Abstract

This editorial reviews 2 studies, the William Marsiglio and Frank Mott study, and the Deborah Dawson study. Both studies examine the relationship of sex education to sexual initiation, contraceptive usage and pregnancy among teenagers. Though the studies lack certain data, both suggest that sex education as it is taught now has little if any effect on the decision of young people to begin sex. Half of teenagers who become sexually active do not take a sex education course before starting intercourse. Dawson finds that young women who have had formal instruction about contraception are more likely to have used a method, and those who have had instruction prior to 1st intercourse are more likely to use effective methods than those who have never taken a course. Both researchers find that having taken a course is the only variable that is a significant predictor of effective contraceptive use. Neither study finds a statistically significant impact of sex education on subsequent premarital pregnancy, although the direction of the findings in both studies is negative, i.e., teenagers who have had sex education are less likely to later become premaritally pregnant. Because of the gross underreporting of abortions in both studies, pregnancies are considerably underestimated. The 2 studies differ in significant ways. 1 analysis is cross-sectional; the other is longitudinal. 1 study asks about "formal instruction" on specific topics in various settings and the other about "a course relating to sex education." The sex education topics identified are overlapping but not identical. Other research than that cited here provides some idea about what kinds of programs and policies make a difference as far as teenage pregnancy is concerned. A study of 37 developed countries has found that a greater openness about sex-related matters in the society is correlated with low levels of teenage pregnancy. If 1 goal of sex education is to prevent unplanned adolescent pregnancies, then it is necessary to evaluate schools that offer programs that have such a stated goal (most do not) and compare them with schools that do have such programs. Marsiglio and Mott maintain that nothing the schools do will "substantially alter teenage sexual behavior...until the American public resolves its ambivalence over what sex education in the schools should and should not do."

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