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Sexuality and disability in Portugal: perspectives from a disability rights activist movement

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Abstract
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This study explores the intersection of disability and sexuality in Portugal through the experiences of a disability rights social collective. Historically, disability has been framed by models that often disregard sexuality, leading to the desexualisation and stigmatisation of disabled people. The Independent Living Movement, while addressing sexuality, reclaims self-determination and control over one’s life. The research was conducted with members of a feminist anti-ableist activist collective established in Portugal in 2020, selected for its critical approach to the intersection of gender and disability. Data collection between October 2023 and July 2024 occurred across three phases - initial exploratory interviews, semi-structured interviews, and collaborative discussion of preliminary findings. The discussions focused on models of disability, terminology, sexuality, corporalities, and the theoretical and practical aspects of support for the expression of sexuality. Data were analysed using reflexive thematic nalysis. Two central themes were developed: ‘multiple oppressions’ and ‘dissident bodies’, highlighting systemic barriers and resistance strategies to achieve sexual autonomy. Findings provide insights into the importance of inclusive public policies and intersectional frameworks, offering a situated perspective on how collective agency can promote sexual rights as a matter of social justice.

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Women have a vital role in environmental management and development. Their full participation is therefore essential to achieve sustainable development” (Principle 20, Rio Declaration). There is a dual rationale for promoting gender equality. Firstly, that equality between women and men-equal rights, opportunities and responsibilities-is a matter of human rights and social justice. And secondly, that greater equality between women and men is also a precondition for (and effective indicator of) sustainable people-centred development. The perceptions, interests, needs and priorities of both women and men must be taken into consideration not only as a matter of social justice but because they are necessary to enrich development processes” (OSAGI 2001).

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  • Rina B Pikkel

The paper offers a comprehensive exploration of the concept of disability sexual rights by integrating insights from both legal and sociological frameworks. Sexuality is an integral and inseparable part of human existence, encompassing a wide range of biological, physiological, psychological, and social aspects. Our understanding of sexuality developed over time, and contemporary social models view sexuality as shaped by social, cultural, and political factors. The rise of disability studies and social and critical models marked a significant shift in the way disabled sexuality is perceived. These studies underpin social aspects and constructions that contribute to the disabling process. Current Literature situates disability and sexuality within broader sociological frameworks of sexual citizenship, disability legal studies, and human rights, emphasizing the importance of recognizing disability sexual rights in forming an inclusive society. We examine the evolution of human rights discourse, mainly focusing on disability sexual rights as a marginalized subject within the human rights and disability rights agendas. We conclude by weaving together theories from disability studies, sexual citizenship, and law, proposing a new theoretical model of sexual rights that situates them in the intersection of disability, sexuality, law, and society. The model suggests three essential elements that cover the full scope of disability sexual rights: Access, choice, and pleasure. These elements can be applied to all aspects of disabled sexuality, encompassing sexual needs, participation, and autonomy.

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It has long been a matter of concern that Indigenous students, as a group, do less well educationally than their non-Indigenous counterparts. Despite the evidence to support the fact that if students and their cultures are not acknowledged, they tend to be less engaged in schooling than those students whose cultures are presented as the norm. Indigenous studies are apt to be at the margins of the curriculum. In this article, therefore, a case is made for teaching Indigenous studies through a comparison of the author's home state of Western Australia with Montana—one of the few states in the United States to have mandated the teaching of Indian culture and history and to tease out lessons that could be learned because the teaching of Indigenous studies is a matter of social justice; indeed, it is a matter of urgency.

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  • Cite Count Icon 8
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The statements from the Prime Minister and Secretary of State is exactly what we wanted to hear. We have all been feeling in the last two days that it may be a trick of the light, but the world looks to be a slightly more hopeful place than it did before. Hearing the Prime Minister and Secretary of State, adds to my sense of hopefulness. I want to give you a brief overview of what we were trying to do. I think that the messages in our report have been well summarised by the Prime Minister and Secretary of State. Let me say right at the beginning, we were pushed in the CSDH to take an economic view. We were pushed to make the argument that closing the gap, reducing health inequities, would only be listened to by politicians if we made the economic case. We resisted that argument. We said that the reason for taking action on health inequity is a matter of social justice; the reason for doing it is because it is the right thing to do. People value having health, not because having health gets them a better job or they can live in a better neighbourhood, but because they value health. Where, in our judgement, these differences in health, these systematic inequalities in health are avoidable and are not avoided, then they are unfair. Hence, putting them right is a matter of social justice. At the centre of what we are trying to achieve is empowerment of individuals, of communities and indeed of whole countries. We think of empowerment as material, psycho-social and political. Material means having the resources to feed your children. John Humphrys said that it is the business of journalists to simplify. It is the business of academics to say it is more complicated. It is not material, but having control of your life. That’s the psychosocial aspect; also having voice. We want to create the conditions for people to lead flourishing lives. The Commission was set up by Dr J. W. Lee, the former Director General of WHO, and was launched in Chile. President Lagos hosted the launch and later joined the Commission. Dr Lee said the goal of the Commission is not an academic exercise, but to marshal scientific evidence as a lever for policy change aiming towards practical uptake among policy makers and stakeholders in countries. That was very much our orientation. Dr Lee, at the launch, emphasised the issue of health inequities within and between countries, and this was indeed part of our brief. To come back to the question posed at the beginning – isn’t it simply that poor people have poor health because of their poverty? Why, I would ask

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