Shifting balance in Central Asia: The Role of External Actors

Conflict Management and Peacebuilding: Examining the Interface between Local and International Approaches

Contestation remains a signifi cant factor in the EU neighbourhood. The aim of this article is to elaborate on the role of external actors – namely the European Union and the Russian Federation – in managing local and regional contestation. The latter is defined as incompatibilities between two or more competing views about how political, economic, social, and territorial order should be established and/or sustained. Competing interests between the EU and Russia concern many issues; the model of political system in the neighbourhood (democracy vs. authoritarianism), the model and direction of the economic integration of these countries (European or Eurasia integration), and the infrastructure and availability of gas and oil (energy disputes). The common neighbourhood, which concerns EU Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine), has become an area of rivalry rather than cooperation between the EU and Russia. The first seeks to stabilise the post-Soviet area, while Russia exploits local destabilisations and conflicts to maintain its influence there.

In 2013, Egypt’s first democratically elected president Mohammed Morsi was overthrown by a military coup. Since then the country has undergone serious setbacks in terms of democracy, individual freedoms, and social justice. Egypt’s failed revolution and the military coup could not be thought independently from the role of external actors - either directly or indirectly involved in this process. Despite their political rhetoric emphasizing democracy promotion and political reforms, both the US and the EU failed to pursue consistent and contributory policies in promoting democratic transition in Egypt out of fear that the electoral victory of Islamist groups would harm their interests in the region. On the other hand, the Gulf Monarchies played a pivotal role in the entrenchment of the military rule by providing financial and political support to the military-backed government as a shield against the democratically elected government in Egypt. This article investigates how the policies adopted by Egypt’s key allies, the European Union, the US and the Gulf Monarchies, impacted the trajectory of Egypt’s political transition in the face of the January 25 revolution and 2013 military coup. The main thesis of the article is that the policies pursued by external actors created a political environment unfavorable for democratic change in Egypt.

PurposeThe transfer of organizational practices in multinational enterprises (MNEs), typically from the headquarters to foreign subsidiaries, has been a key theme in international business (IB) literature. Research on this topic increasingly acknowledges the important role of organizational actors external to the focal MNE. Furthermore, there is a growing interest in the microfoundational underpinnings of practice transfer as an important phenomenon in IB. This paper aims to bring together these two emerging research trends to outline an exciting and important avenue for further research.Design/methodology/approachThis is a conceptual paper. This paper builds on prior empirical research to theorize different types of involvement of external organizational actors in the transfer process. This study further identifies specific mechanisms that lead to transfer outcomes in terms of practice adaptation.FindingsThe authors develop conceptual arguments regarding the role of external actors in the microfoundations of transfer. The involvement of external organizational actors can be either direct or indirect, and it can occur in the initiation stage at headquarters level and/or in the implementation stage at subsidiary level. The authors theorize how the involvement of external organizational actors in the transfer process shapes practice adaptation as a key outcome. This study summarizes the theorization with the help of propositions, and this study also identifies a set of research questions that can guide future research on this increasingly important topic.Originality/valueThis paper contributes to the literature by developing a research agenda to open up the black box regarding the role of external actors in the microfoundations of practice transfer in MNEs.

The role of external actors in national health policy in aid-independent countries has received relatively little attention in the literature, despite the fact that influence continues to be exerted once financial support is curtailed as countries graduate from lower income status. Focusing on a specific health policy in an aid-independent country, this qualitative study explores the role of external actors in shaping Thailand’s migrant health insurance. Primary data were collected through in-depth interviews with eighteen key informants from September 2018 to January 2019. The data were analysed using thematic analysis, focusing on three channels of influence, financial resources, technical expertise and inter-sectoral leverage, and their effect on the different stages of the policy process. Given Thailand’s export orientation and the importance of reputational effects, inter-sectoral leverage, mainly through the US TIP Reports and the EU carding decision, emerged as a very powerful channel of influence on priority setting, as it indirectly affected the migrant health insurance through efforts aimed at dealing with problems of human trafficking in the context of labour migration, especially after the 2014 coup d'état. This study helps understand the changed role external actors can play in filling health system gaps in aid-independent countries.

The article looks at what policy‐makers can do to decrease corruption in developing and transition countries, based on an in‐depth examination of effectiveness of actual anticorruption measures in Slovakia. The research presents a synthesis of 12 case studies where measures in the sectors most associated with corruption as well as horizontal measures were analysed. The research shows that corruption can be decreased significantly within several years and external actors can play a substantial role in the process. An overall decrease in corruption can be based on aggregation of individual sectoral changes in areas most suffering from graft. In particular, the Slovak strategy was based on a sector‐by‐sector economic approach to resolve supply–demand imbalances based on either liberalisation/privatisation, limitations on discretion or managing supply and/or demand. Horizontal reforms complemented by sectoral reforms with their strong focus on increasing transparency. Concerning the role of external actors, we conclude that even when there is a domestically driven anticorruption effort, the external actors can still help significantly by serving as sources of inspiration, legitimacy, know‐how and funding for reform design and implementation. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

The paper looks at what policy-makers can do to decrease corruption in developing and transition countries, based on an in-depth examination of effectiveness of actual anticorruption measures in Slovakia. The research presents a synthesis of 12 case studies where measures in the sectors most associated with corruption as well as horizontal measures were analysed. The research shows that corruption can be decreased significantly within several years and external actors can play a substantial role in the process. An overall decrease in corruption can be based on aggregation of individual sectoral changes in areas most suffering from graft. In particular, the Slovak strategy was based on a sector-by-sector economic approach to resolving supply-demand imbalances based on either liberalization/privatization, limitations on discretion or managing supply and/or demand. Horizontal reforms complemented by sectoral reforms with their strong focus on increasing transparency. Concerning the role of external actors, we conclude that even when there is a domestically driven anticorruption effort, the external actors can still help significantly by serving as sources of inspiration, legitimacy, know-how and funding for reform design and implementation.

This study tested the social capital consept of Robert D. Putnam encompassing the essential components such as a networking, the norm of reciprocity and trust in the coffee shop of economic actors. An important problem in this study is how the role of external actors as social capital in the running of the Yu Bunt Coffee Shop business is. This study is a qualitative study with a case study approach to the coffee shop business. The data in this study were obtained through the method of involved observation, in-depth interviews, and documentation. The results of the study show that the social capital of each individual involved forms a network that is able to produce reciprocal norms, and trust which also affects the sustainability of the Yu Bunt Coffee Shop business. Meanwhile, the role of external actors in the form of friendship greatly affects the level of income and business success of the Yu Bunt Coffee Shop. The contribution of this study is social capital related to the role of external actors is an important aspect that must be maintained for the survival and success of small businesses such as coffee shops in this case study. This is important because there is a reciprocal principle that operates intersubjectively in the social capital network that is formed.

This paper aims to find out how participation in the electoral process may have helped to alter the strategic outlook of the Irish Republican movement. The questions to be answered are whether electoral participation has contributed to the diminishing importance of terrorist violence in Irish Republican strategy, and – in particular – how electoral participation has influenced the process of strategic change. Based on the construction of a sound theoretical framework within which to evaluate the impact of electoral participation on a terrorist group's strategic outlook, the argument presented is that there were primarily two mechanisms through which electoral participation impacted upon the process of transformation within the Irish Republican movement: (1) its inclusion into a systematic process of dialogue with other political actors, and (2) the exposure to public opinion, whose negative responses towards the use of armed force undermined the reliance on this method. Furthermore, the paper highlights the significance of several enabling factors – the role of external actors, leadership, and state repression – which may be used to enhance our theoretical framework in further studies.

The main question of the paper, in the context of European economic governance reforms, is to assess whether strengthening fiscal institutions will resolve the problem of budgetary imbalances in countries prone to the deficit bias. The central argument is that the commitment behind the institutional changes — signaled by the composition of fiscal consolidation and the role of external actors — is critical for the success of reforms. In order to examine this thesis the contrasting experiences of Hungary and Slovakia are analyzed. While both have struggled with fiscal imbalances and eventually introduced far-reaching institutional reforms, these were successful in Slovakia while reversed in Hungary. The major implication of these cases is that changes in fiscal management cannot be treated as mere technicalities and are inseparable from the broader economic policy agenda. In countries where short-term considerations dominate decision-making, rules are implemented only under strong external pressure and are likely to be circumvented.

This article investigates the resurgence of military coups in the Sahel region – specifically in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger – through the lens of Niccolò Machiavelli’s political philosophy. The analysis is grounded in two central hypotheses: first, that poor governance and endemic corruption are primary catalysts for military interventions; and second, that the absence of virtuous leadership fosters public discontent, thereby shifting power dynamics in favor of the military. Drawing on a qualitative analytical method, the study explores historical legacies, particularly those rooted in colonial governance, alongside contemporary challenges such as insecurity, economic hardship, ethnic tensions, and foreign exploitation. The findings suggest that the repeated failure of civilian governments to ensure basic security, provide services, and resist corruption has eroded public trust and legitimized military takeovers in the eyes of many citizens. The article highlights how Machiavelli’s concepts of virtù, fortuna, and the delicate balance between fear and love offer a valuable framework for understanding these developments. Furthermore, the role of external actors – France, the United States, the European Union, and Russia – is examined in terms of both their strategic interests and their influence on domestic political stability. By integrating historical, socio-political, and philosophical perspectives, the article presents a comprehensive interpretation of power transitions in the Sahel. Ultimately, it concludes that sustainable governance in the region depends not merely on security interventions but on the restoration of public trust through ethical leadership, transparency, and a commitment to social welfare.

Despite the many benefits associated with the Industry 4.0 megatrend, researchers and practitioners alike have warned against an overly technocentric implementation of such a paradigm. Industry 4.0 should be corroborated by an awareness of its wider social implications, otherwise it might threaten human and societal well-being. Notably, firms should innovate and maintain competitiveness by respecting human values and developing collaborative relationships between humans and robots, while improving the wider societal well-being as well as recognizing ethical and socio-cultural factors. Yet, firms, especially small and medium enterprises (SMEs), face several challenges concerning a more human-centered evolution of Industry 4.0, as they lack adequate resources, competences, and cultural mindsets. In this regard, extant literature has suggested that external actors, such as governmental institutions, universities, and research centers might assist SMEs in effectively implementing Industry 4.0. Still, the role of such actors has yet to be explored. Therefore, this article aims to empirically investigate the role of competence centers (CCs), which bring together the main actors within innovation ecosystems, in supporting SMEs towards a more human-centered implementation of the Industry 4.0 paradigm. By conducting a multiple case study among Italian CCs, the article contributes to the formalization of the role of CCs in assisting SMEs during the implementation of Industry 4.0 technologies, utilizing a more holistic vision.

Recent studies on resolving civil conflicts have focused on the role of external actors in husbanding durable agreements. The contribution of authoritative parties is vital to the mediation of conflicts where parties are frequently too divided and where the stakes are too high to allow bilateral solutions. In the wide-ranging conflicts that convulsed Africa throughout the 1990s mediators helped the combatants to reach ceasefires and find constitutional structures that restored a modicum of stability and civility to tattered polities. More recently, electoral conflicts in Africa have emerged as new sites of external intervention, attracting multilateral and regional actors. The much-publicised cases of Kenya and Zimbabwe are instructive in this regard and constitute interesting areas of research into how external parties have tried to influence the trajectories of coalition governments. This paper reviews the peacemaking process in Kenya after the contested and violent outcome of the December 2007 elections. After a series of false starts in early January the mediation process stabilised around an African Union (AU) Panel of Eminent African Personalities, comprising former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan, former Tanzanian President Benjamin Mkapa, and Mozambican luminary Graca Machel. In about 40 days the panel steered the parties toward a power-sharing agreement that was signed on 28 February 2008. In tracing this process I am interested in the issues, the personalities who animated the negotiations, and how the mediators (alongside other external actors) produced the power-sharing outcome. The analysis begins with a background to the conflict, furnishing brief insights into the questions that sparked the violence. This is followed by discussion of the various people who attempted to mediate the conflicts before the emergence of the panel. Subsequent sections address how the mediators engaged the parties and the process of reaching the agreement. The paper concludes with a brief discussion of the role of mediators and lessons for other conflicts.

External actors engaged in peace building often induce domestic elites to share power. This article explores the effectiveness of external incentives in establishing, maintaining or reforming power-sharing. Adopting a rationalist approach to socialization, the research investigates the strategic interaction between external and internal actors in two cases of contemporary power-sharing: Northern Ireland and Bosnia-Herzegovina. External incentives will probably be more effective when they uphold a peace agreement that satisfies groups’ structural preferences on constitutional issues. External incentives can, under certain conditions, lead to internalization and the potential ‘habitualization’ of power-sharing as norm-conforming behaviour. The strategy of external actors will be less effective when their socialization efforts are inconsistent and coercive, viewed as threatening to one or more of the contending groups.

This paper examines the nexus between the context of a developing country and external actors’ influence in the formulation of a national Information and Communication Technology (ICT) policy. It questions whether context of a country affects the way external actors influence formulation of a national ICT policy following that external actors have mostly influenced policy formulation in Africa. Drawing on Bourdieu’s concepts of field, habitus, capital and practice, the study uses eighteen interview transcripts, three draft policy documents, two copies of minutes of policy meetings and three reports to analyse the relationship. The paper finds that external actors overtly influence the formulation of a national ICT policy in developing countries with limited economic, social and cultural capital. This finding offers stakeholders of public policy and government important insights into how they can effectively manage external actors during the policy process in developing countries.