Self-Disintegration in The Modern World: Freeing the Fragmented Self in The Works of Lawrence and Erich Fromm

This research analyzes the concept of "fragmented self" in Laurie Halse Anderson's novel Wintergirls, focusing on Lia Overbrook's struggles with anorexia nervosa and bulimia. This issue significantly reflects contemporary mental health challenges exacerbated by social pressures and internal conflicts. The concept of the fragmented self here refers to the disunity or incoherence encompassing an individual's identity, thoughts, and emotions, often manifesting through dissociative conditions, eating disorders, self-harming behaviors, or severe anxiety. The objective of this research is to conduct an in-depth psychological analysis to uncover Lia's self-fragmentation, identify its underlying causes, and understand the psychological consequences she experiences. In this analysis, the researcher utilizes the Freudian psychoanalytic theoretical framework, specifically the concepts of Id, Ego, and Superego. Through applying a descriptive qualitative method by careful textual analysis and literature review, the researcher found that anorexia nervosa is the root of Lia's problems, triggering severe internal conflicts, and this is also reflected in the fragmented writing style of the novel. This research is expected not only to enrich the understanding of psychological concepts within literary contexts but also to raise awareness and empathy towards adolescent mental health issues. Through highlighting Lia's journey, the researcher aims to explain the widespread issue of fragmented identity in contemporary society, providing insights into the psychological basis of such struggles and advocating for greater understanding and support for those facing similar challenges.

This article presents a triangular theory of love. According the theory, has three components: (a) intimacy, which encompasses the feelings of closeness, connectedness, and bondedness one experiences in loving relationships; (b) passion, which encompasses the drives that lead romance, physical attraction, and sexual consummation; and (c) decision/commitment, which encompasses, in the short term, the decision that one loves another, and in the long term, the commitment maintain that love. The amount of one experiences depends on the absolute strength of these three components, and the kind of one experiences depends on their strengths relative each other. The three components interact with each other and with the actions that they produce and that produce them so as form a number of different kinds of loving experiences. The triangular theory of subsumes certain other theories and can account for a number of empirical findings in the research literature, as well as for a number of experiences with which many are familiar firsthand. It is proposed that the triangular theory provides a rather comprehensive basis for understanding many aspects of the that underlies close relationships. What does it mean to love someone? Does it always mean the same thing, and if not, in what ways do loves differ from each other? Why do certain loves seem last, whereas others disappear almost as quickly as they are formed? This article seeks answer these and other questions through a triangular theory of love. This tripartite theory deals both with the nature of and with loves in various kinds of relationships. The presentation of the theory will be divided into three main parts. In the first part, the main tenets of the theory will be explained and discussed, and the theory will be compared with other theories of love. In the second part, the implications of the theory for close relationships and satisfaction in them will be described. In the third part, the theory will be shown account for many of the empirical phenomena that have been observed with regard love.

In his important study Public Religions in the Modern World, sociologist Jose Casanova describes the “deprivatization” of religions on a global scale since the 1970s.1 This phenomenon has forced many scholars to rethink previously hegemonic theories of secularization that envisioned the increasing marginalization of religion within the public sphere in favor of positivist, secular-humanist societies. As the world has seen, forecasts of religion’s public demise have proven far too hasty, and, with the exception of the phenomenon of differentiation remaining valid (i.e., delineated conceptions of religious and secular spheres), have left classical theories of secularization largely bankrupt. Contemporary societies must then address the reality of “public religions,” or the repoliticization of religions that have rejected the marginalized, privatized status afforded or forced upon them by modernity, and to grapple with the sensitive and potentially explosive dynamics of religion and the modern nation-state. This reality is perhaps nowhere more apparent than in contemporary Muslim societies. In his study Islamic Liberalism: A Critique of Development Ideologies, Leonard Binder has argued that the formation and success of political liberalism in contemporary Muslim nation-states will ultimately depend on the ability of Muslim scholars and theorists to formulate a “vigorous Islamic liberalism.”2

Gender and Succession in Medieval and Early Modern Islam: Bilateral Descent and the Legacy of Fatima

Early complex society studies, like anthropology in general, are strongly rooted in comparative analysis. Cultural evolutionists of the mid-nineteenth century (Tylor 1865; Morgan 1877; Spencer 1880–97) relied entirely on comparative ethnography to create speculative accounts of the antecedents of contemporary societies. A century later, Sahlins (Sahlins and Service 1960), Service (1962), Fried (1967), and other scholars did the same without assuming that “savages” would naturally aspire to better things, and slowly work their way through “barbarism” toward the “civilized” condition of Victorian Britain. Value-neutral vocabulary was sought and forces driving social change were considered, but the entire comparative enterprise still depended on imagining that some contemporary societies were like the unknown ancestors of other more complex contemporary societies. There was virtually no direct information about human societies before those that could be observed in the ethnographic present or through historical sources. By the beginning of the twenty-first century, that situation has changed dramatically. It is no longer necessary to speculate about diachronic processes from synchronic snapshots of societies not historically related to each other, because of a flood of direct archaeological evidence about long-term trajectories of social change. We still do not know as much about the past of any region as we would like to, but we do now know more about many regions than we are fully able to make sense of. Comparative study is important to this task of, quite literally, making sense of abundant detailed information. It was exactly this that the early cultural evolutionists were doing with their comparative ethnography: making sense of a welter of ethnographic detail. Scholars from Morgan to Service and Fried offered understanding by placing ethnographically known contemporary societies in an imaginary developmental sequence. Since the sequence was based on nothing more than ethnographic information about contemporary ⁠unrelated societies, it is remarkable how much the cultural evolutionists got right about the past ten thousand years of human history.

One man, an underground army, and the secret dogged mission to destroy Auschwitz tells the story of a Polish resistance fighter’s deliberate infiltration of Auschwitz to sabotage the camp from inside, and his struggles up until his death. He defied the odds of suppression as he attempted to warn the Allies about the Nazi’s plan for a “final solution” before it was too late.Jack Fairweather is a British journalist and author. He was born in wales and schooled in Oxford University. He was a war correspondent for British troops during the 2003 invasion of Iraq. In one of those days, as Jack and his friend Matt Mc Allester struggled to makes sense of what they had witness in the wars and putting it in a proper report, Jack came to hear about Witold Pilecki for the first time. He got intrigued as to why someone would risk everything to help his fellow man. He was equally struck by how little was known about Witold’s mission to warn the Western Allies of the Nazi’s crimes. Following Jack’s writing on The Volunteer, he was nominated for Costa Book Award 2019 and shortlisted for biography Award. The book “The Volunteer” is both a historical and biological book that was written by Jack Fairweather and published by HarperCollins Publishers, New York in 2019. It tells the history of the holocaust and gives an account of the untold sacrifice how Witold Pilecki, an average man with no great record of military service, staked his life to reveal Nazi’s greatest crimes when others would rather choose to hide. The book is somewhat provocative, suggesting the tragic defeat of Pilecki’s mission had been caused not in Auschwitz or Berlin, but in London and Washington. The book consists of four parts. Includes acknowledgments, short biography people mentioned in the book, notes, select bibliography and index. The publication is enriched by sixteen maps and a large number of black and white photos.

The role of sport in contemporary society needs no emphasis. Sport has become an inexorable part of the modern society with influence being felt in all facets of national life. Sport has also become a symbol of national unity. Governments utilize sport to legitimate themselves. Sport in society is studied because they are closely linked with how people think about and see the world. The overwhelming influence of sports in nations has lent to the evolvement of extensive bureaucracy to support and develop sport. Sociology assists in analyzing and clarifying the different types of relationships within the society. Man has been able to reduce his tension and to divert a somewhat aggressive behavior to an object instead of towards a friend or a fellow man through participation in sport. This paper therefore, reviews the following: sport and society, the role of sport in the society, social control and sport, socialization and sport, Sport and Socializing Institutions. Article visualizations:

On 13 July 1953 Ben Battle was accidentally drowned in Baffin Island while returning from a lone walk near the Base Camp of the Arctic Institute's 1953 expedition. Walter Ravenhill Brown Battle was born on 23 December 1919 in Leeds, England, and educated at Leeds Grammar School, and at the University of Leeds, graduating in geography in 1949. Having registered as a conscientious objector he spent most of the duration of the war working on English farms. Ben was early interested in mountains and in climbing, and with this background it was natural that he should become a keen glaciologist. In 1948 and 1949 he went to east Greenland with the Danish Pearyland expeditions. Then from 1949 to 1953 he carried out research for a doctoral degree of the University of Cambridge, on the formation of corries. He tested the validity of the hypothesis that freeze thaw action within a bergschrund results in corrie erosion by gradual shattering of the rock wall. During this time he took temperature recordings in bergschrunds in Norway and Switzerland, and made laboratory experiments, beam-testing rocks which had been exposed to alternate freezing and thawing. In 1952 he was awarded the Senior McGill University-Arctic Institute Carnegie Fellowship, and he and his wife, Barbara, went to live in Montreal. He continued his studies on the Institute's 1953 Baffin Island expedition. His results indicate that it is unlikely that freeze-thaw action in bergschrunds can cause corrie formation. A number of his glaciological papers have been published in scientific journals. He firmly believed in the application of more experimental and quantitative research in geomorphology. Ben was in many ways a man of unusual and firm ideals, many of them at variance with contemporary society, but springing from his deep humanism. Ever cheery and open hearted, he delighted in his fellow men, and so got on famously with them. To have him as a companion, in city life, in winter skiing, and on the Baffin expedition was a constant pleasure. For the writer it will always be a joy to relive these memories again.

HISTORY AND SOCIOLOGY1 BY PETER A. MUNCH History and sociology are closely related because we are trying to understand ourselves as human beings in terms of the society in which we live. But during the lifetime of this Association the relationship has been little more than a shirttail relationship. In our search for knowledge and understanding we have gone separate roads, and we have ended up at points so distant from each other that we don't even speak the same language. This was not always so. Auguste Comte, commonly regarded as the founder of modern sociology (at least he invented the word), recognized explicitly the importance of historical material to sociology.2 His "law of the three stages," which he presented as the basic sociological law, was, of course, a grandiose historical generalization. And since his time, sociologists have vied with historians in developing great evolutionary schemes of social development, built around the basically historical idea that each stage in the development emanates from the preceding. Less ambitious, but more fruitful perhaps , were the attempts made by the great sociologists of the turn of the century to interpret special aspects of our modern society in terms of its past history. Men like Durkheim, Tönnies , Max Weber, and, in America, Ward and Cooley, all looked upon the contemporary society through the perspective of history. The main stream of American sociology has moved far away from this tradition. It appears that American sociologists never recovered entirely from a feeling of inferiority for the so-called "exact" sciences, and when public recognition (as well as funds) started to flow richly to the physical and 1This is a slightly revised version of an address presented at the triennial meeting of the Norwegian-American Historical Association in Minneapolis on May 11, 1957. aPaul Hanly Furfey, The Scope and Method of Sociology , 462 (New York, 1953). 46 HISTORY AND SOCIOLOGY 47 biological sciences, the pressure from what Whitehead described as "scientific materialism" apparently became so great that the American sociologists, as well as economists, surrendered unconditionally to empiricism in its most extreme and sterile form, denounced all rational interpretation as "armchair philosophizing," and declared triumphantly that "Science is Measurement," as it says in the motto of the Co wies Commission for Research in Economics. Mathematics and statistical methods became the symbol by which sociology was given the outer appearance of a "science," an aspect which was given further emphasis by the development of a professional jargon, incomprehensible to anyone outside the field and, incidentally, to many within it. In my opinion, this development in American sociology was a regrettable mistake, not only because it alienated sociology from history, and from the study of literature, philosophy , and other branches of knowledge which we commonly include in the term "the humanities." It was a mistake particularly because it estranged the sociologist even from the very essence of human culture and forced him to accept an image of man which reduced him to a mechanical automaton . This view, in the long run, gave the sociologist a rather superficial, in some respects even distorted, picture of human society. I would like to emphasize, though, that, while this has been the dominant trend in American sociology for several decades , it is only part of the picture. The old tradition of a more humanistic sociology survived the ordeal of "tough empiricism ," supported by a small but highly capable group of scholars , whose goal has been a rational understanding of human society in its variety of forms rather than an amassment of poorly comprehended "facts." These scholars were concerned with human values, those that unite human beings to their fellow men as well as those that separate them. They were concerned with ideas and sentiments which, when shared by a number of humans, form the constituent elements of groups 48 PETER A. MUNCH and institutions, of customs and morals. On the whole, they were concerned with those intangible aspects of human culture to which a measuring stick is not easily applied, but which are fundamental to our lives as human beings. And there are several indications that this school of sociology is again growing in strength and creative vitality. It is...

This chapter discusses the history and innovations that prompted people toward quantification after the Congress of Vienna ended the French Revolution and the era of Napoleon; this marked the beginning of the Enlightenment, wherein tremendous intellectual developments happened, specifically, in codifying probability theory. Two curious inventions had an unexpected effect on advancing quantification: the stereoscope and the slide rule. Each advanced mathematical development, and both were great levelers of society, bringing together experienced mathematicians and ordinary people. Jacques Quetelet, a mid-nineteenth-century French astronomer and mathematician, pursued the intention of bringing quantification into the contemporary society, following his mentor Laplace. He attempted to describe “l’homme moyen” (“the average man”). He collected data on all kinds of social phenomena (e.g., crime statistics). His work led to the display of the bell-shaped curve. Also described is his idea of plotting data as a means to understand phenomena and hence preserve social order over chaos.

Nature and the Uncanny: Some Examples from Contemporary Swedish Literature
 The relationship between humanity and the environment has become increasingly problematic in contemporary society. The news constantly confronts us with a variety of ecological crises which transform our everyday surroundings into unfamiliar places. However, the majority of society ignores the extent of the problem. By combining ideas related to the concept of the uncanny with an eco-critical perspective, this article explores how literature in a time of ecological crisis deals with the concept of nature: How is nature defined? What kind of relationship between the human and the other is depicted? What places are portrayed? Examples are drawn from two contemporary Swedish authors, Lars Jakobson and John Ajvide Lindqvist.

In this article, I will work on the idea of Pre-Truth (as opposed to post-truth) and Semiological Guerrilla (as opposed to fake news), claiming that these two concepts are better equipped to explain what is happening in our contemporary societies, especially if we take into account the world of media and communication. In the first part of the article, I will frame the problems of fake news and post-truth within the dynamics characterizing the relationships between knowledge and power. Taking into account Foucault and Latour’s perspectives, I argue that the problem of fake news can be understood as a new kind of relationship between these two instances, previously stably coupled and in the hands of institutional power. Later, I will deal with three different meanings of “fake news,” that are usually blended and confused: (a) serendipity, (b) false belief, and (c) mendacity. Consequently, I will deal with the problem of “Semiological Guerrilla Warfare,” arguing that the new shape of the “knowledge-power relationship” rendered alternative and non-institutionally certified interpretations the norm. Eventually, I will identify the deep cause of this effect in the machinic production of documents provided by new technologies, causing a return of the medieval sense of “truth” as “trust,” independent from knowledge and strictly related to anecdotes and personal experiences. Finally, I will work on the concept of “truth” connected to technology, trying to reveal its genealogy with the aim of explaining some misleading contemporary beliefs on “post-truth.”

Este estudo teve como objetivo entender o "namorido", forma de relacionamento comum entre jovens da zona sul do Rio de Janeiro. Neste relacionamento, após breve namoro, o casal decide morar junto, sem necessariamente planejar uma futura oficialização. Foram entrevistadas cinco mulheres com idades entre vinte e sete e trinta e sete anos, que trabalham fora de casa e estão envolvidas, há pelo menos um ano, em um relacionamento amoroso a que estamos denominando "namorido". As entrevistas foram semidirigidas, gravadas em áudio, transcritas na íntegra e os textos resultantes submetidos a uma análise de discurso. Os resultados apontam para o fato de que o "namorido" parece ser uma modalidade de relacionamento resultante do individualismo exacerbado das sociedades contemporâneas em que os vínculos afetivos são mais fluidos e maleáveis. Nele, os indivíduos buscam uma satisfação pessoal instantânea nos relacionamentos amorosos, dispensando, assim, um tempo maior para o conhecimento mútuo. Além disso, não se faz necessário que o casal participe, dê satisfações ou mesmo conheça os familiares do/a parceiro/a e não há compromisso com a durabilidade, nem com a geração de descendentes. Apesar disso, em muitos aspectos o "namorido" se assemelha aos casamentos contemporâneos e, para as pessoas envolvidas neste tipo de relação, o fato de ela não ser oficializada não faz com que a união entre os cônjuges seja menos comprometida.

Current theory, policy, and practice of lifelong learning are strongly influenced by ideas about the transformations that are taking place in contemporary societies. One influential set of ideas emphasizes that because of the rapid changes that are taking place in the (late-) modern world and because of the erosion of traditions, there is a constant need for individuals not only to learn new skills and knowledge in order to be able to adjust themselves to the changes, but also to reflexively (re)construct one’s self. Anthony Giddens has referred to this as the “reflexive project of the self.” It thus becomes a lifelong learning task. In this paper we raise some critical questions about Giddens’s views and their implications for lifelong learning. On the one hand we show, using ideas from Charles Taylor, that the construction of the self does not necessarily have to be understood in the reflexive and individualistic terms suggested by Giddens. With Taylor we argue for the importance of the social, moral, and intersubjective dimensions of the construction of the self. Against this background we then discuss ideas from Confucianism that also highlight the social, moral, and intersubjective dimensions of understanding the self. The latter view is not simply a theoretical option but actually continues to influence the ways in which a large part of the world population views their lives and their selves. Both for theoretical and practical reasons we therefore suggest that there is a need to take a broader outlook on what the personal dimensions of lifelong learning in contemporary society might look like.

Archaeologists have begun to look more closely at the history of displaying the dead in museums. One important reason for this is a growing awareness of the fact that, apart from deepening our understanding of certain events in prehistory, the evidence, such as bodies in different states of decay as well as grave-goods, reflects changing attitudes towards death and what it means to be human. One example is Howard Williams’s appeal for the need to look at how early medieval graves are displayed in British museums. He points out that we must be more aware of the seductive and even misleading reconstructions that we can see today, but he also suggested that we should focus more on ‘the bigger picture’: the broader contexts of factors and influences affecting how we display the archaeological dead. This concerns the question: ‘What do the early medieval dead ever do for us?’ He suggests that currently we pay too much attention to the two ‘fringe groups’: those who either stand for the scientific value alone of human remains on the one hand or those who object to the display of the dead on ethical or religious grounds on the other (Williams 2010). Instead, he proposes we focus more on the social roles of the archaeological dead in contemporary society. For several years I have worked on similar issues, mainly with the purpose of understanding why some individuals from the past become famous and ‘immortal’ whereas others are more or less forgotten in their showcases (Nordström 2006a,b, 2007, 2010). I have adopted a biographical approach to human remains in museums in order to afford a full picture of these individuals’ ideological and therapeutic value in contemporary society. What do they, as individuals, as timeless renowned characters, mean to us today? It is important to understand their role in our modern world both as evidence for the human past and as famous objects in museums today. Last but not least, it is vital to recognize that the mass media—newspapers, documentaries, and the like—play an important role in how these individuals’ stories are told and retold.