks of the Oder River can hardly be overestimated, so it is worth analysing this phenomenon in more detail. One of the significant cultural elements is the ceramic style. It can be a means of manifesting outside the identity of a group, the identity consolidated by a tradition functioning within this group. It is hard to imagine a relative standardisation of patterns in pottery produced over a certain area to be only the result of more or less random movement of female potters or small groups of people. The standardisation of material culture, resulting from the existence of a style, no doubt enhances homogeneity and stability in everyday life, and therefore can be regarded as a factor integrating neighbouring communities in territorial communities within a supra-local scale. In the Late Bronze Age, in Lubusz Land and western Greater Poland (Wielkopolska), one can notice the same stylistic tendencies in pottery manufacture (bossed style, Urad style, Late Bronze Age style) and in figural art in clay, and a similar repertoire of bronze objects, produced in local metallurgical workshops on the Oder. The formation of Urnfield communities in Lubusz Land and western Greater Poland (Wielkopolska) was no doubt part of a broader process of cultural integration, of supra-local character, which was taking place throughout the upper and middle Oder basin at the transition of the Middle and Late Bronze Ages. This was a process of acculturation, based on the reception of the influx of new cultural contents along the River Oder from Lower Silesia and perhaps, although to a much smaller extent, from Lusatia and Saxony. The result was the cultural unification, for the first time to such an extent, of the western part of what is now Poland. The archaeological indicator of the discussed process was the appearance of large cremation cemeteries, with burials furnished with bossed pottery of the Silesia-Greater Polish type, representing a style typical of most of the middle Oder basin. Similar tendencies can be seen in bronze metallurgy, where a nearly complete unification of the repertoire of produced objects can be observed from the beginning of the Late Bronze Age. Here, however, the distributions of particular forms are much broader and encompass almost the entire western part of the Lusatian Urnfields. In Lubusz Land and western Greater Poland (Wielkopolska) the Late Bronze Age saw a very dynamic development of local bronze production, performed primarily within the Oder metallurgical centre. The result was a relatively high percentage of bronze artefacts in the cultural inventory of Urnfield populations inhabiting the region, most of them ultimately deposited in the many hoards buried during that period. A broad spectrum of manufactured designs, their notable standardisation, and the finds of durable casting moulds all seem to confirm that bronze metallurgy, along with pot-making, belonged to the most important areas of production performed by the population inhabiting the middle Oder basin at the conclusion of the 2 nd and beginning of the 1 st millennium BC, despite it having been carried out by a limited group of initiated specialists. The process of formation of Lusatian Urnfields in the middle Oder basin was most likely not complete before HaA2, and from the subsequent phase onwards one can notice a steady expansion of settled areas, resulting from intensive internal colonisation and the processes of acculturation. The dynamics of this phenomenon are best illustrated by newly established, vast cremation cemeteries, most of which were then continuously used at least until the close of the Bronze Age, with some persisting into the Early Iron Age. With the onset of the Early Iron Age, the Lubusz-Greater Polish territorial community of Lusatian Urnfields started to slowly disintegrate, a phenomenon explained by the adoption of a different model of Hallstatisation by these communities. In Lubusz Land, pottery of the Górzyce style ( Göritzer Stil ) appears, inspired more by Białowice ( Billendorf ) than Silesian patterns, while in western Greater Poland (Wielkopolska) ceramic workshops still maintained a close connection with the tendencies set by their Silesian neighbours, who at that time closely followed the East Hallstatt trends. The Lubusz-Greater Polish territorial community, which crystallised and developed throughout the entirety of the Late Bronze Age largely thanks to the unique role of the Oder River as a route of long-distance exchange and at the same time a culturally unifying element of the landscape, ceased to exist with the onset of the Early Iron Age, never to be reborn.

Island subsistence during the Late Bronze and Iron Age in Menorca: insights from stable isotopes and Bayesian mixing models at the Biniadrís Cave (Spain)

Wczesna epoka żelaza

In the northern Dalmatia region where there were only two cultural systems throughout the Bronze and Iron Ages, four moments are crucial in the use of cremation ritual during the 2nd/1st centuries BC: in the Early Bronze Age (Cetina culture: Ervenik, Podvršje − Matakov brig, Nadin, Krneza − Duševića glavica), in the Early Iron Age (Nadin, mound 13, Krneza − Jokina glavica), in Hellenism (Dragišić, gr. 4 A-C), and finally, for the first time very intensively during the Romanization of Liburnians. Newly discovered cremations in ceramic urns (gr. 3, 13) in burial mound 13 (9th – 6th cent. BC) from Nadin near Benkovac are the first example (after Dragišić) of Liburnian cremation; more precisely, burial mound 13 with 19 graves represents a form of biritualism in the Liburnians. It is also an example of the greatest number of Liburnian burials under a mound, with crouched, extended and cremated skeletons and many ritual remains (traces of fire on the ground and on animal bones: funerary feast?; numerous remains of ceramic vessels (libation?). Although typical Liburnian burial "inherits" many formal and symbolic elements (stone cist, enclosing wall, libation, etc.) from the (Early) Bronze Age (and probably Eneolithic as well), cremation in the Liburnian burial mound 13 from Nadin cannot be explained in terms of continuity from the Early Bronze Age; links are missing, particularly those from the Middle Bronze Age in the study of the cultural dynamics of the 2nd millennium BC in the northern Dalmatia region. Squat form of the Nadin urns with a distinct neck has analogies in the Liburnian (Nin) and Daunian funerary pots for burying newborns (ad encytrismos), and also in the typology of pottery (undecorated or decorated) in a wider region (Ruše, V.Gorica, Dalj/Vukovar, Terni II, Este, Bologna I-II, Roma II, Cumae I, Pontecagnano IA, Histrians, etc.), i.e. in the forms widespread from the Danubian region, Alps, and Balkans to the Apennine Peninsula between the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages (10th/9th – 8th cent. BC). Although appearance of cremation in the Picenian culture has not been completely clear (Fermo necropolis, burials from Ancona, Numana, Novilara: graves Servici, 29, 39 from Piceno II-III, from the 8th/7th.cent. BC), Liburnian culture is most similar to the Picenian culture in the Adriatic world by the intensity and period of cremation, and form of urns. Specifically, decorated urn in a male grave 52 from Numana from the 9th century BC is analogous to the Nadin urns. This grave from Numana is usually mentioned as an example of trans-Adriatic, Picenian-Liburnian (Balkanic) i.e. Picenian-Histrian relations. Liburnian urns are similar to the urn from the grave in Numana, 495, Davanzali, from the late 9th century by their profilation. "Genesis" of both Liburnian and Picenian cremation is unknown. They are two convergent phenomena, reflecting the "unity" of the late Urnenfelder world of the 10th/9th centuries BC and resulting from cultural-ethnical contacts in a "closed circle" from the Danubian region – southeastern Alpine region – Apennine Peninsula, supported by smaller migrations in the first centuries of the Iron Age, from the trans-Adriatic direction in Picenum (with definite Villanova influence), and in Liburnia probably from the hinterland. In this Adriatic circle in the first centuries of the Iron Age multiple cultural contacts between Liburnians, Histrians and Picenians are for now a good (initial) context for a more detailed interpretation of Liburnian cremation. Despite the aforementioned, it is not necessary to relate directly the structure (ritual, goods) of gr. 52, Numana – Qualiotti to Histrian patterns nor the grave 495, Numana-Davanzali to the Iapodian ones. Cremated Liburnian burial from the Early Iron Age represents a certain continuity and a "reflection" of the late Urnenfelder circle, which was manifested in different ways in the beginnings of the Liburnian, Picenian, and Histrian cultures and elsewhere. The latest excavations on a planned Liburnian-Roman necropolis in Nadin (Nedinum) provided us with new information about the spatial, chronological and symbolical relation (religious, social) between the autochtonous Liburnian and Roman component in the period of Romanization of northern Dalmatia.

Characterising the Earlier Iron Age (Colin Haselgrove and Rachel Pope) The character of Late Bronze Age settlement in southern Britain (Joanna Bruck) 800 BC, The Great Divide (Stuart Needham) Llyn Fawr metalwork in Britain: a review (Brendan O'Connor) Intensification of animal husbandry in the Late Bronze Age? The contribution of sheep and pigs (Dale Serjeantson) After 'Celtic' fields: the social organisation of Iron Age agriculture (Richard Bradley and David Yates) Refiguring rights in the Early Iron Age landscapes of East Yorkshire (Melanie Giles) Pitted histories: early first millennium BC pit alignments in the central Welsh Marches (Andy Wigley) Environmental evidence from the Iron Age in north central Britain: putting archaeology in its place (Jacqueline P Huntley) Simple tools for tough tasks or tough tools for simple tasks? Analysis and experiment in Iron Age flint utilization (Jodie Humphrey) A bloodless past: the pacification of Early Iron Age Britain (Simon James) Building communities and creating identities in the first millennium BC (Niall Sharples) Deposits and doorways: patterns within the Iron Age settlement at Crick Covert Farm, Northamptonshire (Ann Woodward and Gwilym Hughes) Ritual and the roundhouse: a critique of recent ideas on the use of domestic space in later British prehistory (Rachel Pope) The character of Earlier Iron Age societies in Scotland (Ian Ralston and Patrick Ashmore) The Early Iron Age of the Peak District: re-reading the evidence (Bill Bevan) The Early to Later Iron Age transition in the Severn-Cotswolds: enclosing the household? (Tom Moore) The aesthetics of landscape on the Berkshire Downs (Chris Gosden and Gary Lock) Settlement in Kent from 1500 to 300 BC (Timothy Champion) The Atlantic West in the Early Iron Age (Jon C Henderson) English and Danish Iron Ages - a comparison through houses, burials and hoards (M L S Sorensen) Familar landscapes with unfamiliar pasts? Bronze Age barrows and Iron Age communities in the southern Netherlands (Fokke Gerritsen) The emergence of early Iron Age 'chieftains' graves' in the southern Netherlands: reconsidering transformations in burial and depositional practices (David Fontijn and Harry Fokkens) Early La Tene burial practices and social (re)constructions in the Marne-Moselle region (Marian Diepeveen-Jansen) Rethinking Earlier Iron Age settlement in the eastern Paris Basin (Colin Haselgrove) Boundaries and identity in Early Iron Age Europe (Peter S Wells) List of contributors

Flodfund - Bronzealderdeponeringer fra Gudenåen

In the prehistoric period in Korea, the appearance of metallurgy is viewed by archaeologists as having a significant impact on the growth of complex societies by providing the technology for greater agricultural production. Within Korean archaeology, the period of 300 to 100 b.c . is classified as the Early Iron Age. The Early Iron Age is situated between the Bronze Age and the Proto–Three Kingdoms period and is culturally significant because it served as a transitional period from the Prehistoric Age to the Historic Age. Despite this significance, the period’s cultural characteristics, area of origin, and relationship with indigenous culture have yet to be explained. The Early Iron Age is primarily defined by the Jeomtodae (clay-striped) pottery culture and slender bronze dagger culture. Although it is generally accepted that ironware culture originated in the Early Iron Age, the Jeomtodae pottery culture and slender bronze dagger culture are not interpreted in the same way all the time. In addition, Chinese literature indicates the names of countries that existed in some parts of the Korean Peninsula. This article aims to examine the concept and cultural characteristics of the Early Iron Age and to review various issues dealt with in studies on the Early Iron Age.

The site of Tell Atchana/Ancient Alalakh is located in the Amuq valley, now in the modern province of Hatay, in Southern Turkey. While it was previously thought that the site was abandoned towards the end of the Late Bronze Age, recent excavations at the site have demonstrated the presence of Iron Age levels, suggesting a prolonged period of occupation. This thesis presents a detailed analysis of the pottery assemblages excavated from the Iron Age levels of Alalakh; makes a major contribution to defining a new chronology for the site of Alalakh and sheds a new light on the last centuries of occupation. Based on the pottery assemblages this thesis proposes a new interpretation of the Early Iron Age period as being not a period of crisis and collapse but of accomplishment and regeneration. Moreover, by applying a more holistic and anthropological approach to the study of ceramics, this thesis investigates the patterns of consumption and of social dynamics in Early Iron Age Alalakh and links them within the broader regional framework of the Northern Levant. The morphological analysis carried out in this thesis defines a typology for the Iron Age pottery assemblages and establishes a relative chronology for the Iron Age levels. This enables the Iron Age settlement on Alalakh to be dated to the Iron Age I and II (12th-9th century BC). The functional analysis performed on the pottery assemblage recovered from square 42.10, the only square that yielded a reliable stratigraphy, results in the identification of the square as an open area devoted to the processing and consumption of food. This approach determines a change in the way food was cooked and displayed, but not in the way it was served and consumed. Finally this thesis draws conclusions related to continuity and change detectable in the local pottery assemblage and proposes a new historical narrative regarding Alalakh and the Amuq valley for the first centuries of the Early Iron Age.